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Tribals and Dalits in Orissa
Tribals and Dalits in Orissa
Towards a Social History of Exclusion,
c. 1800–1950

Biswamoy Pati

1
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 PREFACE

As Biswamoy Pati’s Tribals and Dalits in Orissa goes posthumously

into print, I write this Preface for a volume that he will never get to see.
His sudden and untimely demise in June 2017, following a minor sur-
gical procedure, has thus robbed him of what he would have jestingly
termed the ‘fruits of his labour’. This study therefore marks the end of
a lifetime of a prodigious publishing output which totalled more than
twenty volumes, consisting of monographs and edited collections of
essays—the latter epitomizing his gift of ‘inclusiveness,’ his ability to
bring together contributors from across the country and the world.
Working on this last MS of his has been my sole mission over the
last several months. It has been an emotional journey. While preparing
this book for publication, I recalled how, as young people starting out
our life together some three decades ago, we had both enthusiastically
copy-edited his first book Resisting Domination: Tribals, Peasants and
the National Movement in Orissa, 1920–1950 (1993), based on his PhD
thesis. That pioneering work which marked a milestone in Orissa’s
historiography brought into focus the forgotten ‘Others’, namely the
tribals, outcastes, and peasants who had been invisibilized by history.
Underlying this research actually lay deeply held, passionate,
political convictions and an identification with those who had been
dispossessed and disenfranchised by history. I remember how in the
context of the early 1980s, when railway networks, and even roads,
viii Preface

barely existed in parts of the western interiors of Orissa, Biswamoy

carried out arduous fieldwork, interviewing tribal communities in the
remotest areas of Koraput, Jeypore, and the Bonda hills, regions pos-
sibly not visited by any historian before.
Over the years his research on the marginal sections went on to
encompass an extensive range of themes—most notable was his path-
breaking work on the social history of health and medicine; indig-
enous and tribal medicine; leprosy, small pox, and the treatment of
insanity in colonial institutions such as the Cuttack lunatic asylum.
Some of the other key issues he wrote on included the neglected region
of western Orissa with its princely states, the process of Hinduization
among tribals in colonial Orissa; the forgotten role of advasis and trib-
als in the Rebellion of 1857, as well as their role in the Indian National
Movement. This last monograph of his brings together many of these
broad strains.
Biswamoy’s serious commitment to research was inspirational for me
as well, his friend and partner. His enthusiasm underlay every book of
mine, even though my own area was so different, centring on the white
woman in colonial India. And as far as young research scholars were
concerned, he was always sympathetic and encouraging, ever-ready to
discuss their projects, chapters, and proposals. He often included their
work in his collections of essays and helped them in getting their first
book published. He has thus left behind a legacy of fine young scholars.
This particular volume could never have been finalized without the
help of our dear young friend Saurabh Mishra. Despite his own hectic
schedule at the University of Sheffield, and innumerable other commit-
ments and responsibilities, Saurabh took it upon himself to perform
the Herculean task of helping out with ‘Sir’s’ MS in the initial phase. It
was like a mission for him. He took it up at a time when I was not in a
position to be able to concentrate immediately after Biswamoy’s sudden
demise. My immense gratitude to Saurabh cannot be put in words.
Finally, I cannot forget the generosity of Dr Cornelia Mallebrein who
responded immediately to my emailed request, with images collected
by her from the western interiors of Orissa, to be used on the cover.
I cannot thank her enough for facilitating this in his last book.

Indrani Sen
New Delhi, 2018
 ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

The social history of the marginal people of Orissa has been the focus
of my research for the last four decades or so. Some of the issues that
I deal with in this monograph are also the ones that have occupied
me from my earliest works. In the course of this long journey which
began with my doctoral work in the 1980s, I have incurred numerous
debts both personal and institutional.
I must first thank the Nehru Memorial Museum and Library, New
Delhi for awarding me a Senior Fellowship which enabled me to work
on this book in an uninterrupted fashion. My sincere thanks to the
helpful staff of various archives and repositories which I have used
over the years; in particular, the Orissa State Archives (Bhubaneshwar);
the West Bengal State Archives and the National Library (both in
Calcutta); the National Archives of India and the Nehru Memorial
Museum Library (both in New Delhi); the Oriental and India Office
Records at the British Library and Wellcome Library (both at London);
and the South Asia Institute Library (Heidelberg).
Fellowships and grants by funding bodies and institutions have
supported parts of my research over these years, including a British
Academy ‘Visiting Fellowship’ at Sheffield Hallam University; a ‘Ratan
Tata Fellowship’ at the London School of Economics; a ‘Baden-
Wuerttemberg Fellowship’ at Heidelberg University; a ‘Career Award’
Fellowship and a ‘Research Award’ Fellowship awarded by the
x Acknowledgements

