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Full download Passionate Mind: Essays in Honor of John M. Rist Barry David (Editor) file pdf all chapter on 2024
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Passionate Mind
Essays in Honor of John M. Rist
ACADEMIA
Barry David [ed.]
Passionate Mind
Essays in Honor of John M. Rist
ACADEMIA
7
Passionate Mind’s Contributors (listed in alphabetical order):
9
Passionate Mind’s Contributors (listed in alphabetical order)
Catapano has also translated into Italian and commented on Plotinus' trea-
tise On Virtues (Pisa University Press, 2006), with a foreword by John Rist.
10
Passionate Mind’s Contributors (listed in alphabetical order)
11
Passionate Mind’s Contributors (listed in alphabetical order)
12
Passionate Mind’s Contributors (listed in alphabetical order)
13
Passionate Mind’s Contributors (listed in alphabetical order)
14
Passionate Mind’s Contributors (listed in alphabetical order)
15
Passionate Mind’s Contributors (listed in alphabetical order)
16
Passionate Mind: Essays In Honor Of John M. Rist
“καὶ ἔστιν ἐκείνη μὲν ἡ θέα νοῦ ἔμφρονος, αὕτη δὲ νοῦς ἐρῶν, ὅταν
ἄφρων γένηται μεθυσθεὶς τοῦ νέκταρος· τότε ἐρῶν γίνεται ἁπλωθεὶς εἰς
εὐπάθειαν τῷ κόρῳ· καὶ ἔστιν αὐτῷ μεθύειν βέλτιον ἢ σεμνοτέρῳ εἶναι
τοιαύτης μέθης” (Plotinus, Ennead 6.7.35, 23–7).
“And that first one is the contemplation of Intellect in its right mind,
and the other is Intellect in love [i.e. passionate Mind], when it goes
out of its mind “drunk with the nectar”; then it falls in love, simplified
into happiness by having its fill; and it is better for it to be drunk with
a drunkenness like this than to be more respectably sober.”1
This epigraph, taken from Ennead 6.7, provides the title of this volume of
essays, presented to Professor John M. Rist as a Festschrift in honor of his
exemplary service to academia. Plotinus’s words are fitting because they
evoke the passionate search for truth that Rist, as a ‘nous eron,’ has dis-
played in his extraordinary scholarship and teaching over the course of his
distinguished career. Those who have worked and studied with him have
had the pleasure of experiencing and being inspired by that passionate
mind at first hand.
The essays presented here reflect key aspects of Rist’s interests in An-
cient Philosophy, Patristics and Biblical Criticism, and Ethics. Therefore,
after reading John McCarthy’s warm and inviting introduction, viz. “John
M. Rist, in Lieu of an Introduction,” enjoying Rist’s own entertaining and
informative account of animal academicum, viz. “On the Trail of Animal
Academicum (1956–2013),” and perusing his extraordinary curriculum vitae,
we meet the volume’s essays that specifically engage Rist’s monumental
work as a scholar in the aforementioned fields. I now introduce those con-
tributions in their order of appearance.
Denis O’Brien’s astute (and self-edited) “To Be and Not To Be in Plato’s
Sophist,” considers a topic and text that he and Rist had once studied at
Trinity College, Cambridge where they were ‘supervised’ by F.H. Sand-
bach, with W.K.C. Guthrie, at the time Laurence Professor of Ancient Phi-
losophy, and D.L. Page (later Sir Denys Page) Regius Professor of Greek. In
17
Passionate Mind: Essays In Honor Of John M. Rist
his essay, O’Brien’s inspiration and foil is F.M. Cornford, first holder of the
Laurence Chair. While his stimulus is Cornford’s dictum, shared by both
Sandbach and Guthrie, that ‘accurate translation depends on interpreting
an ancient philosopher’s philosophical and linguistic presuppositions,’ his
foil is Cornford’s translation and interpretation of the Sophist [Sph.] (from
Plato’s Theory of Knowledge, The ‘Theatatus’ and the ‘Sophist’ of Plato, translat-
ed with a running commentary [Keegan Paul et alii, 1935]). O’Brien had
studied Cornford’s volume in the 1950’s but had been dissatisfied with it
(n. 40). As he now explains, Cornford’s translation and commentary con-
tradict, in one key respect, Cornford’s fundamental methodology.
