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WAR,
CULTURE AND SOCIETY,
1750–1850

French Rule in the

States of Parma, 1796–1814
Working with Napoleon

Doina Pasca Harsanyi

War, Culture and Society, 1750–1850

Series Editors
Rafe Blaufarb
Florida State University
Tallahassee, FL, USA

Alan Forrest
University of York
York, UK

Karen Hagemann
University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill
Chapel Hill, NC, USA
The series aims to the analysis of the military and war by combining politi-
cal, social, cultural, art and gender history with military history. It wants
to extend the scope of traditional histories of the period by discussing war
and revolution across the Atlantic as well as within Europe, thereby con-
tributing to a new global history of conflict in the eighteenth and nine-
teenth century.
For more information see: wscseries.web.unc.edu

More information about this series at

https://link.springer.com/bookseries/14390
 Doina Pasca Harsanyi

French Rule in the

States of Parma,
1796–1814
Working with Napoleon
Doina Pasca Harsanyi
Dept of History, Powers Hall 106
Central Michigan University
Mount Pleasant, MI, USA

ISSN 2634-6699     ISSN 2634-6702 (electronic)

War, Culture and Society, 1750–1850
ISBN 978-3-030-97339-1    ISBN 978-3-030-97340-7 (eBook)
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-97340-7

© The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s), under exclusive licence to Springer
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To Anna and Michael
 Preface

I started working on this study some years ago almost by accident. One of
the main characters in Lessons from America, a book on French émigrés in
the United States I published in 2010, was Médéric Louis Elie Moreau de
Saint-Méry. One year after returning from the United States to France in
1800, Moreau was nominated adviser to the court of the duke of Parma,
and immediately afterwards, Administrator General of the duchies of
Parma, Piacenza and Guastalla. Following Moreau’s career trail seemed a
promising avenue and I travelled to Parma with the intention of beginning
research for a political biography. The treasure troves I found in the
archives and libraries of Parma, Piacenza and neighbouring communities
soon induced me to change my plans. The more I read, the more this
archival bounty persuaded me to delve into the historical experience of the
States of Parma during the French era (1796–1814). The present book is
the result of those inquiries.

Mount Pleasant, MI Doina Pasca Harsanyi

vii
 Acknowledgements

I am delighted to acknowledge at long last the many debts I incurred

while working on this book. David Laven has cheerfully, and ever so tact-
fully, steadied my first forays into Napoleonic scholarship: he has always
been kindness itself and I am so pleased to have a chance to thank him.
The debt I owe to Patrice Gueniffey can never be repaid, but it is a joy to
put in writing my gratitude for these many years of constant generosity
and friendship. At different times, following the rhythms of academic
gatherings, I had the good fortune to discuss my work with Rafe Blaufarb,
Alex Grab, Ruth Godfrey, Rozzy Hooper-Hammersley, Peter Hicks, Marc
Lerner, David Markham, Edna Muller Markham, Alex Mikaberidze and
Ron Steinberg. I could not be more grateful for their freely given advice
and considered comments that made me rethink what I thought I knew
and see more clearly the path this project was taking. My colleagues in the
history department at Central Michigan University have been models of
patience and altruism as they listened to me talk about Parma, Napoleon
and not much else: a heartfelt thanks to all. In Parma, warm appreciations
are owed to the personnel at Biblioteca Palatina and the Archivio di Stato,
even more to Valentina Bocchi and Luigi Pelizzoni, a librarian’s librarian
who will find the answer to any question. I hope this book will go some
way to convey my gratitude for the delightful conversations where profes-
sors Marzio Dall’Acqua, Claudio Bargelli and Carla Corradi Martini gra-
ciously shared their boundless knowledge and love for Parma’s past.
Meeting Wallis Wilde Menozzi and Paolo Menozzi was one of those
strokes of luck one does not deserve but one accepts eagerly and
wholeheartedly.

