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Blackness and
Social Mobility in
Brazil

Contemporary Transformations

Doreen J. Gordon
 Blackness and Social Mobility in Brazil

“In this original and important contribution to the study of race, gender and class
in Brazil, Doreen Gordon provides a rich ethnography of upwardly mobile Blacks
in the northeastern city of Salvador. Despite the persistent scholarly denial that a
Black middle-class exists, the author provides a necessary corrective to the idea
that money whitens and lays the groundwork for unpacking the gender and class
complexities of the Brazilian racial divide. This book illustrates how Black elites
continue to be shaped by the intellectual and political work of Black social move-
ments and cultural organizations precisely because racial violence structures their
everyday and structural experiences. The author reminds us that even in a majority
Black city and Black country, cultural dominance does not always translate into the
eradication of racial inequality or guarantee full access to citizenship.”
—Professor Keisha-Khan Perry, The Presidential Penn Compact Professor of
Africana Studies at the University of Pennsylvania,
Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, United States

“What are the practices, processes, and strategies that underlie black social mobil-
ity in contemporary Brazil? This book provides a broad and rich ethnography of
Afro-Brazilian middle class families in the city of Salvador, northeastern Brazil.
Informed by wide reading and detailed analysis, this work is relevant for all those
interested in debates about race, inequality and social change.”
—Professor Thais Machado-Borges, Associate Professor in Latin American
Studies, Stockholm University, Stockholm, Sweden
 Doreen Joy Gordon

Blackness and Social

Mobility in Brazil
Contemporary Transformations
Doreen Joy Gordon
Department of Sociology, Psychology, & Social Work
University of the West Indies
Mona, Kingston, Jamaica

ISBN 978-3-030-90764-8    ISBN 978-3-030-90765-5 (eBook)

https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-90765-5

© The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s), under exclusive licence to Springer
Nature Switzerland AG 2022
This work is subject to copyright. All rights are solely and exclusively licensed by the
Publisher, whether the whole or part of the material is concerned, specifically the rights of
reprinting, reuse of illustrations, recitation, broadcasting, reproduction on microfilms or in
any other physical way, and transmission or information storage and retrieval, electronic
adaptation, computer software, or by similar or dissimilar methodology now known or here-
after developed.
The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc. in this
publication does not imply, even in the absence of a specific statement, that such names are
exempt from the relevant protective laws and regulations and therefore free for general use.
The publisher, the authors and the editors are safe to assume that the advice and information
in this book are believed to be true and accurate at the date of publication. Neither the
publisher nor the authors or the editors give a warranty, expressed or implied, with respect to
the material contained herein or for any errors or omissions that may have been made. The
publisher remains neutral with regard to jurisdictional claims in published maps and
institutional affiliations.

This Palgrave Macmillan imprint is published by the registered company Springer Nature
Switzerland AG.
The registered company address is: Gewerbestrasse 11, 6330 Cham, Switzerland
In memory of Derek, my father
 Acknowledgements

This book is based on PhD fieldwork carried out in Salvador in the north-­
eastern state of Bahia, Brazil. Anyone who has conducted research in a
foreign country, particularly in a foreign language, knows how important
it is to be able to turn to others, even regarding the simplest of experi-
ences. This journey involved the patience, help, commitment, investment,
and encouragement of many people, to whom I am forever indebted. First
and foremost, I am especially grateful to the Brazilians and their families
who kindly opened their homes and patiently answered my questions.
Many led busy lives, yet sat with me through lengthy interviews and made
efforts to include me in their activities. Some prayed for me and worried
about my welfare in Brazil. I owe a debt of gratitude to these families and
individuals that I will never be able to repay. I hope that I have represented
them in all their complexities and take full responsibility for any
shortcomings.
Second, I am especially grateful for the invaluable guidance provided by
Peter Wade and John Gledhill at the University of Manchester: they were
inspiring supervisors with whom to develop my ideas and often took a
keen interest in my personal welfare. I would also like to thank Peter Fry
and Angela Torresan for providing vital comments on my PhD thesis as
well as the many colleagues and friends who helped along the way and had
faith in my work. Dr Elena Calvo-Gonzalez and Dr Cecilia McCallum at
the Federal University of Bahia provided invaluable practical and personal
support. This research also benefitted from the collaboration and assis-
tance of scholars based in Brazil such as Livio Sansone, Angela Figueiredo,
Elisete da Silva, Jeferson Bacelar, Mariela Hita, and Luciana Duccini. I