In particular, O’Brien argues that the distinction drawn in Sph. between
‘to be and not to be’ is properly understood by employing what Cornford
recommended rather than by following what Cornford did. On this basis,
O’Brien claims, the interpreter can overcome the pitfalls in Cornford’s
translation and commentary that constantly fail to match the meaning of
the Greek text. According to O’Brien, Parmenides, in his opening state-
ment of the Ways of research, “the only ones that can be thought of” (fr. 2),
introduces is and is not as the two terms of a contradiction. Careful study
of Sph. shows that Plato avoids the contradiction by opposing is, the ex-
pression of a predicate complete in itself, to is not, a copulative use of the
verb, implying that what is, because it participates in being, ‘is not,’ in so far
as it ‘is other than’ the being in which it participates. By persistently cast-
ing Plato’s theory in terms of ‘existence’ and ‘non-existence,’ Cornford’s
commentary and translation of Sph. feed into the text of the dialogue the
very contradiction Plato had tried to avoid. Cornford’s interpretation of
the dialogue is shown, therefore, to be untethered, explaining why
O’Brien’s initial study, over sixty years ago, of Cornford’s volume proved so
perplexing. O’Brien’s present essay, taking its cue from Cornford’s advice,
rather than from his practice, grounds its philological analysis on an accu-
rate understanding of Plato’s philosophical presuppositions, the joint ap-
proach, at once philological and philosophical, helping to make clear Pla-
to’s purpose and bringing precision to scholarly study of one of Plato’s
more difficult dialogues. Although O’Brien’s contribution is long, it is (i)
likely ‘ground-breaking,’ (ii) an immensely erudite tribute to Rist’s philo-
sophical method (which O’Brien obviously shares) and (iii) warm-hearted
(like every entry in this volume).
Arthur Madigan’s insightful "Aristotle's Handling of endoxa in Nico-
machean Ethics 9.4 and Eudemian Ethics 7.6," considers Aristotle’s dialectic,
in terms of its approach towards endoxa, i.e. concerning common opinion
or respected truth-claims, in the aforementioned texts. Madigan intends to
show that, from beginning to end, the Stagirite employs endoxa to know
18
Passionate Mind: Essays In Honor Of John M. Rist
the truth of reality and therefore assesses (for truth) the endoxa themselves.
Hence, Aristotle’s treatment of endoxa is not for the sake of justifying
them, i.e. they “are not simply accepted and allowed to speak for them-
selves (ibid.),” but to pursue the truth of being. This is shown by the fact
that—contrary to the divergent views of G.E.L. Owen, M. Nussbaum, J.
Barnes and T. Irwin—Aristotle employs endoxa to attain truth in different
ways.
Aristotle’s profound subtlety, Madigan argues, is manifest in two closely
related manners, made evident by comparing select endoxa in Nicomachean
Ethics (NE) 9.4 with others in Eudemian Ethics (EE) 7.6. First, Aristotle tests
his endoxa according to the criteria of the phenomena he aims to explain.
Second, the Stagirite employs endoxa in service to either (i) the nature of
the question he endeavors to answer or (ii) certain already tested starting-
points and insights into reality stated in propositional form. Aristotle’s
handling of endoxa, therefore, shows that his approach towards reality is
properly philosophical because it is receptive to ‘what is.’ As such, the Sta-
girite is not trying to make reality fit into his endoxa or into any uncritical-
ly assumed general theories. Rather, he ensures that his theories, and there-
fore the endoxa he employs, conform to and consequently help to explain
reality. Hence, Madigan argues that Aristotle’s usage of endoxa is not about
hypostasizing abstracts (something, of course, that Aristotle famously as-
serts, in Metaphysics 1.9, concerning Plato’s doctrine of Forms). Instead,
Aristotle employs endoxa towards knowing the truth of reality. By this,
Madigan agrees with Rist (The Mind of Aristotle [MA] [University of Toron-
to Press, 1989]) concerning the character of Aristotle’s philosophical
method.