ix
x ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

I wish to thank Palgrave Macmillan’s anonymous reviewers for insight-

ful recommendations that greatly improved the final version of the book.
It was a pleasure working with Emily Russel, Steve Fassioms and Eliana
Rangel, whose professionalism and unfailing courtesy did much to smooth
the transition from manuscript to publication.
 Contents

1 Introduction  1

2 Prelude to Napoleon  9

3 Parma and Bonaparte 31

4 From Duchies of Parma to States of Parma 53

5 Watershed: The Insurrection 77

6 Explanatory Narratives: Brigandage107

7 Pacification137

8 Order into Chaos163

9 Wooing the Elites195

10 Elite Collaboration213

11 The End of the Road: Conclusions241

xi
xii Contents

Bibliography255

People Index277

Place Index283
 Abbreviations

AMAE Archives du Ministère des Affaires Etrangères, Paris

AMD Archives du Ministère de la Défense, Vincennes
AN Archives Nationales Paris
ASPc Archivio di Stato Piacenza
ASPr Archivio di Stato Parma
BP Biblioteca Palatina Parma

xiii
 CHAPTER 1

Introduction

In December 1805, a violent insurrection broke out in mountain villages

around the city of Piacenza in the States of Parma, Piacenza and Guastalla,
a territory under French control although not fully included in the
Napoleonic Empire. Authorities were taken aback. It defied reason that,
only days after the much-publicized victory at Austerlitz, disparate bands
of rural rebels arose at the sound of ancient alarm bells ringing across the
Apennines (campana a martella) to test the will of the French state and its
army. Although an isolated event, the violent popular rebellion forced
senior imperial administrators and Napoleon himself to turn their atten-
tion to a peripheral territory best known for apathy and inertia.
The Duchies of Parma, Piacenza and Guastalla, commonly referred to
as the States of Parma, stood rather incongruously on the margins of
French-dominated Italy. A territory of about 6000 square kilometers, with
a population of little more than 420,000 inhabitants (426,512 in 1815),
tucked between the Piedmont, the duchy of Milan, Genoa and Tuscany,
the small state had changed hands between the Hapsburgs and the
Bourbons since 1731, when the Farnese line (rulers by papal decree since
the sixteenth century) died out.1 Eventually, the duchies settled for Spanish
guardianship at the Treaty of Basel (22 July 1795). In 1796, when General

1
For data concerning the surface and the population throughout the French occupation,
see Lorenzo Molossi, Vocabolario topografico dei Ducatti di Parma, Piacenza e Guastalla

© The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature 1

Switzerland AG 2022
D. P. Harsanyi, French Rule in the States of Parma, 1796–1814,
War, Culture and Society, 1750–1850,
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-97340-7_1
2 D. P. HARSANYI

Bonaparte launched the First Italian campaign, Parma was undergoing a

conservative restoration, in sharp contrast with the Enlightenment-minded
reorganization carried out in Milan and Tuscany. Anxious to secure Spain’s
neutrality, the Directory (the French government as of 1795) instructed
General Bonaparte to refrain from any interference in the political status
quo in Parma. Consequently, the duchies missed the political shakeup of
the sister republic phase—the only exception to the policy of revolution-
izing conquered territories during the First Italian campaign. Alone in
Northern Italy, Duke Ferdinand remained on his throne until his death in
1802, the year when—to paraphrase Victor Hugo—Napoleon was burst-
ing through Bonaparte. Still undecided on how to deal with this peculiar
situation, he sent Moreau de Saint-Méry to Parma, with orders to intro-
duce vigorous French reforms without obliterating traditional institutions
and without disturbing existing social hierarchies. The insurrection of late
1805 amply proved that being simultaneously in and out of the French
web was not a workable arrangement, not in an increasingly centralized
empire. Emperor (as of 1804) Napoleon switched gears, abandoned the
pretense of autonomy and propelled the States of Parma on a track of
accelerated conversion into a French department. He and his local repre-
sentatives considered the process completed in 1808 when the territory,
renamed the Department of Taro, was absorbed in the imperial system. Or
rather, the new department absorbed the imperial system, efficiently and
durably: upon surveying the first years of post-Napoleonic Europe, David
Laven and Lucy Riall established that it was in the duchies that ‘the most
complete loyalty to the Napoleonic tradition was found’.2 Probing how
and why a periphery long at odds with the political movements swirling
outside its borders turned into a model of Napoleonic integration was the
starting point of this study.
Broadly speaking, two methodological paths tackle the Napoleonic
period in Italy: modernization and colonialism. Both grapple with the
double-sword nature of French rule, the mix of good and bad features
that gave the regime a Janus face, in Alexander Grab’s inspired formula.3

