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COGNITIVE CLASSICS
General Editors
COGNITIVE CLASSICS
1
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ISBN 978 0 19 884829 5
DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780198848295.003.0001
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Preface
This volume is a product of the ERC research group ‘Experience and Teleology in
Ancient Narrative’ (ERC Grant Agreement No. 312321), hosted by Heidelberg
University from 2013 to 2018. Its members, Annika Domainko, Jonas Grethlein,
Luuk Huitink, Jakob Lenz, and Aldo Tagliabue, pursued new approaches to
ancient narrative beyond the avenues paved by structuralist narratology. As
many illuminating studies show, the taxonomies of Bal, Genette, and others
provide very useful tools for the analysis of ancient literature. At the same time,
they are arguably less suitable for capturing phenomenal and experiential aspects
of reading or listening to narratives. And this is a real drawback in the case of
ancient literature; as several chapters in this volume argue, ancient critics (and, we
suppose, authors and readers) valued such aspects of narrative highly. The
Heidelberg ERC group identified cognitive studies, together with phenomenology
and linguistics, as opening up a promising road to a more comprehensive under-
standing of narrative and its functioning in antiquity.
In March 2015, the group hosted a workshop on ‘Classical Literature and
Cognitive Studies’ in the beautiful surroundings of Kloster Schöntal in Baden-
Württemberg, inviting two pioneers of the current wave of ‘second-generation’
cognitive criticism, Karin Kukkonen and Emily Troscianko. Our discussions on
theoretical issues and a communal close reading of ancient and modern texts
(Homer, Thucydides, Hilary Mantel) proved fruitful for both sides, and was
seminal for the direction of the work of the group. In June that year, an equally
stimulating conference on ‘Narrative and Experience in Greco-Roman Antiquity’
took place at Heidelberg; Annika Domainko deserves especial thanks for taking on
the lion’s share of the practical organization of the event. Eight of the papers
delivered at the conference form the bedrock of this volume, while five more were
solicited to increase its scope. While this volume is one of the final products of the
Heidelberg ERC group, we hope that its triangulation of ancient narrative, ancient
criticism, and cognitive approaches will be no more than a starting point for
further explorations of ancient texts from various perspectives.
We are delighted to see this volume appear as the first instalment of OUP’s new
book series, ‘Cognitive Classics’, and we wish to thank both series editors, Felix
Budelmann and Ineke Sluiter, for their interest and encouragement. We are also
indebted to two anonymous readers for their incisive and helpful comments. We
are very grateful to Charlotte Loveridge for unhesitatingly taking the project under
vi
her wing, to Georgina Leighton for overseeing all the stages of the book’s production
with care, and to Donald Watt for his wonderfully rigorous copy-editing.
At Heidelberg, Sabine Hug’s help was once more indispensable in bringing the
manuscript into a form we could submit; Patrick Baumann expertly compiled
the bibliography. Finally, Jakob Staude and Angela Terzani Staude deserve thanks
for generously giving permission to use one of the marvelous paintings of their
father, Hans Joachim Staude, for the cover of this volume. Since we first encoun-
tered ‘Germaine, Vasco and Felice’, it has not stopped intriguing us as it visually
captures some of the intricacies of the responses to literature which our volume sets
out to explore.
Jonas Grethlein, Heidelberg
Luuk Huitink, Leiden
Aldo Tagliabue, Notre Dame
List of Illustrations
Rutger J. Allan is a Lecturer in Greek Language and Literature at the Free University
Amsterdam.
When Demodocus sings about the wooden horse in the Odyssey, Odysseus’
response is famously described by means of a graphic simile:
This song the famous minstrel sang. But the heart of Odysseus was melted and tears
wet his cheeks beneath his eyelids. And as a woman wails and throws herself upon her
dear husband, who has fallen in front of his city and his people, seeking to ward off
from his city and his children the pitiless day; and as she beholds him dying and
gasping for breath, she clings to him and shrieks aloud, while the foe behind her beat
her back and shoulders with their spears, and lead her away to captivity to bear toil and
woe, while with most pitiful grief her cheeks are wasted so did Odysseus let fall pitiful
tears from beneath his brows.