Brad Inwood’s perceptive “What kind of Stoic are you? The case of Mar-
cus Aurelius,” agrees with Rist’s claim2 that Marcus’s philosophical ap-
proach and doctrine are unusual. Instead of maintaining that Marcus is in
the grips of an eclecticism that takes him outside the bounds of Stoicism,
Inwood holds that Marcus is better understood as a unique character with-
in the Stoic context. This is not only in terms of Marcus’s handling of tradi-
tional Stoic teaching—which Marcus, Inwood suggests, might at some
points be taking through the filter of Seneca’s doctrine—but, more impor-
tantly, in terms of his endeavor to make philosophical sense of “the first-
person perspective” he explored and manifested in his philosophical diary.
For this reason, Marcus seems to embrace the view that man consists not
2 J. Rist, “Are you a Stoic? The Case of Marcus Aurelius,” in Jewish and Christian Self-
Definition, (edd.) B. Meyer and E. Sanders (Fortress Press, 1982), 23–45.
19
Passionate Mind: Essays In Honor Of John M. Rist
only in (i) the psychic pneuma and (ii) flesh-and-bones body, but also in
something that appears indeterminate (perhaps even immaterial), whereby
human actions are produced by some uniquely human power. So Marcus
seems ‘un-Stoic’ at times because his Stoicism aims to come to grips with
the traditional Stoic problem of determinism by drawing on a fresh aware-
ness of the phenomenon of psychological inwardness. Put differently, Mar-
cus’s properly philosophical interest in this intellectual challenge requires
him to add something novel to his Stoicism. Marcus’s teaching on the
mind, though it may have some features in common with certain aspects
of Platonism, developed out of his attempts to deal philosophically with
the characteristically Stoic problem of determinism.
Inwood, therefore, attempts to modify Rist’s thesis concerning Marcus.
While Marcus is innovative and unusual, he is neither a dissatisfied nor an
incoherent Stoic philosopher, a devotee of a philosophical religion rather
than a genuine philosopher. Rather, he is a philosopher whose pursuit of
truth motivates him to explain a new phenomenon by assimilating some-
thing original into his Stoicism. In a friendly manner, Inwood claims,
then, that Marcus’s Stoicism (like Stoicism in general) is more elastic and
vibrant than Rist acknowledges.
In his fascinating "Plutarch, Plotinus and the Zoroastrian Concept of
the Fravashi,” John Dillon shares the intriguing possibility that Plutarch
and Plotinus might have developed their teaching on an undescended part
of the human being not only from Plato (Timaeus 90a ff.)—whose doc-
trine, Dillon believes, could have been influenced by Persian Zoroastrian-
ism (part I)—and from Aristotle (De Anima 3.5) but also from the Zoroas-
trian notion of the fravashi, i.e. of a “separable higher soul also to be re-
garded as a kind of guardian daemon” (ibid.). Dillon supports his claim by
considering the similarities between the Zoroastrian teaching on the
fravashi, to the extent he knows of it, with accounts of the undescended
soul in Plutarch, the Corpus Hermeticum and Plotinus. In particular, Dillon
judges that Plotinus’s somewhat perplexing teaching that the undescended
soul is both ‘a part of us’ and ‘distinct from us’ corresponds well with the
Zoroastrian teaching of fravashi as both a “superior soul and presiding de-
mon” (conclusion).
Concerning this volume, Dillon’s thesis might be combined with In-
wood’s account of Marcus Aurelius’s philosophical teaching to show that
Marcus’s pursuit of truth belongs to his Stoicism, even though it represents
a departure from Stoic materialism towards some kind of Platonic meta-
physics. Additionally, Dillon’s thesis could be fruitfully considered in con-
junction with the accounts of nous found in essays by Gerson and by Peroli
for while these scholars claim that Neoplatonic philosophers identify nous
20
Passionate Mind: Essays In Honor Of John M. Rist
with man and divinity above, Dillon identifies nous with man and daemon.
In this respect, Dillon’s study implies, with Peroli’s account of Gregory of
Nyssa’s Christian Platonism, that man requires divine mediation to attain
enduring happiness.