(Parma: Tipografia Ducale, 1833–1834). The above quoted data, listed for the year 1815,
on pp. 24–25.
2
David Laven and Lucy Riall, ‘Restoration Government and the Legacy of Napoleon’ in
Napoleon’s Legacy. Problems of Government in Restoration Europe. Edited by David Laven
and Lucy Riall (Oxford: Berg, 2000), 1–26 (10).
3
‘Napoleon’s rule over Europe possessed a Janus face, combining reform and innovation
with subordination and exploitation’. Alexander Grab, Napoleon and the Transformation of
Europe (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2003), 19.
 1 INTRODUCTION 3

Modernization approaches tend to focus on the good.4 Early monographs

addressed the period’s political conflicts, legal frameworks and philosophi-
cal debates, and treated Napoleon’s government there as the opening act
for Italy’s unification in a modern state.5 By the second half of the twenti-
eth century, historians had turned their gaze to signature Napoleonic
administrative and judicial innovations, which cut through regional par-
ticularities to impose a uniform, centralized, secular governing apparatus
throughout the peninsula—in short, kicking off the transition to a mod-
ern social order.6 As Anna Maria Rao concluded in an excellent

4
See Mark Elvin, ‘A short definition of ‘Modernity’?’ Past and Present, 113 (Nov. 1986):
209–213, on the difficulties of settling for a precise definition of a concept he qualifies as
‘elusive’ despite its ubiquitous use. John Breuilly has reviewed the main directions of mod-
ernization theories and suggested ways to avoid the pitfall of determinism in ‘Modernisation
as Social Evolution: The German Case, c.1800–1880’ Transactions of the Royal Historical
Society, 15 (2005): 117–147. Slippery as the term modernization is, it will continue to
inform our understanding of the Napoleonic period mainly because the historical actors
involved believed in it, even though they did not use the same terminology. See the brief
discussion in Philip Dwyer and Alan Forrest, ‘Napoleon and His Empire: Some Issues and
Perspectives’, the introduction to the volume Napoleon and His Empire. Europe 1804–1814,
edited by Philip G. Dwyer and Alan Forrest (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2006),
1–16 (9–10).
5
Benedetto Croce’s historicism inspired many investigations focused on the movement of
ideas and the evolution of theoretical models. A good overview of Crocean historicism can
be found in David D. Roberts, Benedetto Croce and the Uses of Historicism (Berkeley:
University of California Press, 1987). Landmark monographs: Vittorio Fiorini and Francesco
Lemmi, Il Periodo Napoleonico 1799–1814 (1900); Francesco Lemmi, Le origini del risorgi-
mento italiano (1789–1815) (1906). Notably, Lemmi extended the analysis to the
Enlightenment in the second edition of the work: Le origini del risorgimento italiano
(1748–1815) (1924). Later studies inspired by Lemmi’s intellectual framework: Giorgio
Candeloro, Storia dell’Italia Moderna, vol. I ‘Le origini del Risorgimento’ (Milano:
Feltrinelli, 1956); Carlo Capra, L’Età rivoluzionaria e napoleonica in Italia (Torino:
Loescher, 1978). Antonino de Francesco’s recent work has focused on the Napoleonic era’s
impact on the political culture in the peninsula: Antonino De Francesco, L’Italia di Bonaparte.
Politica, statualità e nazione nella penisola tra due rivoluzioni, 1796–1821 (Torino: UTET,
2011); Storie dell’Italia rivoluzionaria e napoleonica, 1796–1814 (Milano: Mondadori 2016).
6
In a detailed review, Steven Englund paid homage to Stuart Woolf’s pioneering examina-
tion of European integration for opening up the field to innovative historical studies that
amount to ‘nothing less than a scholarly renaissance in terms of quantity, quality, and novelty
of approach …. They have so decisively redirected the river of Napoleonic scholarship that it
no longer bypasses places named society, culture, administration, economy, education, all of
which are now, thanks to them, known to be as important as the older, more familiar ports
of call (constitution, civil code, conscription, high politics, etc.)’. ‘Monstre sacré: the question
of cultural imperialism and the Napoleonic empire’ in The Historical Journal, 51, 1 (2008):
4 D. P. HARSANYI

