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Critical Political Theory and Radical Practice
Series Editor
Stephen Eric Bronner, Department of Political Science, Rutgers
University, New Brunswick, NJ, USA
The series introduces new authors, unorthodox themes, critical interpre-
tations of the classics and salient works by older and more established
thinkers. A new generation of academics is becoming engaged with
immanent critique, interdisciplinary work, actual political problems, and
more broadly the link between theory and practice. Each in this series
will, after his or her fashion, explore the ways in which political theory
can enrich our understanding of the arts and social sciences. Criminal
justice, psychology, sociology, theater and a host of other disciplines
come into play for a critical political theory. The series also opens new
avenues by engaging alternative traditions, animal rights, Islamic politics,
mass movements, sovereignty, and the institutional problems of power.
Critical Political Theory and Radical Practice thus fills an important
niche. Innovatively blending tradition and experimentation, this intellec-
tual enterprise with a political intent hopes to help reinvigorate what is
fast becoming a petrified field of study and to perhaps provide a bit of
inspiration for future scholars and activists.
Fabio Macioce
The Politics
of Vulnerable Groups
Implications for Philosophy, Law, and Political
Theory
Fabio Macioce
Department of Law, Economics,
Politics and Modern Languages
LUMSA University
Rome, Italy
© The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer
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Acknowledgments
v
Contents
1 Introduction 1
2 Vulnerability: What Are We Talking About? 7
Introduction 7
Vulnerability and the Liberal Paradigm 11
Autonomy and Vulnerability: The Relational Perspective 14
Vulnerability as a Universal and Particular Condition 16
Vulnerability and the Political Dimension: Meaning
and Role of Vulnerable Groups 20
References 26
3 The Vulnerable Groups and Their Legal Value 31
Introduction 31
The Development of the Notion of Group Vulnerability
in International Law 33
Group Vulnerability in the Jurisprudence of the European
Court of Human Rights 40
Group Vulnerability in EU Law 46
Group Vulnerability and Bioethics 50
References 57
4 Towards a Theory of Group Vulnerability 61
Introduction 61
The Challenges of the Concept of the Vulnerable Group 63
Developing the Notion of Group Vulnerability 67
vii
viii CONTENTS
Index 195
CHAPTER 1
Introduction
what is more, there are far too many lists in international documents,
and I did not feel the need to add another one, which would also be
without any force or cogency. This is also the reason why, except for a few
cases, I do not even enter into the analysis of specific situations of group
vulnerability: except for the two final chapters, in which I will analyse
two cases (one for each of the two types of vulnerable groups I identify,
according to the definitions that will be provided in the research), I do
not discuss whether this or that group is really vulnerable, in what sense
it is vulnerable, and with what consequences.
The book discusses the issue of group vulnerability as follows: the first
chapter provides a brief overview of the studies on the concept of vulner-
ability, and on the theories that—in legal and political philosophy—have
used this concept as a point of observation on reality. The second chapter
is dedicated to the legal concept of group vulnerability, but still in a purely
descriptive way: in this chapter I describe the main uses of the category
of group vulnerability in international law, and in the jurisprudence of
the European Court of Human Rights, and I analyse the extensive and
often incongruous use of this category. The third chapter is instead dedi-
cated to the definition of group vulnerability, which is considered not
only theoretically plausible, at least when interpreted in a non-essentialist
way, but also politically useful, even if susceptible to being misunderstood
and applied in a victimising way: in this chapter, therefore, two defini-
tions of group vulnerability will be offered, i.e. two different ways of
understanding group vulnerability, depending on the circumstances and
characteristics of the group itself. In the fourth chapter, the concept of
group vulnerability is put in relation with the categories and concepts
of minority and discrimination, and with the processes of victimisation
that can affect groups as well as individuals; this is both to highlight the
differences and highlight the distance between the category of vulnerable
groups, and the three dimensions indicated, and to highlight the concep-
tual autonomy of each dimension and the different protection needs.
The fifth chapter analyses the complex and often ambiguous relationship
between group vulnerability and power: in particular, it discusses both the
theme of oppression, and the forms through which power is exercised
towards vulnerable groups, and the positive aspect of the relationship
between group vulnerability and power, that is, the forms through which
group vulnerability manifests itself as a place of resistance to oppression,
and as a context in which claims and positive actions emerge. Finally, in
the two concluding chapters, two cases are presented, each related to one
1 INTRODUCTION 5
Introduction
Over the last decades, the notion of vulnerability1 has become progres-
sively more relevant in philosophical debate, in the language of the social
sciences, as well as in legal texts, guidelines, and documents concerning
national and international policies. Vulnerability is invoked to justify
preventive measures, additional justification burdens, enhanced forms of
protection for specific assets (e.g. territories, artistic heritage…), or rights.
The concept of vulnerability is used to designate categories of persons or
single individuals on the basis of both their assumed physical fragility and
their equally lacking autonomy or presumed incapacity to express free
consent. At the same time, the concept of vulnerability is used to identify
situations of particular exposure to risk due to economic, environmental,
social, and legal factors, in a process of accumulation of social handi-
caps (Ferrarese 2016, 151). The reasons for such a theoretical success
1 Throughout the text I will use the notion of vulnerability—unless a different meaning
or use is expressly indicated—to indicate a state of high exposure to certain risks and
uncertainties, in combination with a reduced ability to protect or defend oneself against
those risks and uncertainties and cope with their negative consequences. Such a definition
is consistent with that provided by the United Nations Department of Economic and
Social Affairs, United Nations Report on the World Social Situation: Social Vulnerability:
Sources and Challenges (UN, New York, 2003).
are manifold: among the many, some point out both the growing insecu-
rity and political instability of the last two decades, and the changes—the
increasing precariousness—in the labour market, as well as the financial
instability of the markets, and the emergence of an “affective turn” in
social theories (Cole 2016).