Lloyd Gerson’s perspicacious “Virtue with and Without Philosophy in
Plato and Plotinus,” firmly supports Rist’s general claims (Eros and Psyche
[EP] [University of Toronto Press, 1964], and Plotinus [P] [Cambridge Uni-
versity Press, 1967] et al.) concerning Plato’s and Plotinus’s philosophical
importance and encourages focus on Plotinus. Beginning with Plato’s
teaching on the importance of philosophy, Gerson subordinates Plato’s
teaching, in one way, to Aristotle (who is viewed as an intermediate devel-
oper of Plato’s teaching on mind) but, most importantly, to Plotinus to
show how the latter “enriches” (section 1) Plato’s teaching on the impor-
tance of philosophy. Gerson agrees with Rist’s claim (Real Ethics [RE]
[Cambridge University Press, 2001] et al.) that ethics is properly joined
with metaphysics (this is found in Plato’s and in Plotinus’s teaching on the
Good, and perhaps implicitly in Aristotle). However, unlike Rist, Gerson
makes the point that moral virtue is only required for the embodied self—
it has no ultimate place in the afterlife since it is no longer needed. Section
1 argues, therefore, that Plato maintains the practice of philosophy is re-
quired to achieve “the highest grade” in virtue. Section 2 maintains that Pla-
to claims transformation from an “empirical” to an “ideal self” is effected
through explicit conformity to the Good. Finally, in section 3, Gerson con-
cludes that Plotinus gives a superior account of these teachings in his En-
neads. How so? At bottom, it is because Plotinus (using as material cause
various teachings found in Plato and in Aristotle) maintains, in a unique
manner, that the virtuous person identifies “himself with his intellect.” In
other words, philosophical activity (equated with the pursuit of moral
virtue) is needed since attainment of the true self, the proper object of
philosophical transformation, consists in identifying oneself with one’s un-
descended intellect—understood to have an unmediated (i.e. independent
of sense-experience and sense-images) access to truth, i.e. to The One/The
Good/divinity above.
Hence, Gerson (partly agreeing with Rist’s interpretation [MA] of Aris-
totle’s late account of mind/nous) maintains that moral virtue (and conse-
quently virtue with philosophy) is essentially intermediate. It is necessary
so long as we are embodied, i.e. in this life and trying to attain the true self
(which could conceivably entail some need for purification in the after-
life). Yet moral virtue, and consequently philosophical activity in the man-
ner of this world, is not required once that metaphysical state is attained in
the afterlife. Therefore, since the ‘true’ self is intellect (nous), which has an
21
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others distinguished themselves more fortunately in this conflict,
from which they issued conquerors, having caused a horrible
carnage amongst the savages. None, however, displayed more
bravery than a mulatto, from Pindamonhangaba, called Manuel
Rodriguez, and, vulgarly, Manduassu, Manuel the Great, in
consequence of his immense stature, strength, and courage. This
gigantic man, who commanded his own canoe, in which he was
accompanied by his wife, of the same colour, and various slaves,
being attacked by two Indian war canoes, defended himself with
such valour and dexterity that neither were able to board him; at one
time he discharged a musket, which his wife successively loaded for
him, at another he wielded a vara, (a long pole for impelling the
canoe,) the strokes of which were fatal to all those who came within
his reach. On his arrival at Cuiaba he was presented with the
commission of a captain.
In the same year a road was opened to the territory of Goyaz, (so
called from the Goya Indians,) from whence upwards of fifteen
hundred persons departed, with horses and numerous troops of
mules, besides those who descended by the river St. Lourenço,
attracted by the announcement of gold which had been found in
Matto Grosso, from whence, in fact, eighty arrobas of that metal
were despatched the same year to St. Paulo in eight canoes of war,
each furnished with sixteen chosen men, and commanded by
Lieutenant-General Manuel Rodrigues de Carvalho, who conducted
them in security, and put an Indian division to flight which attacked
them at the entrance of the Pantanos. With this intelligence almost
the whole population of Cuiaba left that town for the newly-
discovered mines of Matto Grosso, (Large Woods.) Five hundred
oitavas were paid for negroes, and they were cheap, from the gain
which they afforded.
In 1740 the Indians were again beaten, at the embouchure of the
Tacoary, by the fleet from St. Paulo, commanded by Jeronimo
Gonsalves, (an Hituan,) who arrived at Matto Grosso with a great
number of lances, or spears, that belonged to the Indians who
perished in the combat, he having himself lost four canoes laden
with merchandise and slaves. After his arrival some domestic Bororo
Indians brought intelligence that the Spanish Jesuits had established
themselves near the heads of the Paraguay, reducing into aldeias
the Guaraparez tribe.