University Grants Commission, New Delhi; an ‘International Visiting

Fellowship’ at Oxford Brookes University; and a ‘Visiting Fellowship’
at the Department of History, Aarhus University, Denmark. Grants
from the Indian Council for Historical Research, Wellcome Trust, and
the Charles Wallace India Trust also helped me to do research work
at London.
Several of the ideas contained in the book have been presented
at seminars/conferences and lectures; conferences of the Society
for the Social History of Medicine at Queen’s College, Oxford; the
American Association for the History of Medicine at Johns Hopkins
University, Bethesda; the European Science Foundation at Wolfson
College, Cambridge; the South Asian Studies Institute, University of
Heidelberg; the International Institute of Asian Studies, Leiden; the
International Convention of Asian Scholars at Singapore; the two
conferences of the Orissa Research Programme at Salzau, Germany;
the two conferences on the Princely States and India’s Independence
at the University of Southampton; the conference organized by
Goldsmiths College and Edinburgh University at London; the
European Conference on South Asian Studies, University of Zurich;
the International Conference on Asian medicine, Changwon, South
Korea; the South Pacific Workshop, at the University of Canterbury,
New Zealand and the International Leprosy History Symposium at the
Sasakawa Memorial Health Foundation, Tokyo. In India, recent
lectures and conference presentations at Utkal University, Berhampur
University, Adaspur College (all in Orissa); Jadavpur University,
Ramsaday College, IDSK, Calcutta University (all in Kolkata); the Centre
for Contemporary Studies (Nehru Memorial Museum and Library),
Jamia Millia Islamia and the National Archives (all at New Delhi).
Most recently, the National Conference on ‘Anthropological Histories
and Tribal Worlds in India’, at the Indian Institute of Advanced Study,
Shimla; the Conference on ‘The Caste Question and the Historian’s
Craft’ at the Centre for the Study of Developing Societies, New Delhi.
I wish to thank all those who interacted with me at these forums, with
their questions, suggestions and comments: these have helped me to
sharpen my focus and my arguments.
I am grateful to all those whom I have interviewed in the course of
my research. I cannot forget the ‘unknown’ tribal folk of Koraput,
Kalahandi, and the Bonda hills around whom my life’s work has
 Acknowledgements xi

revolved all these years, and from I have learnt so much about the
meanings of social exclusion.
I also acknowledge the encouragement I received at various stages
from Professors Amiya Bagchi, Amit K. Gupta, Hermann Kulke, K.N.
Panikkar, and Sumit Sarkar. The friendship of Amar, Amit, Arun,
Bahuguna, Bhairabi, Gopi, Lata, Madhurima, Mark, Mayank, Mridula
Ramanna, Pralay, Prasun, Rajesh, Raj Kumar, Rajsekhar, Ramakrishna
da, Sanjukta, Sarmistha, Sekhar, Shashank, and Waltraud has sustained
me in various ways. During research visits to England, there was
always Manu, Menka, Samiksha, and Saurabh to provide laptops and
blankets and add cheer to our stay. Special thanks to Manmohan for
his help at all times, and also to Ranjana, Saurav, and Shilpi.
I appreciate the keen interest taken by Oxford University Press,
New Delhi, in this monograph. I also wish to thank the two anonymous
reviewers for their helpful comments and suggestions.
My parents who always encouraged my research are not here to see
this book; Alekha Bhai, Bhauja, Bindu, Jiban, Sukanta, Tina, and my
nephew Sobhan have always been supportive. My final thanks goes to
Indrani, my friend and companion throughout this long journey; she
has not only been actively involved with this work, but with everything
else that I have written in the past.
Earlier versions of some the chapters have appeared as follows:
Chapter 2 (as ‘Rhythms of Change and Devastation: Colonial Capitalism
and the World of the Socially Excluded in Orissa’) in Social Scientist
(Vol 44, No. 7–8, July–August, 2016, pp. 27–51); Chapter 3 (as ‘Survival,
Interrogation, and Contests: Tribal Resistance in Nineteenth Century
Odisha’) in Uwe Skoda and Biswamoy Pati (eds)., Highland Odisha:
Life and Society (New Delhi: Primus, 2017, pp. 23–48); and Chapter 6
(‘Alternative Visions: The Communists and the State People’s Movement,
Nilgiri 1937–1948’) in Arun Bandhopadhyay and Sanjukta Das Gupta
(eds), In Search of the Historian’s Craft (New Delhi: Manohar, 2018,
pp. 435–62). I thank the publishers for their permission to use
them here.