­istoriography review, innovative methodologies greatly enriched our

h
understanding of the moving parts that built the Napoleonic system in
Italy, but ‘questions of historical interpretation have remained basically
the same’.7
Michael Broers’ prodigious work, beginning with The Napoleonic
Empire in Italy: Cultural imperialism in a European context? (2005),
trained the spotlight on the not so good, namely on the inescapable fact
that the Napoleonic empire was a state born of military conquest, gov-
erned by force, principally to the benefit of France. As such, Edward Said’s
orientalist thesis or historical anthropologist Nathan Wachtel’s concepts of
acculturation and integration pertaining to the European expansion in
Africa and Asia supply critical insights into the way the French accumu-
lated, exercised and eventually lost power. Broers amply showed that cat-
egories borrowed from colonialism studies are especially helpful in
dissecting the Napoleonic empire’s governing techniques, ranging from
soft to hard, always geared towards coercion and control. The first step:
ralliement, a form of integration that ‘implied a wide-ranging societal
acceptance and approval of Napoleonic values and institutions’ on the
assumption that enough Italians could be persuaded to ‘absorb French
laws, institutions and mores without prompting and coercion’. Ralliement
generally moved towards amalgame or ‘a policy entailing active participa-
tion in the regime and thus, submission to its mores’.8 Ideally, the ensem-
ble of administrative tactics culminated in acculturation or assimilation to

215–250 (217–218). Englund referred to Stuart Woolf, Napoleon’s integration of Europe

(London and New York: Rutledge, 1991). For the Italian Peninsula, influential monographs
include Pasquale Villani, Italia Napoleonica (Torino: Loescher, 1973); Livio Antonielli, I
Prefetti dell’Italia Napoleonica: Repubblica e Regno d’Italia (Bologna: IL Mulino, 1983);
John A. Davis Italy in the Nineteenth Century, 1796–1900 (Oxford: Oxford University Press,
2000) and Conflict and Control: Law and Order in Nineteenth-Century Italy (Basingstoke:
Palgrave Macmillan, 1988); Alexander Grab, Napoleon and the Transformation of Europe
(Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2003). See also the impressive collective work Italia
Napoleonica: Dizionario Critico, edited by Luigi Mascilli Migliorini (Torino: UTET, 2011).
In addition, many regional studies narrowed the focus to examine the interactions between
local practices and imperial institutions.
7
Anna Maria Rao, ‘Old and New Trends in Historiography’, in Napoleon’s Empire.
European Politics in Global Perspective. Ute Planert editor (New York: Palgrave Macmillan,
2016), 84–100 (86).
8
Michael Broers, The Napoleonic Empire in Italy, 1796–1814. Cultural Imperialism in a
European Context? (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2005), 23 and 123–124. The concept
of ralliement builds on Nathan Wachtel’s concept of integration understood as unforced
incorporation of foreign elements into indigenous systems.
 1 INTRODUCTION 5

