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CONTESTATIONS IN
CONTEMPORARY SOUTHEAST ASIA

State of Disorder
Privatised Violence and the
State in Indonesia

Abdil Mughis Mudhoffir

 Contestations in Contemporary Southeast Asia

Series Editors
Vedi Hadiz, Asia Institute, University of Melbourne, Parkville, VIC,
Australia
Jamie S. Davidson, Department of Political Science, National University
of Singapore, Singapore, Singapore
Caroline Hughes, Kroc Institute for Int’l Peace Studies, University of
Notre Dame, Notre Dame, IN, USA
This Palgrave Macmillan book series publishes research that displays
strong interdisciplinary concerns to examine links between political
conflict and broader socio-economic development and change. While
the emphasis is on contemporary Southeast Asia, works included within
the Series demonstrate an appreciation of how historical contexts help
to shape present-day contested issues in political, economic, social and
cultural spheres. The Series will be of interest to authors undertaking
single country studies, multi-country comparisons in Southeast Asia or
tackling political and socio-economic contestations that pertain to the
region as a whole. Rather uniquely, the series welcomes works that seek to
illuminate prominent issues in contemporary Southeast Asia by comparing
experiences in the region to those in other parts of the world as well.
Volumes in the series engage closely with the relevant academic litera-
ture on specific debates, and include a comparative dimension within even
single country studies such that the work contributes insights to a broader
literature. Researchers based in Southeast Asian focused institutions are
encouraged to submit their work for consideration.

More information about this series at

https://link.springer.com/bookseries/16279
 Abdil Mughis Mudhoffir

State of Disorder
Privatised Violence and the State in Indonesia
Abdil Mughis Mudhoffir
Asia Institute
University of Melbourne
Parkville, VIC, Australia

ISSN 2661-8354 ISSN 2661-8362 (electronic)

Contestations in Contemporary Southeast Asia
ISBN 978-981-16-3662-2 ISBN 978-981-16-3663-9 (eBook)
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-16-3663-9

© The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer
Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2022
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This Palgrave Macmillan imprint is published by the registered company Springer Nature
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The registered company address is: 152 Beach Road, #21-01/04 Gateway East, Singapore
189721, Singapore
For Rafiqa, Aqil and Nabil
 Acknowledgements

I am greatly indebted to numerous institutions and individuals in

conducting the research for and writing this book. I would like to thank
the Asia Institute at the University of Melbourne for its support in
completing the Ph.D. on which this book is based. Sincere gratitude
must be conveyed to its director, Professor Vedi Hadiz, who super-
vised my work and assisted me in settling into this school after moving
from the Asia Research Centre (ARC) at Murdoch University. I also
wish to thank the ARC, where I began my studies, for its supportive
academic environment. I learnt much at this institution, particularly from
then director Professor Kevin Hewison and founder Emeritus Professor
Richard Robison, who developed a school of thought on Asian studies
that deeply influenced the critical politico-economy approach that I used
in this book. Sadly, this institution has now been reconstituted. My thanks
also go to the Department of Sociology at the State University of Jakarta,
which allowed me to take a four-year leave of absence to undertake my
Ph.D. studies. I am also grateful for the financial support received from
the Australia Awards Scholarship, the Faculty of Arts at the University of
Melbourne for fieldwork funding and the Hadi Soesastro Prize for the
additional funds provided for post-doctoral studies. I rewrote my Ph.D.
thesis into a book during this post-doctoral opportunity. It was while
writing this book that I was awarded The Dean’s Prize for Excellence
in the PhD Thesis, Faculty of Arts, University of Melbourne, for which I
am also grateful.