(trans. Murray and Dimock 1995)
The simile provides an apt starting point from which to think about aesthetic
experience and ancient narrative. To be sure, certain aspects of its interpretation
Jonas Grethlein, Luuk Huitink, and Aldo Tagliabue, Introduction: Narrative and Aesthetic Experience in Ancient
Greece In: Experience, Narrative, and Criticism in Ancient Greece Edited by: Jonas Grethlein, Luuk Huitink, and
Aldo Tagliabue, Oxford University Press (2020) © Oxford University Press.
DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780198848295.003.0001
2 , ,
are controversial:¹ for instance, does the simile imply that Demodocus’ song
makes Odysseus empathize with his victims or is he only affected by the contrast
between the hero he used to be and the sorry figure he now cuts? However,
regardless of the nuances we may detect in the simile, it is a remarkable fact that
Odysseus’ response to a mere recital should provoke a comparison with such a
profound experience as a woman mourning the death of her husband. Aesthetic
experience is thereby aligned with a highly emotional, visceral real-life event. The
comparison gains additional force through a double inversion: a male victor is
juxtaposed with a female victim; this highlights the defencelessness of Odysseus
against the emotions instilled in him by Demodocus’ song. Furthermore, apart
from the inversions of gender and role, the alignment of Odysseus’ listening with
the woman’s seeing and then even touching her dead husband is also noteworthy.
Since sight was generally considered to be more intense than hearing in ancient
Greece,² the references to ‘seeing’ in the simile highlight the vividness of Odysseus’
emotional experience, while the references to ‘touching’ suggest a still more
intense, embodied response.
Now it may be thought that Odysseus’ reaction represents a special case,
because he listens to, and is deeply moved by, an account of his own experiences.
The Phaeacians, after all, enjoy Demodocus’ performance without any signs of
distress. However, if Odysseus’ response is not paradigmatic of that of a ‘typical’
member of a bard’s audience, neither is the Phaeacians’: Alcinous and his people
live a life of ease that is a far cry from the world of heroes and even more so from
that of Homer’s audience; their detachment is sui generis. Perhaps it is best to
think of the widely different responses of Odysseus and the Phaeacians as repre-
senting two poles on a wide spectrum of reactions which narrative may elicit from
its recipients. Narrative can be received in ways that may remind us of Kant’s
‘disinterested pleasure’, but it also has the capacity to move audiences profoundly,
even to reduce them to tears.
In an important way, however, ‘perhaps Odysseus’s tears may more accurately
figure the norm for Homer’s audience as well as for Aristotle’s’.³ The comparison
of the activity of listening to narrative with an act of seeing and touching
adumbrates the rhetorical concept of enargeia (usually translated ‘vividness’),
which was to figure prominently in later ancient critical treatises and rhetorical
handbooks. While enargeia is often defined as ‘speech which brings its subject
matter before the eyes’⁴, referring primarily to the experience of visual imagery,
ancient critics write as if such imagery comes complete with sounds and haptic
sensations; more generally, enargeia signifies the power of language to transport
Whereas ancient Greek authors and critics clearly set much store by the experi-
ential quality of narrative, the broadly constructivist focus on discourse and
formal features of narrative that continues to dominate the field of Classics has
tended to bracket the notion of ‘experience’, probably because it appears to be too
subjective and slippery a topic for formal and systematic analysis. Thus, while the
taxonomies of narrative of Gérard Genette, Mieke Bal, and others have helped
classicists to explore, for instance, the significance of perspective, the orchestration
of time, and the many facets of voice in a wide range of ancient authors, they are
arguably ill-equipped to deal with (and not really interested in) experience, that is,
with what actually happens when we read or hear a narrative.⁶ A number of
scholars have in fact begun to register their dissatisfaction with formal narrato-
logical approaches on these grounds. Tim Whitmarsh, for one, finds that the
‘antiseptic formulae of narratologists’ are often incompatible with the actual
‘experience of reading’, while Jonas Grethlein has made a case that a focus on
the categories of narratology, which have been mostly derived from readings of
modern novels, risks occluding what renders ancient narratives distinct.⁷
Meanwhile, recent decades have witnessed an increasing interest in aesthetic
experience both inside and outside classical scholarship.⁸ Hans Ulrich Gumbrecht
is only the best known of a series of thinkers who wish to complement, if not
replace, the focus on meaning with a focus on presence.⁹ As he contends, we not
only engage with aesthetic and other objects intellectually, but also encounter
them in more visceral ways. Within Classics, Porter has made a strong case for
the origins of aesthetic thought in ancient Greece, and Halliwell has used the
dichotomy of ecstasy and truth to explore aesthetic reflections from Homer
to Ps.-Longinus.¹⁰ Peponi’s concern with the pathology of excited responses to
¹¹ Peponi (2012); Liebert (2017). See also Sluiter and Rosen (2012); Grethlein (2017).