the centralized, scientific, secular, bureaucratic, that is, modern, model of

state and society in which the French took so much pride.
As I worked my way through the voluminous files preserved at the State
Archives in Parma under the laconic heading ‘The French in the states’
(Francesi negli stati), complementary insights from modernization and
colonialism methodological threads helped me grasp the intricacies of life
under French occupation in this distinctive periphery. What intrigued me
most was Broers’ statement that the French experiment in Italy ended in
failure: ‘The failure was to adapt French rule in ways that suited Italians
enough to acculturate, not one caused by a lack of effective control of the
periphery by the centre, at least in the obvious sense of preponderant
power. Yet fail they did’.9 With this disconcerting assertion ringing in my
ears, I returned to the archives with new questions: What counted as fail-
ure and what as accomplishment during the 12 years of French rule in the
States of Parma? Who decided on the matter? To the point, what did the
French think they were doing in this corner of Italy compared with what
the Parmense thought the French were doing in their country? Looking
for answers, I examined side-by-side local and French documents regard-
ing the same set of circumstances. The archives and libraries in Parma and
Piacenza are brimming with local testimonies to the French period: cor-
respondence, diaries, and awkwardly worded reports from village mayors
and priests, alongside diplomatic statements composed in polished French
by Parmense notabilities. For the French side, I traced, from the same
local archives to the National Archives, Ministry of Defense Archives and
Foreign Affairs Archives in Paris the private writings and official records
left by the French executives in place.
The Napoleonic period in Parma has attracted modest historical scru-
tiny, compared with neighbouring Liguria, Tuscany or the Kingdom of
Italy. The archival material is still lightly processed—indeed, I believe part
of the impact of this book will come from unearthing a wealth of fascinat-
ing primary documents. Parmense historians tend to see the French occu-
pation as a transitional episode sandwiched between the more alluring
times of Bourbon rule and Maria Luigia’s reign. Surveys of Napoleonic
Italy typically mention in passing an ‘also annexed’ territory that joined
the empire in 1808.10 The relative marginalization stems from the unusual

9
Broers, The Napoleonic Empire in Italy, 2.
10
A few recent articles have examined aspects of Napoleonic rule in the States of Parma,
but interested readers must go back to the early twentieth century to find monographs of the
6 D. P. HARSANYI

position on the Napoleonic chessboard, which, however, also accounts for

Parma’s relevance to the study of French-dominated Europe. Due to
international arrangements, the territory turned into a laboratory for
political experimentation. Successive French governing teams oscillated
between hands-off policies and intensive assimilationist schemes; the hesi-
tancy forced all executives in charge, and at times Napoleon himself, to
improvise and rethink key elements of the imperial agenda. Locals became
experts at scrutinizing, and making sense of, fluctuating if relentless out-
side pressures. Even when open revolt broke out, as in the case of the
Apennine insurgency, there was no compact on the anti-French front.
Rather, the insurrection brought to the surface deeply buried fractures as
the citizenry split into pro- and anti-insurgent camps; the rebels them-
selves squabbled over their own motivations and objectives. Crucially, elite
ambivalence—an issue discussed in depth in this book—more than made
up for popular resentment and complicated political calculations. The
hardest part of life under Napoleonic occupation was not finding ways to
fight it: it was separating the potential for a new beginning from the
exploitative opportunism of the French state. Imperial administrators, on
their side, were no less torn. Caught between Napoleon’s changing
demands and the unpredictable reality on the ground, they struggled to
be good occupiers, as they understood it: to bring good laws to people
accustomed to bad laws and uphold the promises of an enlightened polity.
For Napoleon’s representatives, the hardest part was not putting down
rebellions and imposing the French order; it was deciding the ratio
between fulfilling their law enforcement duties and staying true to the
progressive governance ethos that justified their power to alter the lives of
people they had never laid eyes on. The Napoleonic system restructured
identities and compelled both the French administrators and their admin-
istrés to negotiate with themselves before negotiating with each other. The
way this happened in the atypical circumstances of the States of Parma
weaken the aura of French invincibility. It revealed scores of vulnerabilities
concealed under the imperial swagger; quite to the surprise of all involved,