Biswamoy Pati
New Delhi, 2017
 ABBREVIATIONS

AICC All India Congress Committee

AISPC All India State People’s Conference
BL British Library, London
CDM Civil Disobedience Movement
CFLN Confidential File on Laxman Naiko at the Mathili
Police Station
CPI Communist Party of India
EIC English East India Company
FIR First Information Report
HPFR Home Political Fortnightly Reports
IOR India Office Records, British Library, London
NAI National Archives of India, New Delhi
NGO Non-governmental Organization
NLS National Library of Scotland
NMML Nehru Memorial Museum and Library, New Delhi
NPARI Nilgiri Praja Andolanara Itihasa (The History of the
Nilgiri Prajamandal)
OLAP Orissa Legislative Assembly Proceedings
ORP Orissa Research Project
OSA Orissa State Archives
PCC Provincial Congress Committee
PW Prosecution Witness
xiv Abbreviations

RPEAEC Report of the Partially Excluded Areas Enquiry

Committee Orissa 1940
SC Sessions Court
SCP Sessions Court Proceedings
SF Subject File
WBSA West Bengal State Archives
WWCC Who’s Who Compilation
 BIHAR
WEST BENGAL
Su
nd
arg
MADHYA arh Mayurbhanj
PRADESH Keo
njha
r

e
Sambalpur

or
las
Ba
Dhenkanal
Bolangir O R I S S A
h s Cuttack
ud al
Kalahandi Ba ndm
a Puri
Kh

Ganjam
B a y
Koraput
o f
B e n g a l
ANDHRA
PRADESH

Map 1 Orissa: Provinces

Source: Author.
Note: This map does not represent the authentic national and international boundaries
of India. This map is not to scale and is provided for illustrative purpose only.
 Jo

Ranchi Singhbhum
sh
ip
ur

Ra Singhbhum
iga Gangpur Midnapur
rh
Sa
ran Bonai Mayurbhanj
ga
rh Keo
r njha
lpu Bamra r Nilgiri

e
ba

or
am Talche Pallahar

las
Rajpur S Rairakhol r

Ba
Sonepur Athmallik Dhen
kana
Kh

gul l
a r i a r Za in d a

Patna Baud An Hindol Cuttack

ur
p Baramba
sing
m

Nar Khandapara
i
nd

ri Nayagarh
Puri
aha

Ranpur
Ganjam
Kal

B a y

Bastar o f
Koraput
B e n g a l

Province boundary
Madras
Princely State boundary
District boundary

Map 2 Princely States of Orissa

Source: Author.
Note: This map does not represent the authentic national and international boundaries
of India. This map is not to scale and is provided for illustrative purpose only.
 CHAPTER ONE

Invisibility, Social Exclusion,

Survival
Tribals and the Untouchables/Dalits in Orissa

This book aims to trace the history of the excluded people of Orissa
over a time frame that takes into account the colonial and the post-
colonial. The narrative begins in colonial times, when many long-
term developments in the tribal context were first set into motion.
Social historians speak of the ‘long term’, the ‘day to day’ and the
explosive/extraordinary forms of protest while referring to the lives
of oppressed social groups. However, one wonders if features such as
basic survival strategies are taken into account when talking of the
socially excluded. Besides the fact that protests in some form or the
other made the tribals and outcastes/dalits enter the official files and
the colonial archive, this study also takes into account strategies for
survival when examining their lives. After all, the basic act of simply
surviving not only demonstrates resistance but is something that

Tribals and Dalits in Orissa. Biswamoy Pati, Oxford University Press (2019). © Oxford
University Press. DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780199489404.003.0001.
2 Tribals and Dalits in Orissa

simultaneously expresses a whole range of possibilities related to

existence.
The fact that they somehow managed to survive has, hidden
right beneath the surface, a whole range of complexities while also
demonstrating the ability to resist or push back against dominant
social orders. In terms of method, this implies unveiling the lives
and times of people that have been hidden and invisibilized. The
task of the historian is to recover these lives and to dig into the lay-
ers that lie submerged beneath the humdrum realities of existence.
These are some of the complexities that I seek to explore in this book.
Apart from looking at the connections between the historical past,
and controversies that rage on in the present day, one of the other
aims of the book is to analyse some powerful colonial discourses
regarding tribes.

SITUATING ORISSA

Orissa is often perceived as consisting of two parts: the fertile coastal

strip towards the east, and the relatively more remote forested and
mountainous region in the west. While about half of Orissa’s inhabit-
ants live in the coastal tract, the remainder of the population composed
largely of poor adivasis (tribals) and outcastes inhabit the mountain-
ous regions. The Kandhas, Santhals, Mundas, Gadbas, Hos, Bhuyans,
Koyas, Juangas, Parajas, Sauras, Kols, Bhumijs, and Bondas are among
the prominent tribal communities, but the ranks of ‘marginal people’
are also swelled by non-tribal low castes/outcastes. Prominent among
the non-tribal low castes/outcastes were the Panas, Bauris, Hadis, and
Kandaras. Most of them worked as agricultural labourers (some of
whom were bonded, or forced labourers), and some marginal peas-
ants faced dispossession and loss of ‘customary’ rights over natural
resources, like forests.
Post-colonial Orissa presents a classic case of the contradictions
of underdevelopment. It is a storehouse of natural resources, ranging
from bauxite, iron ore, and coal to forest resources—especially in
the western hilly regions—and has naturally attracted huge invest-
ments related to major multinational-backed projects, very often
without proper assessment of how these would impact the people
 Invisibility, Social Exclusion, Survival 3