vii
viii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

In particular, this book would not have come about without the
support of my academic supervisors, Vedi and Dr. Ken Setiawan. Their
patience in reading my chapter drafts and valuable feedback were helpful
in crafting the arguments of this book. My relationship with them has
gone beyond that of supervisor–student. Many friendly discussions have
shaped not only the way I have presented my research but also how I
view the work of accomplished scholars. Dr. Ian Wilson, my co-supervisor
at ARC, has also been highly supportive. His inputs were not only crit-
ical for my research proposal but helped me to organise my ideas and
identify the existing studies on privatised violence in Indonesia. I thor-
oughly enjoyed our discussions and, at times, harsh debates during my
studies at ARC. This book is also a response to many of our disagreements
in exploring how privatised violence works and thrives in Indonesia’s
democratic context. I am also grateful to A/Prof. Paul K. Gellert and
A/Prof. Joshua Barker as well as three anonymous reviewers for their
careful reading and constructive comments of the manuscript that help
strengthen arguments of the book.
I should also acknowledge all of my informants in Jakarta and
surrounding areas, Solo and North Sumatra, who are too numerous to
mention individually.
Finally, my deepest appreciation is extended to my family: my mother,
my sisters and my late brother as well as to my parents-in-law, all of whom
have been very supportive and to my late father and my uncle Lek Afif
who have introduced me earlier to intellectual pathways. Special thanks go
to Rafiqa Qurrata A’yun for her enduring support and valuable input to
this book and to our sons Aqil and Nabil who were separated from each
other during my Ph.D. studies. Our reunion in Melbourne in the last
couple of months of my study was a crucial moment in making possible
the completion of my Ph.D. thesis that has now turned into a book. This
book is dedicated to them.

Melbourne, Australia Abdil Mughis Mudhoffir

November 2021
 Abstract

The book examines the prevalence of privatised violence in social, polit-

ical and economic arenas in many countries despite different political
settings, by focussing on the Indonesian case. By employing a critical
political economy approach, this book offers a new interpretation of the
phenomena made by extending the investigation not only into the nature
of the state but also the nature of capital. Predominant studies either from
‘state weakness’ idea derived from Weberian theory or the ‘fragmented
state’ thesis developed from Migdalian state-in-society approach pay too
much attention to the nature of the modern state in understanding the
phenomenon of privatised violence. Such analyses cannot be discarded,
but by suggesting that privatised violence is a result of a certain feature of
the state, they have placed the primacy of analysis on institutions, in the
process inadvertently falling into an orientalist tendency. As a response,
this book argues that the persistence of privatised violence is not solely
related to the historical formation of the state, power and authority; it
is also intricately related to predatory forms of capitalist development in
the way understood by Marx as primitive accumulation. This form of
capitalism is characterised by the prevalent use of extra-economic means—
fusing political and economic forces—in the accumulation of power and
wealth. Within this context, privatised violence is not an obstruction,
but instrumental for the accumulation process, constituting the state
of disorder. As another form of order found in the predatory capitalist

ix
x ABSTRACT

context, this disorder has its own logics and is shaped as a result of histor-
ical conflicts over power and resources. The practice of privatised violence
tends to be reproduced when predatory social relationships, a state of
disorder, are prevalent in the workings of capitalism. As such, this book
contributes to understanding not only Indonesia’s privatised violence but
also the nature of Indonesian politics and the state. It reinforces critical
political economy arguments that Indonesian politics is ruled by a state
of disorder.
 Contents

1 Introduction 1
1.1 Nature of the Indonesian State: Fragmentary
or Predatory? 9
1.2 Methodology 16
1.3 Outline of the Book 20
References 21
2 Privatised Violence, the State and Primitive
Accumulation: A Theoretical Discussion 27
2.1 Introduction 27
2.2 Critical Political Economy 28
2.2.1 Critique of the Separation of the Political
and the Economy 29
2.2.2 Central Tasks of Critical Political Economy 32
2.3 Privatised Violence and Primitive Accumulation 34
2.3.1 Reproduction of Capitalist Social Relations 34
2.3.2 Reproduction of Privatised Violence 39
2.4 Nature of the State and Democracy in the Predatory
Capitalist Context 44
2.4.1 Understanding the State Through Violence 45
2.4.2 Predatory Democracy 51
2.5 Conclusion 54
References 55