Unfortunately, the concept of vulnerability is as much discussed and
used, as it is scarcely systematised. While there are many moral, political,
and social theories that use this concept, and that interpret it in different
ways and from different perspectives, very few works provide a defini-
tion of the concept and a framework of its uses in different fields and
sectors (Mackenzie et al. 2014). However, it is possible to point out that
this concept has been developed over the last few decades in three main
perspectives (Mackenzie et al. 2014, 2): within analyses of dependency
and theories of the ethics of care; in bioethical debates; in an ontological
perspective, within reflections on the human condition and corporeality.
Additionally, we may mention analyses that take vulnerability as a stand-
point for problems of distributive justice, although this approach seems
to be transversal to the three previous ones, at least in most cases.
In the first perspective, for example, we may consider the anal-
yses of Eva Kittay (1995, 2019), MacIntyre (1999), and Nussbaum
(2001, 2009), in which the dimension of vulnerability as dependence
is interpreted as a fundamental paradigm for the elaboration of an
ethical–political perspective, as well as the theory of Robert Goodin
(1986), in which the category of vulnerability as dependence on others
(in a Lévinas-like perspective) is taken as the basis for the moral imper-
ative, and the justification for social interventions. In this vein, some
scholars underlined the importance of specific instances of vulnerability
as a primary reference for public policies and interventions oriented to
social justice (Tronto 2013). If the human vulnerability is understood
as arising in large part from social factors and the environment, care
interventions necessarily entail making claims on social institutions and
“all capable others”, because the intervention of narrow caregivers is not
enough (Engster 2019, 112). For instance, a public duty in terms of
“caring with” is necessary to mitigate workers’ vulnerabilities (to harms,
joblessness, underpay, exposure to dangerous work conditions, among
other things), being narrow care networks unable to do so (Engster
2019; Engster and Hamington 2015; Tronto 2013, 23).
The concept of vulnerability is also present in several international
documents and legal instruments (the second chapter is devoted to this
2 VULNERABILITY: WHAT ARE WE TALKING ABOUT? 9
issues that are particularly significant in these theories, even from different
perspectives.
A first topic which is extensively discussed by theories of vulnerability is
the dialectic with liberal thought: not necessarily in the sense of rejecting
such a tradition, but at least in the sense of highlighting that some of its
salient characteristics are inadequate to fully grasp the human condition.
Theories of vulnerability, also with arguments developed within feminist
approaches, focus on typical liberal assumptions, such as the emphasis
on the individual and on his (the masculine pronoun is not accidental)
autonomy, as well as the crushing of this autonomy on the rational dimen-
sion, that is, on the ability to exercise a kind of sovereignty over one’s own
life and choices. Theories of vulnerability challenge this horizon, empha-
sising in contrast the value of human relationality and the constitutive
dependence of the human being. The second topic that is developed by
many theories of vulnerability is the alternative between an interpreta-
tion of vulnerability as an ontological characteristic, and therefore as a
universal trait, and the emphasis on situated vulnerability, or more gener-
ally on the specific circumstances that produce conditions of vulnerability
for individuals or groups. On the one hand, therefore, the idea of a
universal vulnerability contradicts the liberal myth of autonomy and inde-
pendence as the marks of the human condition; on the other hand, the
focus on circumstances of vulnerability makes it possible to highlight the
dynamics of power, oppression, and exclusion that determine conditions
of vulnerability, and ground claims in terms of recognition, redistribu-
tion, or balancing of power. As a consequence, the third thematic area
is the investigation of the social, political, and institutional structures
that shape, and respond to, subjective vulnerability. Central to this, is
the analysis of the political dimension of vulnerability, in opposition to
a rigid separation between public and private which is typical of many
liberal accounts, as well as discussion on the factors that can determine
the specific vulnerability of each individual. The theme of vulnerability
is intertwined here with that of resilience, but both are understood in
their public or social dimension, i.e. with reference to the question of
the resources (be they personal, material, institutional) that society makes
available to each person.
These axes of the research on vulnerability will be discussed in the
following paragraphs. However, it should be pointed out that, transversal
to them, a fourth perspective can be identified, which is represented by
2 VULNERABILITY: WHAT ARE WE TALKING ABOUT? 11
2 Nussbaum rightly points out that the focus on vulnerability does not imply, per se,
the rejection of the liberal approach: she argues that (p. 5) “liberalism needs to change
to respond adequately to those insights: but it will be changed in ways that make it
more deeply consistent with its own most foundational ideas”. In this sense, according to
Nussbaum, some basic liberal assumptions are essential to guarantee substantial justice for
women: among these, in particular, the centrality of the idea of equal citizenship.
2 VULNERABILITY: WHAT ARE WE TALKING ABOUT? 13
3 “The division of labor within marriage (except in rare cases) makes wives far more
likely than husbands to be exploited both within the marital relationship and in the world
of work outside the home. To a great extent and in numerous ways, contemporary women
in our society are made vulnerable by marriage itself. They are first set up for vulnerability
during their developing years by their personal (and socially reinforced) expectations that
they will be the primary caretakers of children, and that in fulfilling this role they will
need to try to attract and to keep the economic support of a man, to whose work life
they will be expected to give priority. They are rendered vulnerable by (…) the fact that
the world of wage work, including the professions, is still largely structured around the
assumption that “workers” have wives at home” (pp. 138–39).
14 F. MACIOCE
4 “Dependency is episodic and shifts in degree on an individual level for most of us,
mainstream political and social theorists can and often do conveniently ignore it. In their
hands, dependency, if acknowledged at all, is merely a stage that the liberal subject has
long ago transcended or left behind and is, therefore, of no pressing theoretical interest”.
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