vii
viii ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

would like to express special thanks to Isabela Kikuta and Vera Rocha who
provided research assistance in a professional, confidential, and caring
manner. I thank Suzanna Gregory, Kiko Lisboa, Jacqueline Moreno, and
Terrianna Selby for their language translation assistance at different stages
of this project.
This research was made possible through the financial support of the
University of Manchester, the Royal Anthropological Institute, and the
University of the West Indies. Generous conference grants in the initial
dissemination of this research were provided by the University of
Manchester and the University of Oxford. My participation in the Human
Economy programme as a Post-Doctoral Fellow at the University of
Pretoria between 2010 and 2011 also helped me to think critically about
my Brazilian research.
Institutional support was provided by the University of Manchester,
where I completed my dissertation, as well as the University of the West
Indies, Mona, where I have received grants and a Principal’s Award to
help with ongoing research and the writing of this book. I would also like
to mention the assistance of the University of Texas at Austin libraries,
especially the staff of the Nettie Lee Benson Latin American Collection. In
addition, I would like to thank the Jamaican Embassy in Brazil for their
help in facilitating interviews with senior civil servants on return visits to
the country and the Brazilian Embassy in Jamaica for their ongoing sup-
port and advice. I also feel obliged to Palgrave Macmillan for offering me
the opportunity to publish my first monograph, as well as to the anony-
mous reviewers at Palgrave Macmillan for their useful comments on
my work.
Finally, I would also like to express my gratitude to close friends and
family—especially my mother, Barbara, and sister, Haydee, who have pro-
vided me with patient and loving support and encouragement during
these years. Special thanks to David Gauntlett, who supported my efforts
by purchasing a camera for my fieldwork and paying for language lessons.
 Summary of the Book

This book examines the emergence of black middle classes in urban Brazil,
after 30 years of black mobilization and against the backdrop of deep eco-
nomic, cultural, and political transformations taking place in recent
decades within the country. One of the consequences of such transforma-
tions is said to be the re-structuring of gender, race, and class relations.
Utilizing qualitative techniques such as ethnography, interviews, life histo-
ries, and focus groups in the Northeast region of the country, the book
explores contemporary race, class, and gender inequalities and their impact
on daily lived experience. It reveals the social dynamics underlying upward
mobility, the diverse modes and experiences of social ascent into the mid-
dle classes, and the everyday negotiations involved in establishing one’s
status in Salvador’s socio-racial hierarchy which are not captured by other,
more “macro” lenses. While some of these patterns and experiences are
not peculiar to black people, this book argues that race shaped the con-
tours and possibilities of social mobility in particular ways. This book is
critical reading for specialists in the fields of inequality, race, gender, and
class relations.

ix
 Contents

1 Towards an Ethnography of Upwardly Mobile Afro-­

Brazilians Living in the City of Salvador  1

2 The Context of Inequality 35

3 Racial Discourses and Identities 77

4 Class Biographies in a Racialized World119

5 Negotiating Sameness and Difference151

6 It’s in the Blood: Tension and Support in Families189

7 Keeping Up Appearances219

8 Conclusion245

Appendix251

Index261

xi
 List of Figures

Fig. 2.1 Portrait of a woman, Bahia, Brazil. (Source: From the

New York Public Library https://digitalcollections.nypl.org/
items/510d47d9-­3c7c-­a3d9-­e040-­ e00a18064a99) 40
Fig. 2.2 Municipal school, Paripe, Salvador. (Source: Doreen Gordon) 42
Fig. 2.3 Lower and Upper City, Salvador. (Source: Doreen Gordon) 43
Fig. 2.4 Ribeira, Lower City. (Source: Doreen Gordon) 44
Fig. 2.5 Group portrait of porters, Bahia, Brazil. (Source: From the
New York Public Library, https://digitalcollections.nypl.org/
items/b91b64cc-­f5dc-­da78-­ e040-­e00a180657a2) 52
Fig. 2.6 Apartment buildings on a quiet street in Federação, Salvador.
(Source: Doreen Gordon) 59
Fig. 2.7 View from an apartment in Barra neighbourhood. (Source:
Doreen Gordon) 60
Fig. 2.8 Curuzu in the Liberdade neighbourhood 61
Fig. 2.9 Luxury apartments in Salvador 62
Fig. 2.10 Mixed neighbourhood in Salvador—apartment buildings
surrounded by popular neighbourhoods. (Source: Doreen
Gordon)65
Fig. 3.1 “ACM: Force of Brazil” sign in the Santo Antonio subdistrict
of Pelourinho, Salvador. (Source: John Collins 2015, 87) 89
Fig. 3.2 Ilê Aiyê, a well-known Afro-bloco, located in Curuzu,
Liberdade, Salvador. (Source: Doreen Gordon) 104
Fig. 3.3 The interior of Ilê Aiyê where carnival rehearsals are held,
Liberdade, Salvador. (Source: Doreen Gordon) 105
Fig. 4.1 Ladeira dos Aflitos, an older neighbourhood in Salvador.
(Source: Doreen Gordon) 125

xiii
xiv List of Figures

Fig. 4.2 Luxury apartments, Corredor de Vitória, Salvador. (Source:

Doreen Gordon) 126
Fig. 5.1 Island of Itaparica, off the Coast of Salvador. (Source: Doreen
Gordon)164
Fig. 5.2 The Church of Our Lady of the Rosary of the Blacks in
Pelourinho, Salvador. (Source: Doreen Gordon) 179
Fig. 7.1 The author in an Afro-Brazilian hair-braiding workshop,
Salvador. (Source: Doreen Gordon) 232
 List of Maps

Map 2.1 Map of Brazil 38

Map 2.2 Map of Salvador 39

xv
 List of Tables

Table 2.1 Human Development Index, 1996–1997, indicating racial

inequalities in Brazil 36
Table 3.1 Racial composition in Brazil, 1880–2000, showing increasing
identification with the pardo (brown/mixed-race) category
on the national census 95

xvii
 Prologue

We are tied together in the single garment of destiny, caught in an inescapable

network of mutuality. And whatever affects one directly affects all indirectly.
(Martin Luther King Jr, from the speech “Remaining Awake Through the
Great Revolution,” 1968)

Following the World Conference against Racism, Racial Discrimination,

Xenophobia and Related Intolerance held in 2001 in Durban, South
Africa, the United Nations declared 2015–2024 to be the International
Decade of the Peoples of African Descent with the theme, “People of
African Descent: Recognition, Justice and Development.” Indeed, it is an
appropriate time to reflect on the ease with which race and racial discrimi-
nation has raised its head across the globe in recent times. We have wit-
nessed mass protests across the United States and the rest of the world in
support of the Black Lives Matter movement, especially following the
death of George Floyd, an African American who was killed in police cus-
tody in Minneapolis on May 25, 2020. Despite an unprecedented global
pandemic that has reshaped our lives as we know it, people in different
parts of the world have filled the streets, government buildings, parks, and
social media platforms calling for an end to systemic racism and sparking
heated debates about histories of colonialism and slavery, the meanings of
statues and monuments, acts of racism and police brutality, racial inequal-
ity, reparatory justice, and police reform. In Brazil, the protests have been
dubbed “Vidas Negras Importam,” highlighting the violence meted out
to largely poor, black communities by the state and security forces.
Meanwhile, an unstable political and social situation unfolded in the

xix
xx PROLOGUE

United States, as the world watched the violent storming of the Capitol
Building in Washington DC on January 6, 2021, by supporters of
President Trump. In more recent months, social protests have spread
across major cities and towns in Colombia as citizens (especially young
people) make legitimate claims relating to social inequalities, structural
racism, and exclusion—conditions which have been exacerbated by the
pandemic.1 However, these protests have been met with state repression
and the undemocratic blocking of the entry into Colombia of interna-
tional commissions and observers from the Inter-American Commission
on Human Rights.2 As Angela Davis, the political activist, philosopher,
professor, and author, recently stated, this is an extraordinary moment for
tackling racial injustice.3 What are the lessons to be learnt from historical
tragedies in global history that are/were related to racial and ethnic hier-
archizing and discrimination (such as the Holocaust, the Atlantic Slave
Trade, Apartheid, and the Rwandan Genocide)? How can these lessons be
applied to anti-racist organizing today?
The global community has made some strides in tackling racism and
racial discrimination. This includes the observance, on March 21, of
International Day for the Elimination of Racial Discrimination, to com-
memorate March 21, 1960, when police opened fire and killed 69 people
at a peaceful demonstration in Sharpeville, South Africa, against Apartheid
pass laws. Other global efforts include the Universal Declaration of
Human Rights (1948); the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of
Indigenous Peoples (2007); and three world conferences to combat rac-
ism and racial discrimination held in Geneva in 1978 and 1983 and
Durban in 2001. Yet continued vigilance is required. Recently, a global