entire period. Lenny Montagna, Il dominio Francese a Parma 1796–1815 (Piacenza: 1926);
Vincenzo Paltrinieri, I moti contro Napoleone negli Stati di Parma e Piacenza (1805–1806).
Con altri studi storici (Bologna: Zanichelli, 1927); Umberto Benassi, Il Generale Bonaparte
ed il Duca e i Giacobini di Parma e Piacenza (Parma: Deputazione di Storia Patria, 1912).
For current explorations see especially the contributions to the volume Storia di Parma,
vol.V. I Borbone: fra illuminismo e rivoluzioni. A cura di Alba Mora (Parma: MUP, 2015).
 1 INTRODUCTION 7

this made the administrative machinery more intelligible and easier

to handle.
French administrators and local residents tacitly agreed that there was
something unique about an occupation, which, in Carlo Zaghi’s words,
‘triggered, at all levels, reflections, perplexity, rethinking, hopes, and fer-
ments’.11 Both sides had a stake in making a success of this extraordinary
experience; however, the meaning of success varied with the ‘hopes and
ferments’ that different groups, French and Parmense, placed in the
French system. Recent research has emphasized the necessary collabora-
tion between occupiers and occupied in Napoleonic Europe. I draw on
these findings, but I argue that, beyond pragmatic deal making, citizens
availed themselves of French ambivalence to interpret on their own terms
the model of society landed in their midst. Despite the undeniable power
imbalance, developments we now categorize as ralliement, amalagame,
assimilation or indeed modernization did not just happen to them: local
groups and individuals actively participated in the way French-imposed
innovations worked—or not, as the case may have been—on the ground.
To return to Michael Broers’ inference of failure: the French may have
failed to adapt their system to suit Italian interests; in their turn, Italians—
Parmense in this case—did not fail to adapt the French system to suit their
idea of what the future of their society should be. This study’s main objec-
tive is to evaluate local capacity for agency and identify the strategies
Parma’s residents deployed to inflect to their advantage policies made in
Paris and not necessarily with their interests in mind. The book does not
have the ambition to be a complete monograph. The archive-driven nar-
rative explores the workings of successive French administrations through
the parallel lenses of Napoleonic officials and Parmense citizens, with the
focus on collaborative processes that eventually shaped the Napoleonic
era’s legacy. To this end, each chapter includes granular analyses of rele-
vant characters, events and occurrences that help distil day-to-day experi-
ences, big and small, into the constant give-and-take that made this period
so intriguing for all who lived through it and so rich in long-term
consequences.
A final note on the use of toponyms: the duchies were composed of
Parma, Piacenza and Guastalla, but the latter played a lesser role compared
with Parma and Piacenza. During the first Italian campaign (1796)

11
Carlo Zaghi, L’Italia di Napoleone dalla Cisaplina al Regno. Storia d’Italia diretta da
Giuseppe Galasso (Torino: UTET, 1968), vol. 18, 100.
8 D. P. HARSANYI

Bonaparte ignored the duchies’ neutrality and redistributed parts of

Guastalla as the French army redrew borders and swapped territories.
Moreau de Saint-Méry’s administration essentially ignored the city. On 30
March 1806, Napoleon awarded Guastalla and its environs to his sister
Pauline who briefly enjoyed the title Duchess of Guastalla. Soon thereafter
(24 May 1806) the Kingdom of Italy purchased the territory. For all these
reasons, Guastalla is not included in the present book, the events discussed
here concerning mainly Parma, Piacenza and their respective regions.
Until 1808 when it became the Department of Taro, the country’s official
name was States of Parma, which tends to overlook Piacenza. For conci-
sion’s sake, I follow custom and use either Parma or Parma–Piacenza to
refer to the entire territory, and Parmense to refer to all the inhabitants.
Unless otherwise indicated, all translations from French and Italian
are mine.
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