or the region.1 This is in sharp contrast to the life of the majority

of the population—the marginal adivasis, low castes (which include
the Sudras, some of whom were/are defined as ‘untouchables’
due to the ambiguous and oppressive realities of the caste system)
and outcastes.
Historically, Orissa has been marked by economic, social, and
cultural variations. During Mughal rule (1578–1751), it was split into
two parts based on geographical, ecological, and economic divisions:
the fertile coastal plain (the moghulbandi area) held directly by the
Mughals, and the hilly, heavily forested hinterland (garhjat states). In
1751 Orissa was taken over by the Marathas, and in 1803–4 it was
taken over by the English East India Company (which occupied the
coastal belt and incorporated it into the Bengal Presidency). During
colonial rule Orissa was divided into British India, consisting of the
directly controlled coastal districts of Puri, Cuttack, and Balasore in
the east and the princely states (also variously termed by the British
as the ‘tributary states’ or ‘feudatory states’), mostly located in western
Orissa, which were under indirect British rule. Besides, there were
a number of zamindaris along the coastal tract of Balasore, Cuttack,
Puri, and Ganjam, which were all under direct colonial administra-
tion. Right up to the country’s independence, Orissa comprised
twenty-six princely states, some of which had zamindaris under them.
Geographically located in what was identified as the non-coastal,
western interior, they were also referred to as garhjats (garh=fort).2

COLONIAL INTERVENTIONS , TRIBALS , AND UNTOUCHABLES : LAND

SETTLEMENTS AND THE EXPANSION OF CULTIVATION

The British colonization of Orissa saw major agrarian interventions

over the nineteenth century. These were primarily in the form of land

1 Very few studies exist on this subject; to get an idea on this aspect see,
for instance, Felix Padel and Samarendra Das, Out of this Earth: East India
Adivasis and the Aluminium Cartel (New Delhi: Orient BlackSwan, 2010).
2 In course of the chapters in this book we specifically touch upon the

princely states of Kalahandi, Mayurbhanj, Nilgiri, Gangpur, Keonjhar, and

the erstwhile Jeypore zamindari.
4 Tribals and Dalits in Orissa

revenue settlements that were aimed at tapping agrarian resources.

Whereas land settlements with the princely states and zamindars
(landlords) were made on a long-term, permanent basis, parts of the
coastal tract which were directly under the British only experienced
temporary settlements. The colonial agrarian interventions saw the
emergence of private property, land rights, commercialization of
agriculture, and an increasing degree of monetization. Although
marked by diversities, the impact generated by colonialism on the
world of the tribals was increasingly felt in a significant manner after
the formal takeover of Orissa by the English East India Company
(1803–4). British policy was aimed at expanding plough cultivation in
areas where shifting cultivation was practised, but the promotion of
the plough was not very successful as it did not suit the environment
where it was being introduced. This, again, led to the impoverishment
of the ordinary jhum/podu cultivator as they could not successfully
take up the plough.
As for the untouchable castes, a dominant section was associated
with various activities ranging from the traditional industries (like
cotton and salt-manufacturing—for example, Malangis, who prac-
tised the latter as their caste profession) and agriculture. The shifts
and changes over the nineteenth century posed major challenges that
unsettled them by dispossessing them. What one witnesses, as a result,
is the development of a surplus labour force, new systems of bonded
labour, and a new pattern of migration.
Simultaneously, one needs to grapple with the way the sahukar–
zamindar–sarkar (money-lender–landlord–government) nexus impacted
the tribals, untouchables, and dalits, the question of dispossession/
migration, and the process of politicization and resistance. Alongside
that, one has to factor in crucial issues faced by households of the
socially excluded. These ranged from the imposition of restrictions
through forest laws (which produced very serious problems like the
undermining of the traditional medicinal system) and the manufac-
ture of liquor, to the resistance to women obtaining land rights. The
last of these, in turn, saw patriarchal forces attempting to reassert
themselves through practices like witch-hunting. Consequently, one
has to go way beyond the colonial/anti-colonial paradigm to explore
areas of social history in order to grapple with the issue of social exclu-
sion. This would not only enable us to see a holistic picture without
 Invisibility, Social Exclusion, Survival 5