It being well known that this step was not taken for want of
Indians to convert in the vicinity of their own missions, the
Portuguese counselled them to retire peaceably, which advice was
disregarded. The inconstancy, however, of the catechumens obliged
the catechists to retrace their steps to the aldeias of the province of
St. Cruz de la Sierra, before measures were taken for their
expulsion.
In the year 1742 Manuel de Lima descended, with five Indians,
three mulattoes, and a negro, in a canoe, by the Guapore, Madeira,
and Amazons, to the city of Para.
At the same period that Manuel de Lima descended the Madeira,
one Joaquim Ferreira, with other traders, advanced up the Mamore
to the mission of Exaltaçao. The same persons, or others with a
similar intention, returning the following year, found the mission of St.
Rosa newly erected upon the eastern margin of the Guapore, almost
in front of the outlet by which they had entered to St. Miguel the
preceding year. The jesuitical curate determining to impede their
navigation of the river, it was conjectured that, for the better effecting
this project, he shortly afterwards removed the mission of St. Miguel
also to the same side, and founded that of St. Simao further to the
north. It notwithstanding appears that the people of Matto Grosso did
not desist from the navigation of this river.[22]
In 1743 the combined Indians observing certain signals at the
mouths of the Tocoary of a fleet having passed forward, they
proceeded up in pursuit of it as far as the reducto of Sappe, in the
vicinity of the town of Cuiaba, where they killed some fishermen.
A series of such calamities produced a resolution of the ouvidor,
Joam Gonsalves, in a junta with the senate and the principal persons
of the town, to endeavour to obviate hostilities, through the medium
of a firm friendship with the Guaycuru Indians, they not being
considered so inveterate against the Portuguese, whose
maledictions fell upon the Payagoa tribe, attributing to them alone all
the injuries they had sustained. With this intention, a squadron of six
canoes of war and six of transport, was sent, under the command of
Captain Antonio de Medeiros, with a considerable quantity of articles
most esteemed by the Indians, equally for the purpose of making
presents as to exchange for horses. Having arrived at an island in
front of a post occupied by the Guaycurus, the commandant sent an
Indian, versed in their language, with two white soldiers, to the chief
of the party, soliciting him to come to the island, as he was desirous
to make him some presents, and to enter into a negotiation. On the
following day the Indian captain presented himself, with a numerous
band of men and women, upon the beach nearest to the island, and
with the three deputies sent two of his to Medeiros requesting him to
come and parley on land, the two Indians to remain as hostages
upon the island. Medeiros immediately proceeded to the other side
with a considerable part of his force, and an assortment of various
articles, with which he complimented the captain and his relations.
He then proposed the projected negotiation, which was to effect a
cessation of hostilities with the Payagoas, and to barter horses for
European merchandise; to all which the Indian promptly assented.
On the following day a large party of Portuguese passed to the
other side, in order to traffic with the Indians, without any kind of
arms, imprudently confiding in the apparent demonstrations of
sincerity which they had evinced; when, about nine o’clock, those
who had remained with Medeiros in the squadron perceived a tumult
amongst the savages, which convinced them that their comrades
were lost. They immediately fired upon them, when the traitors
instantly fled, fifty Christians remaining dead upon the field. This
disaster terminated all hopes of a friendly negotiation.
In 1744 the Indians were routed by the Paulista fleet, without the
Christians sustaining more loss than one negro, from the wound of a
lance. Notwithstanding the disaster which the savages experienced
on this occasion, they boldly advanced up the Paraguay the same
year, as far as the passage from Cuiaba to Matto Grosso; and,
disembarking at an early hour near the establishment of Joam
d’Oliveira, set fire to his house, and killed several people.
On the 24th of September, in this year, at mid-day, in clear
weather, a subterraneous noise was heard, and the earth
immediately quaked, continuing to experience various tremulous
agitations, which produced considerable alarm in all places of Matto
Grosso and Cuiaba. At this period, a drought already prevailed,
which lasted till 1749. All the woods were parched up, and no longer
exhibited any foliage; the atmosphere was now only the vehicle of
smoke; all living creatures suffered from famine and other calamities;
and death stalked in universal triumph.
The earthquake, which, in October two years afterwards, 1746,
agitated the territory of Peru, and destroyed the city of Lima, its
capital, was here very sensibly felt; filling every living creature with
sudden dread, but unattended with worse consequences.