¹² Fludernik (1996). For a reappraisal of Fludernik’s book, see the forum in Partial Answers 16/2
(2018).
¹³ Herman (2002); Hogan (2011); Emmott (1997); Palmer (2004; 2010); Zunshine (2006).
¹⁴ Cf. Hühn et al. (2018), s.v. ‘cognitive narratology’; Herman (2007a); and Jahn (2005).
¹⁵ Cf. Ryan (2001).
¹⁶ For good introductions, see Kukkonen and Caracciolo (2014); Caracciolo (2014); Cave (2016).
¹⁷ For an intriguing adaptation of such models to classical literature, see Lowe (2000).
5
¹⁸ See, for example, Kuzmičová (2012); Troscianko (2014a). For a first application in Classics, see
Grethlein and Huitink (2017), who argue that the paradox of Homeric vividness can be explained
through an enactive account of the readerly imagination.
¹⁹ For a thought-provoking comparison of embodied models of reading with Iser’s reader response
theory, see Kukkonen 2014.
²⁰ Cf. Ryan (2010), and, more optimistically, Caracciolo (2014) 8 11; Cave (2016) 15 21.
6 , ,
²¹ Zwaan (2004) 36. It is more fully introduced by Allan (Chapter 1 of this volume).
²² See Zwaan (2009; 2014); Sanford and Emmott (2012) 103 31; Kuijpers and Miall (2011).
²³ See Freedberg and Gallese (2007); Di Dio and Gallese (2009); with the qualifications of Gallagher
(2011).
²⁴ See Webb (2009); Squire (2009).
²⁵ For other attempts to go beyond the frame of traditional structuralist narratology in Classics, see
Grethlein and Rengakos (2009); Cairns and Scodel (2014). For a cognitive approach, see Anderson,
Cairns, and Sprevak (2019), which contains several chapters that deal directly or indirectly with
narrative.
7
that seem to be universal but often turn out to be essentially shaped by the slim
canon of modern literature on which theoreticians have tended to focus.²⁶ Fur-
thermore, the long tradition in classical scholarship of paying close attention to
usage and style can be made productive for modern theory, as classicists are in a
good position to help give concrete linguistic substance to concepts like ‘immer-
sion’ and ‘experience’ as used by modern critics. Finally, it is useful to include
ancient criticism in the dialogue set up in this volume for at least two reasons. On
the one hand, the prominence in ancient critical and rhetorical theorizing of
concepts such as enargeia fully justifies an approach to ancient Greek narrative
that focuses on its experiential dimensions.²⁷ On the other hand, our readings of
ancient criticism can be refined by considering its aims and methods against the
backdrop of modern cognitive theory.²⁸
This volume is divided into three parts. It opens with a set of chapters on ancient
narrative: Allan tackles Homer and Thucydides. Fearn discusses a wide range of
lyric poetry from Stesichorus and Pindar to Bacchylides and Anacreon. Budelmann
and Van Emde Boas focus on the messenger speech in Greek tragedy. Hau recon-
siders Hellenistic historiography in the light of Diodorus Siculus. Finally, Tagliabue
analyses the Shepherd of Hermas, an apocalyptic text from the Imperial Era.