romanticizing anything, but also direct scholarly attention towards

effective analyses of the scope and basis of their apparent anti-colonial
‘outbursts’.
One of the serious changes that occurred during the colonial
period was the entrenchment of the British administrative system,
which resulted in large-scale interference with the existing way of life.
Colonialism’s power extended into the forests in a significant manner,
regulating, controlling, and tapping their resources. This undermined
the administrative and economic position of tribal chiefs in their own
territories, with village-level institutions losing their powers when it
came to controlling land and forests. In parts of the Bengal Presidency
such as Orissa, some of the relatively privileged tribal chiefs were
incorporated through the land settlements and Brahminical
Hinduism’s caste system as ‘tributary chiefs’ (princes) and zamindars,
along with sections that were ‘outsiders’ and those who were settled as
zamindars. These princes and zamindars emerged as the support base
of British colonialism. They were required to pay a tribute (peshkush)
to the colonial government out of the rents extracted from the tribals
and the settled agriculturalists. Besides ensuring a steady inflow of
resources for the colonial administration in the form of the tribute
that these princes paid, this also served to tap the resources and
administer the inaccessible forest tracts. The introduction of this
new system of administration considerably lessened the power of
village-level institutions.
The princely states were largely despotic and labels such as the and-
harua mulaks (the ‘dark zones’) were popularly bestowed on them. In
fact, popular memory remembers the people of the twenty-six princely
states as garhjatias (residents of the garhjats) who accepted and toler-
ated their despotic chiefs along with the terror that was unleashed
by these despots. Most of the princely rulers went to great lengths
to prove their antiquity and invented their ancient past through
rajabansabalis (chronicles of their ancestral genealogies), which set
off a virtual competition among them to validate their claims and,
in many cases, to establish imagined links with the martial ‘Rajput’
traditions of north India.
The summary settlements in the princely states significantly rein-
forced a process of social stratification that had pre-colonial origins.
While the states paid a paltry, fixed amount (peshkush) to the British,
6 Tribals and Dalits in Orissa

they collected large amounts of revenue from the people through

taxes, which were arbitrarily and exponentially increased every year.
Thus, throughout the nineteenth century, the system in the princely
states was designed, preserved, and reinforced by colonialism, with
the active collaboration of the feudal chiefs as its junior partners. In
some instances, some of the princely darbars (princely courts) also
flirted with the idea of ‘modernity’. This had a direct bearing on their
mode of functioning. While essentially conservative in their exis-
tence, these princes joined the bandwagon of ‘modernity’ to legitimize
their position in the eyes of both the British as well as the emerging
Indian middle class. Consequently, what needs to be stressed is that,
through the incorporation of the project of ‘modernity’, the darbars
legitimized their existence as much as they legitimized colonialism.
This meant that the peasants and tribals in the princely states lost out
in two ways: they had no rights over lands (in fact even customary
rights over forest, pastures, and rivers were progressively undermined
over the nineteenth century itself), and they were left mercilessly to
the whims of the darbars when it came to taxation demands, which
increased steadily from the 1860s to the 1940s. All of these are issues
that we shall examine in greater detail in Chapter 2.3

DEFINING ‘ TRIBAL ’ IDENTITY IN COLONIAL ORISSA

The initial years of colonial presence were restricted to the coastal

tract, and both Puri and Jagannatha emerged as key components
of the drive for legitimacy, so that the state did everything possible
to get ‘Jagannatha’ to sanction its authority.4 While striking terror
on the hills and crushing the Rendo Majhis, the Chakra Bisois and,

3 For details see Waltraud Ernst, Biswamoy Pati, and T.V. Sekhar, Health
and Medicine in the India Princely States, 1850–1950 (London: Routledge,
2018). See also Biswamoy Pati, ‘The Order of Legitimacy: Princely Orissa,
1850–1947’, in Waltraud Ernst and Biswamoy Pati (eds), India’s Princely
States: People, Princes and Colonialism (London: Routledge, 2007), 85–98.
4 For details, see Hermann Kulke, ‘ “Juggernaut” under British Supremacy

and the Resurgence of the Khurda Rajas as the “Rajas of Puri” ’, in A.

Eschmann, H. Kulke and G.C. Tripathy (eds), The Cult of Jagannatha and the
Regional Tradition of Orissa (New Delhi: Manohar, 1978), 346.
 Invisibility, Social Exclusion, Survival 7