1
BBC News, “Why Colombia’s Protests are unlikely to fizzle out.” May 31, 2021.
https://www.bbc.com/news/world-latin-america-56986821. Accessed June 14, 2021.
2
Organization of American States, “IACHR requests authorization to conduct a Working
Visit to Colombia in the Wake of Alleged Human Rights Violations During Social Protests.”
Organization of American States Media Center, May 14, 2021. http://www.oas.org/en/
IACHR/jsForm/?File=/en/iachr/media_center/PReleases/2021/125.asp. Accessed June
14, 2021.
Borda, Sandra. “Why Colombia has erupted in Protest.” Open Democracy. https://www.
opendemocracy.net/en/democraciaabierta/colombia-protest-why-erupted-en/. Accessed
June 14, 2021.
3
Angela Davis quote cited in an article by Tonya Morley and Allison Hagan writing in
“Here and Now,” a news publication of Boston’s NPR news station, WBUR (public radio).
https://www.wbur.org/hereandnow/2020/06/19/angela-davis-protests-anti-racism.
Accessed June 16, 2021.
 PROLOGUE xxi

call was made for concrete action for the elimination of racism, racial dis-
crimination, xenophobia, and related intolerance as well as the compre-
hensive implementation of and follow up to the Durban Declaration and
Programme of Action. While the resolution was adopted by the UN
General Assembly on December 31, 2020, the vote summary is of some
concern. Jamaica, Barbados, Brazil, Belize, Mexico, and Rwanda voted
“yes”—however, powerful and influential countries such as Canada, the
Netherlands, Israel, the United Kingdom, and the United States voted
“no.” Sweden, New Zealand, Nigeria, Norway, and Portugal abstained
from voting.4
More recently, the United Nations Human Rights Council has urged
global action including reparations to “make amends” for racism against
people of African descent. This is based on a study carried out by the
United Nations in the wake of George Floyd’s death. In June 2020, the
UN Human Rights Council adopted unanimously a resolution brought
by African nations that condemned discrimination and violent policing
and requested a report on systemic racism.5 Based on discussions with
more than 300 experts and people of African descent, nations were
strongly encouraged to take action to end racial injustice. The report sites
concern related to racial injustice in about sixty countries including the
United Kingdom, Belgium, France, Brazil, and Colombia. Furthermore,
the use of racial profiling and excessive police force was found to be sys-
temic in much of North America, Europe, and Latin America. The report
concludes that in order to achieve racial justice, countries should make
amends for centuries of violence and discrimination, including through
formal acknowledgement and apologies, truth-telling processes, educa-
tional reforms, memorialization, and reparations in various forms.6

4
See United Nations Digital Library: A Global Call for Concrete Action for the Elimination
of Racism, Racial Discrimination, Xenophobia, and Related Intolerance. https://digitalli-
brary.un.org/record/3896183?ln=en. Accessed June 16, 2021.
5
Sammy Westfall, “UN Human Rights Chief Calls for Reparations to Address Systemic
Racism around the World.” The Washington Post, June 28, 2021. https://www.washington-
post.com/world/2021/06/28/united-nations-systemic-racism-report/. Accessed July
30, 2021.
6
BBC News, “UN Human Rights Chief Calls for Reparations Over Racism.” June 28,
2021. https://www.bbc.com/news/world-europe-57646933. Accessed July 30, 2021.
xxii PROLOGUE

The Situation of African Descendants

in the Americas

According to the United Nations, around 200 million African descen-

dants are living in the Americas, whether as descendants of former slaves
or more as recent migrants.7 They account for a quarter of Latin America’s
population and are over-represented among the poor, as highlighted by a
new World Bank report.8 Brazil has the largest African-descendant popula-
tion in the world outside of Africa—indeed, roughly half of the Brazilian
population identify as preto (black) or pardo (brown/mixed race), corre-
sponding to about 107 million people out of a national population of 201
million (PNAD 2013).9 Despite making up the majority of the popula-
tion, however, statistics show that Afro-Brazilians are twice as likely to be
poor as white Brazilians, have less access to quality health care and educa-
tion, and are disproportionately affected by crime and violence.10 Afro-­
Brazilians also appear to have fewer chances for social mobility—for
example, a study carried out across major Brazilian cities and released in
2013 by the Inter-Union Department of Statistics and Socioeconomic
Studies (DIEESE) indicated that black professionals earn 36 per cent less
than their non-black counterparts—regardless of region or educational
attainment.11 Such statistics are bringing awareness to Brazil’s systemic
racism, long embedded as normal practice within Brazil’s institutions,
structures, and organizations.
While researchers have increasingly documented how racism affects the
lives of African descendants in the Americas, there has been a long history
of political and social elites promoting policies of “whitening” of the