While the chapters of the first part are arranged in chronological order, the
second part, which is devoted to ancient criticism, proceeds from less to more
technical forms of reflection. It starts with Grethlein’s chapter on the implicit
meditation on experience and narrative in Heliodorus’ Ethiopica. De Jonge dis-
cusses the idea of ekstasis in Ps.-Longinus. Purves teases out the significance of
haptic metaphors in Dionysius of Halicarnassus’ rhetorical and literary treatises.
Huitink reassesses the ancient concept of enargeia through an analysis of some of
the most important sources against the background of recent cognitively inflected
reader-response studies. Vatri demonstrates the salience of experience for ancient
theorizing on a single rhetorical figure, asyndeton.
The chapters forming the third part, finally, broaden the perspective of the
volume by inquiring into the medium and context of narrative and in negotiating
the range of aesthetic experience. Gianvittorio-Ungar uses a tantalizing ancient
comment on a performance of Aeschylus’ Seven against Thebes in Athenaeus to
highlight the impact of dance on the responses of ancient audiences to Greek
tragedy. Dietrich expounds on the ‘narrative sting’ of visual art, especially in
incomplete sculptures of the Imperial Age. In the final chapter, Peponi makes a
case for a ‘lived aesthetics’ in ancient texts that challenges the neat confinement of
aesthetic experience in most modern discussions.
precise and tangible by applying the concept of ‘bodily mimesis’ to ancient critical
comments on enargeia.
The chapter by Budelmann and Van Emde Boas can help us hone the definition
of immersion in a different way, as it distinguishes between several modes by
which audiences may attend to a tragic messenger speech. The audience of the
messenger speech in Hippolytus can be transported to the coastal plain and
Hippolytus’ chariot ride, the most obvious form of immersion in this case. They
can, however, also be absorbed in the interaction between Theseus and Hippolytus’
messenger, who is conveying this story; this still counts as immersion, because
the audience directs its attention to the storyworld of the drama. A third level at
which the audience can engage with the play is the actors’ mesmerizing perform-
ance. Now this does not qualify as immersion, as here the audience’s attention is
levelled at the act of representation instead of the represented world and action.
As strong as immersion may be, it is—with very occasional exceptions—
balanced by an awareness that one is attending to a representation. Such aware-
ness is in fact a crucial aspect of aesthetic experience in general:³¹ after all, without
it, to take an example also used by Dietrich in his chapter, Myron’s lifelike
sculpture of a cow would just be . . . a cow.³² The balance between immersion
and reflection seems to change constantly in the reading process: sometimes the
pull into the narrated world flares up; sometimes the mediation is felt with
particular intensity. In his exploration of the Ethiopica, Grethlein demonstrates
that Heliodorus uses embedded stories to meditate with great nuance on the
dynamic concomitance of immersion and reflection. This meditation, Grethlein
proposes, can help us to question the assumption, deeply ingrained in post-
structuralist thought, that experience and reflection are necessarily at loggerheads.
The tension between immersion and reflection is obvious, and yet, in addition
to being yoked together in aesthetic experience, these two aspects of response
may also mutually reinforce each other. Thus, one can ask if it is because of
the convincing performance of the actors of Hippolytus—that is, because of the
performance’s immersive pull—that the audience comes to admire the actors, or,
conversely, if the sense that the actors put on a convincing show makes the
audience all the more eager to ‘step into’ the illusion that they are watching
Theseus and Hippolytus’ messenger. When in the Ethiopica Cnemon begs Cala-
siris to hurry up with his narration, he alerts the reader to the mediation, but may
equally pull the reader deeper into Calasiris’ narrative, as the postponement
heightens the suspense of the story. De Jonge shows in his contribution how
³¹ This is an important point made from different perspectives and in different terms by Walton
(1990); Schaeffer (1999); Wolf (2014). It is encapsulated in Husserl’s phenomenology, on which, see
Grethlein (2015a).