later, the Dharani Bhuyans, the enterprise of acquiring knowledge to

effectively control the region formed a central part of colonial policy.5
This implied intellectual productions associated with classifying strat-
egies that saw the active support of some upper caste collaborators.
Reinforcing this phenomenon were major contributions made by
colonial officialdom, the upper castes, and propertied sections such as
the princes and the zamindars.
Another part of this enterprise meant that everything had to be
given a form and position and incorporated into the ‘colonial knowl-
edge’ system. For example, a set of diverse people that constituted the
‘tribals’ were classified as ‘brutal’. Of course, there were clear efforts
here to focus specifically on some tribal groups such as the Kandhas
(who supposedly practised human sacrifice), in order to construct
homogenous ideas about tribes in general. Any simple effort to exam-
ine the colonial ‘terror strikes’ in the hills over the years between 1800
and 1860 would easily show how this was occasioned by a combination
of fears and insecurities regarding the tribals, along with an eagerness
to extend control and conquer the untapped resources of the region.
And it was precisely here that the ‘civilizing mission’ was invoked to
justify the brutal campaigns in the hills. In fact, this partially led to
the creation of the ‘civilized’/‘uncivilized’ binary, which the colonial
knowledge system oscillated between, providing the ‘rationale’ to
either crush or romanticize the hill people (which included tribals and
also large sections of untouchables) according to specific needs and
contexts. Some historians tend to over-emphasize the role of colonial-
ism when it comes to caste formation; while there is some justification
for this, one needs to underline the fact that the pre-colonial order
was also rooted in inequalities. This was altered, or intensified, over
the course of the nineteenth century when land settlements united the
colonial administration, the Brahminical order, and the propertied
classes (comprising the princes and the landlords) in an enterprise
that polarized caste/class equations.

5 Rendho Majhi (head of the Borikiya Kandhas of Kalahandi), Chakra

Bisoi, legendary tribal leader; and Dharani Bhuyan (Bhuyan leader of
Keonjhar) led major uprisings against the colonial authorities in the
nineteenth century. See Chapter 3.
Another random document with
no related content on Scribd:
 HILMA. Ne menivät mukaan. — Tulin tänne, että pääsisitte sinne,
äiti, jos tahdotte.

SOHVI. En minä… En minä voi nähdä, kun Rusko ja Muurikki

myödään. Se ottaa niin luonnolleni. Ja onhan isä siellä.

SIIRI. Mutta sitte menen minä.

HILMA. Siiri! Hän on siellä — Sipi.

SIIRI. Minä tiedän sen. Hänhän kävi täällä — tuvassa.

HILMA. Kävikö täällä?

SIIRI. Kävi. Ja sen tautta juuri pitää minun olla siellä mukana.
(Menee.)

HILMA. Äiti! Milloinka hän täällä kävi? Ja mitä varten?

SOHVI. Vast'ikään. Kun olin yksin, niin hän tuli. Hän tahtoi meitä
auttaa ja antoi minulle kaksikymmentä markkaa.

HILMA. Ja te otitte?

SOHVI. Otin. Ja miks'en olisi ottanut? Vaan sitte sattui Siiri

tulemaan, tempasi kädestäni rahan ja pakoitti Sipin ottamaan sen
takaisin.

HILMA. Se oli hyvä. Se oli oikein, äiti.

SOHVI. Oikeinko? Sinäkin hupsu! Saat nyt nähdä, mitä hän tekee,
kun hän siitä suuttuu, että me noin hylkäsimme hänen apunsa ja
sovinnon tarjouksensa.
 HILMA. Enempää Sipi ei voi meille tehdä, äiti, kuin on jo tehnyt.

SOHVI (ikkunan luona). Kas tuossa! Nyt Ruskoa jo myödään. Ja

siinä seisoo Siiri ja Sipi vastatusten.

HILMA (katsahtaen ikkunaan). Näyttää, niinkuin he huutaisivat

kilvan.

SOHVI. Sanoinhan minä. Sipi voi tehdä jotakin uhallakin.

HILMA. Mutta Siiri pitää kyllä puoliaan, äiti.

SOHVI. Mitä voi hän Sipiä vastaan.

HILMA. Hän saa ainakin hinnan nousemaan.

SOHVI. Vaan jos isä jää ilman hevosta. Hän kun tahtoi lähteä
hevosineen
Karjalan rautatielle työn hakuun.

HILMA. Parempihan se on, äiti, saada siitä hyvä hinta, kuin jos
uupuu ja täytyy talokin ryöstöön panna. Muutenkin on kaikki muu niin
halvalla mennyt.

SOHVI. No. Nyt se päättyi. Mitä ne ihmiset noin nauravat?

HILMA. Ja mitähän se Sipi tuossa Siirille haastaa, näetkös?

SOHVI. Kädellään vaan huiskautti hänelle, Siiri, vastaukseksi ja

lähti juoksemaan tänne päin.

HILMA. Siinä paikassa saamme kuulla, kuinka kävi.

SIIRI (tulee juosten sisään).

 HILMA. No, kellekä Rusko jäi, Siiri?

SIIRI. Hänellehän minä sen jätin.

SOHVI Vai Sipille se jäi?

SIIRI. Tahallanihan minä sen tein. Sillä semmoista hintaa ei Antti

olisi saanut siitä keltään.

HILMA. Mistä hinnasta se sitte meni?

SIIRI. Sadasta neljästäkymmenestä kolmesta.

HILMA. Sehän oli hyvin, äiti.

SOHVI. Olihan se kyllä.