xi
xii CONTENTS

3 The Genesis of Indonesia’s Predatory Capitalism

and the Evolution of Privatised Violence 61
3.1 Introduction 61
3.2 Birth of Predatory Capitalism in Indonesia 64
3.2.1 Colonial Plantation System and the Birth
of Predatory Capitalism 64
3.2.2 Establishing Colonial Order Through the Jago 66
3.2.3 Facilitating Japanese Occupation Through
the Mobilisation of Civilian Militias 68
3.3 Continuity of Predatory Capitalism in Post-Colonial
Indonesia and the Military Control of Militias 70
3.3.1 Nationalisation and State Capitalism:
The Road to Military Control of Politics
and Economics 72
3.3.2 Rationalisation of the Army
and the Proliferation of Civilian
Militias 74
3.3.3 Protecting the Military’s Business Interests:
Establishing the New Political Gangster 75
3.4 Reproduction of Predatory Capitalism
and the Centralising Use of Privatised Violence 76
3.4.1 Mobilising Civilian Militias in Exterminating
the Left: The Road to the Consolidation of State
Capitalism 77
3.4.2 Disorganised Urban Poor and Their
Engagement in Reactionary Politics 79
3.4.3 Mobilising Political Gangsters
and Consolidating Authoritarian
Power 81
3.4.4 Rise of Capital and Centralising Control
of Political Gangsters 83
3.5 Conclusion 85
References 87
4 Exploiting the Void: Mobilising Disorganised Urban
Poor for Reactionary Politics 91
4.1 Introduction 91
4.2 Exclusionary Urban Development 94
4.3 Disorganised Urban Poor Movement 99
 CONTENTS xiii

4.4 Exploiting the Void and Establishing Social Legitimacy 103

4.4.1 Acting Like a State 103
4.4.2 Political Vehicle of the Poor? 108
4.5 Conclusion 113
References 114
5 Establishing Predatory Alliances and Reproducing
Privatised Violence 119
5.1 Introduction 119
5.2 Reproducing the Communist Spectre 121
5.2.1 How Predatory Alliances Maintain
Anti-Communist Narrative in the Democratic
Context 121
5.2.2 How the Gangs Use Anti-Communist
Narratives to Establish Predatory Alliances 125
5.3 Mobilising Political Support 136
5.3.1 Mobilising Ethic Sentiments 137
5.3.2 Mobilising Religious Identity 141
5.4 Protecting Business Interests 145
5.4.1 Weakening the Labour Movement 147
5.5 Conclusion 155
References 156
6 Gangsters, Local Politics and Rural Land Grabbing
in North Sumatra 161
6.1 Introduction 161
6.2 Land Grabbing as Primitive Accumulation 163
6.2.1 Global Land Grabbing 164
6.2.2 Indonesia’s Extractive Regime 166
6.3 Land Conflicts in North Sumatra 167
6.3.1 Historical Background of the Land Conflicts
in North Sumatra 167
6.3.2 PTPN II 169
6.3.3 Uncertainty of Land Distribution 171
6.3.4 Use of Violence in Land Exclusion 173
6.4 Land Mafia and Gangsters in North Sumatra 178
6.4.1 Anif Shah, the Godfather 182
6.4.2 Expanding Business Through Violence 184
6.5 Establishing Domination Over the Social and Political
Arena 188
xiv CONTENTS

6.5.1 Domination of Shah Family and Conflicts

Among Gangsters 188
6.5.2 Establishing Domination Over the Political
Arena to Further Capitalist Expansion 190
6.6 Conclusion 199
References 200
7 The Islamisation of Privatised Violence
in Post-authoritarian Indonesia 203
7.1 Introduction 203
7.2 Islam as a Powerful Source of Mobilisation 206
7.2.1 Changing Political Alignment 207
7.2.2 New Environment: Increasing Islamic Piety 210
7.2.3 Enhancing Prowess 213
7.2.4 Establishing Predatory Alliances 217
7.3 Insights from Other Countries 219
7.3.1 State Formation and Predatory Capitalism
in Turkey and Iran 221
7.3.2 Different Features of Islamic Populist Alliances 225
7.3.3 Serving Predatory Interests Under the Banner
of ‘Defending Islam’ 227
7.4 Conclusion 234
References 237
8 Conclusion 243
8.1 Comparative Insights 248
8.2 Implications for Indonesian Democracy 253
References 255