³² The idea that aesthetic experience depends on both recognizing the illusion and being taken in by
it already plays an important role in ancient discussions, some of which focus on Myron’s cow, on
which see Squire (2010); Wessels (2014).
10 , ,
Ps.-Longinus is similarly swept off his feet by the irrational emotions of a Sapphic
poem, but simultaneously admires it as the product of a rational mind.
As important as the balance between immersion and reflection is, it does not
exhaust the range of aesthetic experience. In his recent book Dissonances, Gurd
outlines the auditory aesthetics of archaic and classical poetry.³³ Greek poets, he
shows, put a premium on ‘sound’, which affects the audience in a non-semantic
way. In this volume, Fearn tackles samples from lyrical poetry to show that poetic
texture has the power to enthral the recipient. Rhythm or patterns of sound may
distract the reader from the represented world and nonetheless spellbind the
reader, intensifying her experience. At the same time, such formal elements may
ultimately help to pull the reader into the represented world; as Purves demon-
strates, Dionysius of Halicarnassus expounded on such effects.
Audiences and readers may also be engaged in a more intellectual way. Allan
touches on detached accounts in Thucydides which make readers view, and reflect
on, the events from a distance. A terse reference to a massacre instead of a vivid
account may have a shocking effect or prompt a critical evaluation of the circum-
stances. In his reading of the Shepherd of Hermas, Tagliabue shows how non-
sequential forms of narrative jolt readers out of an immersive reading and lead
them to experience the timelessness of the divine through a more distanced,
thoughtful sort of engagement with the text.
The experiential quality of narrative not only has many facets, but can also
serve a variety of purposes, as the chapters of this volume show. Hau demonstrates
that the sensationalism for which certain Hellenistic historiographers have often
been denigrated also constitutes a means of driving home moral messages.
A focus on the experiential quality of this perceived sensationalism thus makes
us see the works of authors like Duris of Samos and Phylarchus in a new light.
Tagliabue proposes that the Shepherd of Hermas uses the means of narrative to
support the theological agenda of the text, in order to lead its readers to an
experience of the Church and of the timelessness befitting its divine nature. By
trying to express what is ultimately beyond representation, the Shepherd of
Hermas probes the limits of narrative and its experiential dimension. As Dietrich
argues, the narrative appeal inherent in incomplete sculptures forms part of a
broader aesthetics of the void in Imperial culture, which can also be traced in the
medium of pantomime.
From its beginnings to the Imperial era, ancient Greek literature is highly reflexive.
Odysseus’ response to Demodocus’ song in the Odyssey and Cnemon’s absorption
³³ Gurd (2016).
11
in the Ethiopica illustrate that the experiential quality of narrative attracted highly
nuanced reflections. It is, therefore, no surprise that ancient criticism and rhetoric
developed a rich terminology to talk about the experiential aspects of reader
response, including such important concepts as enargeia, which is discussed in
Huitink’s contribution, and ekstasis, which De Jonge shows plays an important
role in Ps.-Longinus’ treatise On the Sublime. Ps.-Longinus further illustrates the
fact that it is not only literary texts which blur the boundaries between literary
practice and criticism. While Heliodorus features some of the most trenchant
reflections on narrative and experience to have come down to us from antiquity,
Ps.-Longinus in some passages enacts what he describes.
It is, of course, not always easy to interpret ancient criticism in the light of
modern concepts. This is in part because ancient critics draw sustenance from
contemporary theories of perception, memory, and language which are not our
own. Thus, when they use terms such as ‘entrance’ (thelgein), ‘bewitch’ (kēlein)
or ‘knock sideways/astound’ (ekplēttein) to talk about the impact of discourse,
they operate on the assumption that language (logos) is a physical force which
literally imprints itself on the mind. Such terms do not necessarily overlap with
modern terminology used to describe the experiential aspects of reader response.