SIIRI. Korotin ja korotin — kiusallani. Ja sitte yht'äkkiä jätin. Ja niin

sanoi Sinkkonenkin, että kolmekymmentä markkaa ainakin Sipi siitä
maksoi enemmän, kuin se on väärtti. — Vaan nyt on jo varmaan
kohta Muurikin vuoro.

SOHVI. Tuossapa se jo tuodaankin (Ulkoa kuuluu lehmän kellon

kalahduksia). Muurikkini! Muurikki lehmäni! Tuota! Kun tänne katsoo,
että missä se emäntä nyt on, kun antaa vieraiden taluttaa. Näetsen!
Ihan kuin ymmärtäisi, luontokappalekin, että erota pitää ja että toisen
käsiin joutuu! Muurikki lehmäni! (Puhkeaa itkemään ikkunalaudalle.)

HILMA. Elkää, elkää nyt, äiti kulta…!

SIIRI. Niin, ennen aikoja. Kyllä täti sen huutaa. Minä pyysin… Hän
lupasi.

SOHVI. Vielä mitä! Toinen antaa enemmän, niin sillehän se jääpi.

 SIIRI. Olkaa nyt huoleti! Eipä siellä näy juuri olevankaan sen
huutajia. Tuossa vallesmanni jo kohottaa vasarata. Noin:
ensimmäinen — toinen — ja kolmas kerta. Täti sen varmaan sai.
Minä lähden kuulemaan.

SOHVI. Jumala suokoon! Muutenhan jäämme kokonaan ilman

särvintä kaikki tyyni.

HILMA. Rouva Vallström tulee tänne. Nyt saamme kuulla.

Kahdeksas kohtaus.

Edelliset ja rouva VALLSTRÖM.

SIIRI (ovella). No, täti, kuinka kävi?

ROUVA VALLSTRÖM (nyökäyttää Siirille myöntävästi). No, hyvää

päivää, Sohvi! (Tervehtii häntä.) Sohvi saa nyt pitää Muurikkinsa.
Minä huusin sen.

SOHVI (lankee maahan ja halailee rouva Vallströmin jalkoja).

Kiitoksia, kiitoksia tuhansin kerroin, rakas, rakas rouva!!

ROUVA VALLSTRÖM. Mitä te, mitä te nyt, Sohvi?! Ei pidä!

Nouskaa ylös.
(Nostaa Sohvia käsivarresta.)

Yhdeksäs kohtaus.

Edelliset, PUPUTTI, ANTTI, SINKKONEN, PAAKKUNAINEN,

EEVA-STIINA ja muutamia muita henkilöitä.
 SIIRI. Minkälainen on tulos, herra vallesmanni?

PUPUTTI. Paikalla. Jahka minä lyön nämä summat yhteen.

(Istuutuu, lyijykynä kädessä, pöydän taakse.)

(Rouva VALLSTRÖM ja SOHVI sekä SIIRI ja HILMA haastelevat

keskenään.)

PAAKKUNAINEN (lähestyy vallesmannia, kaivaen taskusta esiin

kukkaronsa). Minä olisin, tuota, pyytänyt saada maksaa, herra
vallesmanni.

PUPUTTI. Vuota! Näethän, että minä tässä räknään.

EEVA-STIINA (Paakkunaisen takana). Olisi pitänyt päästä tästä

lähtemään kotiin.

PUPUTTI (polkien jalkaansa). Hä? Kuka se siellä…? Vuota, sanon

minä!
Ja minne sinulla on sen kiireempi kuin muillakaan? (Jatkaa
laskujaan.)

PAAKKUNAINEN ja EEVA-STIINA (peräytyvät kansan joukkoon).

PUPUTTI (kotvasen kuluttua). Tästä ei tule täyteen sitä summaa,

minkä
Antti Valkeapää on velkaa.

ANTTI. Arvaahan sen. Mistäpä sitä niin äi'ää olisi lähtenyt, kun
kaikki niin vähään nousi.

SIIRI. Paljonko siinä uupuu, vallesmanni?

 PUPUTTI. Noin seitsemänkymmentäviisi markkaa. — Pitää siis
jatkaa irtaimiston myöntiä täällä tuvassa, ja joll'ei sekään piisaa, niin
on kiinteimistö…

ROUVA VALLSTRÖM (joka on mennyt vuoteen luo ja tarttunut

Liisun käteen). Herra Jumala! Hänhän on kylmä!

SOHVI (heittäytyy vuoteen yli). Liisu tyttöni! Kuollut! — — Kuollut!!!

HILMA. Kuollutko? — Siskoni! (Itkee.)

ANTTI (seisoo, äänetönnä katsellen ja kädet ristissä, vuoteen

vieressä).

SIIRI. Liisu parka! Hän pääsi vaivastaan keskellä tätä kurjuutta.