Before the conclusion of this same year, the Captain Joao de
Souza, descended the Arinos, Tapajoz, and the Amazons, to Para,
and returned the following year by the Madeira, with European
merchandise; after his arrival, other dealers departed by the same
route, which has been frequented to this day, in spite of the great
difficulties to which this prolonged voyage has hitherto been subject.
Two years had almost elapsed, before the rains had reanimated
the face of the country, given verdure to the foliage of the unbounded
woods, renovated the springs, arrested the ravages of death, and
facilitated journeys by land; when, about the beginning of January,
1751, a numerous fleet arrived at Cuiaba, accompanied by Don
Antonio Rolin de Moura, as governor of the new province, a Juiz de
Fora, (Theotonio de Sylva Gusmao,) two Jesuits, and a troop of
dragoons. At the end of this year, the governor proceeded to the
mines of Matto Grosso, with the intention of promoting the navigation
discovered by Manuel de Lima to Gram Para, and to compel the
retrocession of the Spanish Jesuits established on the right margin
of the Guapore. D. Antonio Rolin, commanded to found a town in the
situation best adapted for the effectuating those projects, selected
for its site a place called Pouzoalegre, founded and named it on the
19th of March, 1752; and, on the 25th of November, by order of the
bishop of Rio de Janeiro, the hermitage of St. Anna was converted
into its mother church.
With the opening of the roads to Bahia and Rio de Janeiro, and
with the new navigation of Gram Para, that of Camapuan began to
be less frequented. The miners who were interested in proceeding to
St. Paulo by this fatal way never accomplished it, except with a
considerable number of canoes, equipped with chosen men, and
armed with the best instruments of defence; and occasionally
accompanied by canoes of war to a certain situation in the river
Tocoary, where they waited for the Paulista fleet to protect them
through the passage of the Pantanos.
Subsequent to the separation, already mentioned, of the two
nations, one of the most disastrous hostilities which the Portuguese
experienced from the Guaycurus was in May, 1775, when they
proceeded up the Paraguay, in twenty canoes, nearly to Villa Maria,
where they assassinated sixteen persons, and carried off many
others prisoners.
The foundation of the prezidio, or garrison, of Nova Coimbra, in
the same year, upon the western margin of the Paraguay, ought to
have been, according to the order of General L. d’Alburquerque,
forty leagues further to the south, at the place called Fecho dos
Morros, where it would have contributed to the protection of the
navigators of St. Paulo. The author of the Guaycurus, (written in this
prezidio by one of its governors,) says, that he could but partially
embarrass the passage of the Indians, or prevent the flight of
deserters; and that its founder had committed an error, from whence
resulted the entrance of the Spaniards into the dominions of his
faithful Majesty, where they founded Villa Real, St. Carlos, and St.
Joze.
The last hostility which the Portuguese sustained from the
Guaycurus, was the atrocious assassination of fifty soldiers in a plain
fronting Nova Coimbra, in January, 1781, at the time they were
bartering some articles with the barbarians who had been there twice
before with demonstrations of friendship.
The prezidio of Nova Coimbra was besieged in September, 1801,
by the Spaniards, who proceeded from the city of Assumption with
four escunas and twenty canoes. It was the first time that the thunder
of contending artillery had been heard in the centre of South
America, and from which the Guaycuru and Payagoa warriors
formed an idea of the European mode of warfare. The
commencement of hostilities produced the following correspondence
between the Spanish and Portuguese commandants:—
“I had the honour, last evening, to contest the fire of the fort under
the command of your Honour; and having ascertained that the force
with which I am about to attack it is much superior to that of your
Honour, which cannot fail to reduce it to the ultimate state of
misfortune; and as the vassals of his Catholic Majesty know how to
respect the laws of humanity, an opportunity is offered, and your
Honour is required to surrender the fort to the arms of the King my
master; on the contrary the cannon and the sword will decide the
fate of Coimbra, and its unfortunate garrison will suffer all the
extremities of war, from which calamity it will see itself delivered, if
your Honour complies with my proposal. Furnish me with your
decision categorically, in the course of one hour. On board of the
Escuna, Nossa Senhora do Carmo, 17th of September, 1801.
“Don Lazaro da Ribera.”
District of Camapuania.