Glossary 259
Index 267
 List of Figures

Fig. 5.1 Anti-Labour Movement Banner Made by Preman in 2013

(FSPMI). It says that ‘Demonstrations create riots,
disturbances and traffic congestion as well as hinders
the rights of the people to work: indigenous people will act’ 150
Fig. 5.2 Letter from Aspelindo to Industrial Estates in Bekasi
(FSPMI) 152
Fig. 5.3 Flyer ‘Go! Politics’ Labour (FSPMI 2013a, b, c) 154

xv
 List of Tables

Table 5.1 Violence against alleged communists by Preman groups

from 2014 to 2017 126
Table 5.2 Raids on bookshops allegedly spreading communist
thought 135
Table 6.1 Number of Agrarian conflicts by plantation companies
in North Sumatra, 2011 168
Table 6.2 Land reduction of the plantation area owned by ex-PTP
IX 171
Table 6.3 Total plantation area of PTPN II by commodity in 2005
and 2011 173
Table 6.4 Total oil palm plantation area owned by major firms
in North Sumatra in 2005 and 2011 176
Table 6.5 Prominent Shah family members in violent organisations 192
Table 6.6 Members of Pemuda Pancasila as local executives
in North Sumatra, 2008 195

xvii
 CHAPTER 1

Introduction

Across different political settings, the workings of the Indonesian state

have been accompanied by privatised violence. Even in the present demo-
cratic context, violent groups like street gangs, vigilantes, lascar and ethnic
and religious militias, colloquially called preman—a term derived from
Dutch vrijman (freeman)—continue to proliferate in many regions of
the country. They are non-state elements in that they are institutionally
distinct from formal state agencies. Formal coercive institutions such as
the military and police use legitimate physical force on the basis of laws
and the constitution, which are derived from the ideal conception of the
modern state. The puzzle is that informal and privatised violence organisa-
tions are able to exercise coercion almost without state punishment. This
book hypothesises that this capacity is linked to the reproduction of domi-
nant social relations of power within which privatised violence groups
have significant functions. In other words, they are part of the organisa-
tion of the state that serves the interests of private capital and contending
political elites. They might challenge the ruling elites or be repressed by
them, but this repression does not necessarily eliminate their existence as
it is part of the way politico-business elites contest power and wealth.
This quality differentiates privatised violence groups from other non-
state violence organisations like terrorists, insurgents and secessionists that
stand against the state.

© The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature 1

Singapore Pte Ltd. 2022
A. M. Mudhoffir, State of Disorder, Contestations in Contemporary
Southeast Asia, https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-16-3663-9_1
2 A. M. MUDHOFFIR

These privatised violence organisations have established domains of

control in both urban and rural localities in Indonesia. They provide
protection to neighbourhoods while simultaneously practising intimida-
tion. More importantly, they have been active in political mobilisations
during electoral contests and in many illicit economic activities. However,
this is not unique to Indonesia; in many parts of the world, similar
groups coexist with formal coercive institutions, such as in Thailand and
the Philippines (Sidel 1997, 2015; Barker 2016), many African states
(Pratten 2008a, b; Pratten and Sen 2008; Kyed and Albrecht 2015;
Comarof and Comarof 2006; Diphoorn and Kyed 2016), Italy (Gambetta
1993), Russia (Volkov 1999, 2000; Stephenson 2016; Holdstrom and
Smith 2000), Iran (Golkar 2016, 2011; see also Chapter 7 of this book),
Turkey (Tugal 2016; Donmez 2008; see also Chapter 7 of this book) and
Colombia (Hristov 2014, 2009; Aviles 2006a, b, 2008, 2009). Mean-
while, the workings of the state in many other countries, such as Western
Europe, Australia (see Blagg and Valuri 2004a, b) and arguably Argentina
(see Chapter 2), are not presently accompanied by the prominence of
privatised violence.
How can the prevalence of privatised violence in social, political
and economic arenas in many countries be explained? Is it a global
phenomenon that is inherent within modern states, as argued by Sen and
Pratten (2008; see also Hazen and Rodgers 2014), or is it a permanent
feature of the urban landscape in many parts of the world, as pointed
out by criminologists like Hagedorn (2008; see also Kyed and Albrecht
2015)? But why is privatised violence much less prominent in some cases,
if not virtually non-existent? What specific conditions make possible the
persistence of privatised violence in different political settings? These
questions have been widely discussed by scholars across different disci-
plines. Most of these scholars have employed two dominant approaches:
the ‘state weakness’ idea derived from Weberian sociology (Weber 2008)
and the ‘fragmented state’ thesis developed in a highly systematic and
influential version by the political scientist Joel Migdal (2001, 2004,
2013).
Despite different standpoints of analysis, both approaches pay too
much attention to the nature of the modern state in understanding the
phenomenon of privatised violence. This book challenges those explana-
tions by investigating not only the nature of the state, but also the nature
of capital and capital accumulation. Drawing upon the critical political
economy approach and the analysis of Indonesian privatised violence, as
 1 INTRODUCTION 3

well as comparative insights from other countries, this book develops the
following arguments:

1. The existence of privatised violence organisations is an outcome of

the way the state organises coercive institutions in its evolution,
along with particular kinds of capitalist development (Mudhoffir
2017, 495), rather than a product of a weak state or fragmentation
of power that forces the state to compete with a mélange of social
organisations to claim legitimate use of violence (Migdal 2001).
2. Privatised violence is endemic to predatory states as part of their
aim of facilitating capital accumulation. The predatory nature of the
state is formed by the endurance of ‘primitive accumulation’—char-
acterised by the predominant use of extra-economic means—even in
present-day capitalism. The predatory nature of the state and capi-
talism create the setting within which privatised violence operates.
3. Within predatory states, political–economic actors are able to instru-
mentalise and optimise on returns from disorder, uncertainty and
lawlessness (Chabal and Daloz 1999, xviii) linked to privatised
violence and other forms of predation. Instead of being an obstacle,
elements of disorder have facilitated the accumulation of power and
resources.

These propositions resonate with the arguments developed by Hristov

(2014, 2009) on parailiterism in Colombia. She also employs a critical
political economy approach in exploring the role of privatised violence
that serves the interests of capitalist accumulation. By suggesting that
there is a fusion between political and economic power, she argues that
Colombian paramilitaries are ‘spearheaded and organised by consider-
able sections of the Colombian capitalist classes, and [are] facilitated
through the support of various state institutions’ (Hristov 2014, 1). In
this way, according to Hristov (2014, 12), paramilitarism is part of the
process of primitive accumulation or what this book identifies as predatory
capitalism.
From here, the next questions are: Is predatory capitalism a transitional
phase towards a preconceived terminus such as ‘liberal democracy and
market capitalism’? Are all capitalisms predatory? Is the predatory nature
of capitalism and the state a feature of their evolution at an early stage
of development, or is it a continual feature of capitalist development that
4 A. M. MUDHOFFIR

can be prolonged in the neoliberal era? What ensures the endurance and
predominance of this predatory character in certain experiences?
As will be discussed in Chapter 2, predatory capitalism or primitive
accumulation can generally be found in newer capitalist countries in
the Global South. Historically, it is formed when the new bourgeoisie
is less able to develop autonomy from the state and therefore heavily
relies on access to public institutions to extract resources for expansion.
At the same time, state agencies can also substitute for capitalists by
employing various extra-economic means, including violence, to facili-
tate capital accumulation. This feature is evident in the early formation
of capitalism in European countries despite their variations, but there
is a different trajectory, with many sub-variations, in many experiences
of the Global South. In the Global North, capitalism overwhelmingly
relies on the order that is established by the state to regulate markets,
thereby ensuring business certainty. In contrast, in the Global South, such
order and certainty have been less of a necessary condition for capitalist
development, even in the age of neoliberalism. Hence, many countries in
the Global South experience primitive accumulation as a foundation of
capitalist reproduction instead of as a feature of the prehistoric stage of
capitalism or a response to capitalist crises. Predation linked disorder has
become an instrument instead of an obstruction for accumulation.
As mentioned above, the adaptability of capitalists to the state of
disorder, uncertainty and lawlessness reproduces the predatory nature
of the state. This adaptability normalises disorder because the dominant
actors have been able to instrumentalise it to accumulate power and
resources. Studies by Chabal and Daloz (1999, xix) on African politics
point out that this disorder should not be construed ‘merely as a state
of dereliction’, but as ‘a condition which offers opportunities for those
who know how to play that system’. However, contrary to Chabab and
Daloz’s (1999) assertion, this disorder should not be defined in Webe-
rian terms as the result of dysfunctional public institutions due to the
pervasive problems of corruption. The disorder is another form of ‘order’
found within a predatory capitalist context. It is the order of disorder.
The existence and persistence of privatised violence are made possible by
such circumstances and are not the result of the unfinished transformation
of the state, as predominantly explained both from the Weberian account
and the ‘fragmented state’ thesis.
For Weberian accounts, privatised violence demonstrates the failure of
the state to enforce the law, which is considered a common phenomenon
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