(Kansan joukossa hämmästystä ja hiljaista kuiskatusta. Muutamat

menevät vuoteen luo katsomaan ja palaavat jälleen peremmälle.
Joku menee kohta sitte poiskin.)

EEVA-STIINA. Hiljaapa se sielu erosi ruumiista, kun ei sitä kukaan

huomannut.

ROUVA VALLSTRÖM. Niin, milloinka hän lähti? Eikös täällä koko

ajan ollut joku tuvassa?

SOHVI. Taannoin se varmaan oli loppu, kun hän enkelistä haastoi.

Ja se se hänen sielunsa silloin korjasi. (Lankeaa polvilleen vuoteen
viereen ja nostaa kätensä taivasta kohti!) Siellä nyt taivaassa ei ole
Liisulla puutetta, ei vaivoja, ei kyyneleitä. Ja Herra tiesi, että täällä
hänellä ei olisi ollut enää mitään, mitään.

ROUVA VALLSTRÖM (lohduttelee Sohvia).

 PUPUTTI (kansaan päin). Tällä kertaa meillä nyt ei täällä ole enää
mitään tekemistä. Maksut otan vastaan kotonani. (Antille.) Mutta
meidän täytyy jatkaa toiste, että saadaan kokoon uupuva summa.
(Panee luettelon taskuunsa.)

(Kansa poistuu.)

ANTTI. Niinhän se on tehtävä. Tyhjilleenhän tässä talo kuitenkin

jääpi.

SIIRI. Herra vallesmanni!

PUPUTTI (joka on aikonut mennä). Neiti!

SIIRI. Sanoitte uupuvan seitsemänkymmentäviisi markkaa?

PUPUTTI. Niillä paikoin.

SIIRI. Olkaa niin hyvä: odottakaa vähän! (Ottaa kukkaronsa esiin.)

Ehkä saisin minä… Minulla sattuu olemaan… niin ei teidän tarvitse
enää vaivata — itseänne.

HILMA. Mitä sinä teet, Siiri?!…

SOHVI. Siirihän tarvitsee itse.

ANTTI. Ei nyt pidä…!

SIIRI. Kas tässä! Ottakaa nämä, herra vallesmanni! Siinä pitäisi

olla.

PUPUTTI. Te annatte ne siis Antti Valkeapäalle? Hänen

puolestaan?
 SIIRI. Kuinka tahdotte? Sama se, kunhan hän vaan on kuitti?
Piisaahan se?

PUPUTTI (ottaen rahat.) Kyllä, kyllä. Tässä on ehkä pikkuruisen

liikaakin, neiti, mutta sen minä sitte annan takaisin, jahka lopetan
rätingin.

SIIRI. Se on sama. Ett'ei vaan uutta ryöstöä tarvita? Eihän?

PUPUTTI. Ei suinkaan. — Te olette jalomielinen ihminen, neiti!

(Menee pöydän luo ja merkitsee rahat luetteloon.) Hyvästi sitte!
(Hyvästelee.) Nyt on minun puolestani täällä kaikki lopussa.
(Menee.)

PAAKKUNAINEN, EEVA-STIINA ja SINKKONEN (jotka ihmetellen

ovat keskenään puhelleet jotakin perällä, poistuvat myöskin).

SIIRI. Niin. Pitäähän meidänkin lähteä, täti, ja jättää heidät

rauhaan
Liisulle viimeistä velvollisuutta toimittamaan.

ROUVA VALLSTRÖM (taputtaen Siiriä). Kyllä, kultaseni,

lähdetään. Tahdoin vaan ensin sanoa Hilmalle, että Hilma sen
tähden juuri nyt saa jäädä muutamaksi päiväksi kotiin auttamaan ja
sitte tulla palvelukseeni, jos tahtoo. (Hyvästelee.)

HILMA. Hyvä on. Ja kiitoksia, rakas rouva!

ANTTI. Vaikeahan Sohvin nyt alussa olisi ilman Hilmaakin.

Kiitoksia vaan kaikesta!

SOHVI. Tästä ja kaikesta kiitos teille, rakas rouva ja Siiri! Jumala

teitä palkitkoon!…
 SIIRI (joka sillä välin on kätellyt Sohvia ja Anttia, suutelee Hilmaa).
Me siis emme nyt tapaa enää toisiamme, Hilma. Voi hyvin!

ROUVA VALLSTRÖM ja SIIRI (menevät).

HILMA (ei saa sanotuksi mitään, vaan pyyhkii silmiään, katsoen

Siirin jälkeen).

SOHVI (menee Liisun vuoteen luo). Ja nyt… (Jää tuijottamaan

Liisuun kädet ristissä.)

ANTTI. — työhön jälleen —

HILMA (ottaa nyyttinsä, vie sen pöydälle ja alkaa aukoa huivin

päitä) — uutta elämää alkamaan — alusta taas!

Esirippu.

(Loppu.)
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