Ancient critics also do not single out narrative discourse in particular, as logos is a
more general concept. Still, Quintilian mentions enargeia as a virtus narrationis
(Inst. 4.2.63) and Vatri shows that, interestingly enough, when ancient critics
associate peculiarly immersive effects with asyndeton, it is from narrative passages
that they tend to draw their examples.
Despite, or rather because of, the differences from modern theory, the study
of ancient criticism has a lot to contribute to the three-way conversation which
this volume wishes to establish. For instance, Huitink’s contribution on enargeia
and Purves’ chapter on the haptic quality which Dionysius discerns in the phonetic
and stylistic features of an Odyssean passage show how, on the one hand, certain
hitherto alienating aspects of ancient criticism appear in a new light when con-
fronted with recent cognitive approaches, and how, on the other hand, ancient
critics’ close readings reveal a sensitivity to stylistic minutiae which we have lost but
would do well to regain. In general, ancient concepts often turn out to be more
multifaceted than one expects. For instance, the ancient concept of enargeia
includes precepts to do, not only with detailed description, but also with phonetic
effects, onomatopoeic devices, epithets, various kinds of verbal repetition, and even
temporal features, especially the gradual unfolding of events and the use of the
historic present.³⁴
³⁴ See Allan, De Jong, and De Jonge (2014; 2017) for a comparison between the ancient concept of
enargeia and Ryan’s (2001) ‘immersion’, and Huitink (2019) for an embodied, enactivist reading of the
concept. Good surveys which emphasize the variety of devices said to contribute to enargeia are
Meijering (1987) 39 44; Manieri (1998) 79 192; Otto (2009) 67 134; Webb (2016).
12 , ,
The vast potential of ancient reflections comes to the fore in Peponi’s argument.
Modern aesthetics, notably under the influence of Kant, tends to focus on the
(usually quite brief) period of time we actually attend to the object of an aesthetic
experience. This is, however, an artificial limitation, since aesthetic experience
continues to resonate after we have attended to the aesthetic object itself. From
passages in Ps-Longinus, Lucretius, and Libanius, Peponi derives a more inclusive
‘lived aesthetics’ that does justice to the wider repercussions of aesthetic experi-
ences in the modern as well as the ancient world. Peponi’s case nicely illustrates
the reciprocity of the triangular conversation between ancient narrative, ancient
criticism, and modern theory. Not only can our understanding of ancient material
benefit from modern aesthetics, but ancient reflections, whether explicit in criti-
cism or implicit in narrative, also have the power to challenge firmly established,
but questionable tenets of our aesthetic agenda.
By no means does this volume aim to treat the experiential quality of ancient
narrative and its conceptualization in ancient criticism exhaustively. It discusses
what we hope is a fair and representative selection of texts from the archaic to the
Imperial eras and covers the most important as well as some minor genres of
ancient narrative. There are, however, many other texts that would benefit from
an analysis along the lines sketched in this introduction. By the same token,
immersion and its intricacies take centre stage in this volume. Given the prom-
inence of immersive features in ancient narrative and their salience in ancient
criticism, this focus seems justified; at the same time, the discussion of other
aspects of the reader’s response in some chapters indicates the need for further
explorations of, say, the effect of sound and other features. We therefore hope that
the triangulation of modern theory, ancient narrative, and ancient criticism
proposed in this volume will stimulate further studies in the cognitive dimension
of ancient narrative.
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P. 130, l. 28: James.—Mss. A 8, 15 à 17: Jaques. Fº 121 vº.
P. 130, l. 28: Audelée.—Mss. A 8, 9, 15 à 17, 23 à 33: Andelée.
Fº 121 vº.
P. 130, l. 29: Wettevale.—Mss. A 15 à 17: Westevalle. Fº 135 vº.
P. 130, l. 29: Bietremieus de Brues.—Mss. A 15 à 17, 23 à 33:
Berthelemi de Brunes. Fº 135 vº.—Mss. A 20 à 22: Bertholomieu de
Brunis. Fº 195 vº.
P. 130, l. 31: nommer.—Les mss. A 1 à 6, 11 à 14, 18, 19 ajoutent:
singulierement. Fº 134.
P. 130, l. 32: Oulphars.—Mss. A 11 à 14: Oulfas. Fº 128 vº.
P. 131, l. 14: gras.—Mss. A 15 à 17: cras. Fº 135 vº.—Mss. A 8, 9,
11 à 14: grans. Fº 122.
P. 131, l. 27: voiage.—Les mss. A 15 à 17 ajoutent: Et pour certain
vous et nous tous en vauldrons mieulx, car nous y trouverons or,
argent, vivres et tous autres biens à grant plenté. Fº 135 vº.—Ms. B
6: car il n’i a rien, fontainne ne rivière où jou n’ay esté voller de mes
oisieaulx; et congnois tous les pasages par où on puelt entrer ne
yssir en Normendie. Fº 295.
§ 259. P. 137, l. 15: Ensi par les Englès.—Ms. d’Amiens: Ensi par
les Englès estoit ars et essilliés, robéz et pilliéz li bons pays et li cras
de Normendie. Ces nouvelles vinrent au roy de France qui se tenoit
à Paris, coumment li roys englès estoit en Constentin et gastoit tout
devant lui. Dont dist li roys que jammais ne retourroient li Englèz, si
aroient estet combatu, et les destourbiers et anois qu’il faisoient à
ses gens, rendus. Si fist li roys lettrez escripre à grant fuison, et
envoya premierement deviers ses bons amis de l’Empire, pour ce
qu’il li estoient plus lontain, au gentil et noble roy de Behaingne, et
ossi à monseigneur Charlon de Behaingne, son fil, qui s’appelloit
roys d’Allemaingne, et l’estoit par l’ayde et pourkas dou roy Carlon,
son père, dou roy de Franche, et avoit jà encargiet lez armes de
l’Empire. Si les pria li roys de Franche si acertes que oncques peult,
que il venissent o tout leur effort, car il volloit aller contre les Englès
qui li ardoient son pays. Chil dessus dit seigneur ne se veurent mies
excuzer, ains fissent leur amas de gens d’armes allemans,
behaignons et luzenboursins, et s’en vinrent deviers le roy
efforchiement. Ossi escripsi li roys au duc de Lorainne, qui le vint
servir à plus de quatre cens lanchez. Et y vint li comtez de Saumes
en Saumois, li comtez de Salebrugez, li comtez Loeys de Flandres, li
comtez Guillaumme de Namur, chacuns à moult belle routte.
Encorrez escripsi li roys et manda especialment monseigneur Jehan
de Haynnau, qui nouvellement s’estoit aloiiés à lui par le pourkas
dou comte Loeys de Blois, son fil, et dou seigneur de Faignoelles. Si
vint li dis chevaliers, messires Jehans de Haynnau, servir le roy
moult estoffeement et à grant fuisson de bonne bachelerie de
Haynnau et d’ailleurs. Dont li roys eult grant joie de sa venue, et le
retint pour son corps et de son plus privet et especial consseil. Li
roys de Franche manda tout partout gens d’armes là où il lez pooit
avoir, et fist une des grandez et des grossez assambléez de grans
seigneurs et de chevaliers, qui oncques ewist estet en Franche, ne à
Tournay, ne ailleurs. Et pour ce que il mandoit ensi tout partout gens
et en lontains pays, il ne furent mies sitos venu ne assamblé;
ainchoys eut li roys englèz mout mal menet le pays de Constentin,
de Normendie et de Pikardie, enssi comme vous oréz recorder chi
enssuiwant. Fº 90.
—Ms. de Rome: Ensi, en ce temps dont je parole, que on compta
en l’an de grasce mil trois cens et quarante siis, fu gastés et essilliés
li bons pais et li cras de Normendie, de quoi les plaintes grandes et
dolereuses en vinrent au roi Phelippe de Valois, qui se tenoit ens ou
palais à Paris. Et li fu dit: «Sire, li rois d’Engleterre est arivés en
Coustentin à poissance de gens d’armes et d’archiers, et vient tout
essillant et ardant le pais, et sera temprement à Can, et tout ce
cemin li fait faire messires Godefrois de Harcourt. Il faut que vous i
pourveés.»—«Par m’ame et par mon corps, respondi li rois,
voirement i sera pourveu.» Lors furent mis clers en oevre pour
lettres escrire à pooir, et sergans d’armes et messagiers envoiiés
partout [deviers] signeurs et tenavles de la couronne de France. Li
bons rois de Boesme ne fu pas oubliiés à mander, ne mesires Carles
ses fils, qui jà s’escripsoit rois d’Alemagne, quoi que Lois de Baivière
fust encores en vie. Mais par la promotion de l’Eglise et auquns
eslisseurs de l’empire de Ronme, on avait esleu Carle de Boesme à
estre rois d’Alemagne et emperères de Ronme; car li Baiviers estoit
jà tous viels, et aussi il n’avoit pas fait à la plaisance des Ronmains,
ensi que il est escript et contenu ichi desus en l’istore. Si furent
mandé li dus de Lorrainne, li contes de Salebruce, li contes de
Namur, li contes de Savoie et messires Lois de Savoie, son frère, le
conte de Genève et tous les hauls barons, dont li rois devoit ou
pensoit à estre servis. Et aussi [fu escript] as honmes des chités,
des bonnes villes, des prevostés, bailliages, chastelleries et mairies
dou roiaulme de France, que tout honme fuissent prest. Et lor
estoient jour asignet, là où casquns se deveroit traire et faire sa
moustre, car il voloit aler combatre les Englois, liquel estoient entré
en son roiaume. Tout chil qui mandé et escript furent, se pourveirent
et s’estofèrent de tout ce que à euls apertenoit, et ne fu pas sitos
fait. Avant eurent les Englois cevauchiet, ars et essilliet moult dou
roiaulme de France.
Si furent ordonné de par le roi et son consel, sitos que les
nouvelles furent venues que li rois d’Engleterre estoit arivés en
Coustentin, mesires Raouls, contes d’Eu et de Ghines et
connestables de France, et li contes de Tanqarville, cambrelenc de
France, à cevauchier quoitousement en Normendie, et li traire en la
bonne ville de Can, et là asambler sa poissance de gens d’armes et
faire frontière contre les Englois. Et lor fu dit et conmandé, tant que il
amoient lor honneur, que il se pourveissent, tellement que les
Englois ne peuissent passer la rivière d’Ourne qui court à Can et
s’en va ferir en la mer. Chil signeur obeirent et dissent que il en
feroient lor pooir et lor devoir, et se departirent en grant arroi de
Paris et s’en vinrent à Roem, et là sejournèrent quatre jours, en
atendant gens d’armes qui venoient de tous lés, et puis s’en
departirent; car il entendirent que li rois d’Engleterre estoit venus
jusques à Saint Lo le Coustentin. Et cevauchièrent oultre et vinrent à
Can, et là s’arestèrent et fissent lors pourveances telles que elles
apertiennent à faire à gens d’armes qui se voellent acquiter et
combatre lors ennemis. Encores fu escrips et mandés dou roi
Phelippe messires Jehans de Hainnau, qui s’estoit tournés François,
ensi que vous savés. Si vint servir le roi moult estofeement et bien
accompagniés de chevaliers et d’esquiers de Hainnau et de Braibant
et de Hasbain, et se contenta grandement li rois Phelippes de sa
venue. Si venoient et aplouvoient gens d’armes, de toutes pars, pour
servir le roi de France et le roiaulme, les auquns qu’il i estoient tenu
par honmage, et les aultres pour gaegnier lors saudées et deniers.
Si ne porent pas sitos chil des lontainnes marces venir que fissent li
proçain, et les Englois ceminoient tout dis avant. Fº 112.
Voir aussi Sup. var. (n. d. t.)