7
United Nations International Decade for the People of African Descent 2015–2024.
https://www.un.org/en/events/africandescentdecade/index.shtml. Accessed July 30, 2021.
8
World Bank Report on Afro-Descendants in Latin America (2018). http://documents1.
worldbank.org/curated/en/896461533724334115/pdf/129298-­7-8-2018-17-29-37-­
AfrodescendantsinLatinAmerica.pdf. Accessed July 30, 2021.
9
Pesquisa Nacional por Amostra de Domicilios (2013), Instituto Brasileiro de Geografia e
Estatística. https://biblioteca.ibge.gov.br/visualizacao/livros/liv94414.pdf. Accessed
September 27, 2020.
10
World Bank Report on Afro-Descendants in Latin America (2018). http://documents1.
worldbank.org/curated/en/896461533724334115/pdf/129298-­7-8-2018-17-29-37-­
AfrodescendantsinLatinAmerica.pdf. Accessed September 27, 2020.
11
Os Negros nos Mercados de Trabalho Metropolitanos. 2013. Departamento Intersindical de
Estatística e Estudos Socioeconômicos. https://www.dieese.org.br/analiseped/2013/2013
pednegrosmet.pdf. Accessed September 27, 2020.
 PROLOGUE xxiii

population,12 downplaying the contributions of Afro-Latin Americans,

and denying the significance of racism—effectively rendering black voices
and bodies invisible (Andrews, 2004; Perez-Sarduy and Stubbs, 1995;
Wade, 2010). Traditionally, Latin Americans have tended to see them-
selves as societies living in different versions of “racial democracies,”
defined by the harmonious blending of races and cultures (Wade, 2010;
Wade, Scorer and Aguiló, 2019). The advent of the racial democracy myth
in Brazilian society in the early twentieth century allowed successive gov-
ernments to brush off racism as an outdated problem that had been
“solved” by slavery’s abolition. The result is a society where racism and
resulting social inequalities are not revealed or discussed, so it seems not
to exist. Indeed, the black activist Edna Roland, who was a Rapporteur at
the World Conference against Racism in Durban in 2001, likened racism
in Brazil to a “Hydra of Lerna,” a mythological, multi-headed creature
that when you cut one of its heads off, other heads appear immediately in
many places and positions (Ciconello, 2008: 1). The result is that racism
becomes embedded in various institutional structures and patterned social
relations, developing in new and different forms.
In more recent years, there has been a sea change in attitudes and prac-
tices regarding race in Brazil. Since Brazil’s democratic opening in the
1980s, there have been determined efforts by black activists, researchers,
and academics to bring attention to persistent racial inequalities in Brazil,
along with increased public awareness and political attention to the issue.
For example, the government implemented a mix of policies meant to
promote social inclusion such as affirmative action, reserved quotas in the
job market and in educational institutions, awareness campaigns, and anti-­
discrimination legislation. In particular, the creation of the Palmares
Foundation—a federal institution named after a well-known quilombo
settlement in colonial Brazil—was widely regarded as a victory for the

12
Rooted in different strands of scientific racism and eugenics thinking at the time, late
nineteenth- and early twentieth-century elites in Latin America promoted policies of “whit-
ening” for their obviously non-white populations. This included encouraging European emi-
gration to Brazil and ascribing a higher value to European cultural practices amongst others.
Their hope was that black Brazilians would have children with white Europeans and their
descendants, producing generations of lighter-skinned Brazilians. This idea of “whitening”
was understood to be positively aligned with the aim of creating a modern, civilized Brazil,
thereby eliminating the threat of degeneration and backwardness which were thought to be
the result of a high degree of racial mixture in the population.
xxiv PROLOGUE

Afro-Brazilian community.13 The institution represented a powerful sym-

bol of the Brazilian state’s recognition of the consequences of slavery and
its commitment to work towards racial equality, while recognizing and
protecting the Afro-Brazilian perspective as a key element in the country’s
history. This recognition of the Afro-Brazilian contribution to Brazilian
history and society has improved the general awareness in the population
of racism and racial inequalities in Brazil (Ciconello, 2008).
However, the gains that Brazil has made in addressing racial inequalities
since at least the 1980s have been increasingly threatened by current
events and politics in Brazil, including a growing opposition among some
sectors of the population to legislative changes and redistributive poli-
cies—such as affirmative action—aimed at improving and protecting the
rights of Afro-Brazilians.14 The resurgence of Far Right politics in Brazil,
intensifying with the election of Jair Bolsonaro in October 2018, is being
propelled by a wave of class resentment, racism, sexism, homophobia, and
religious fundamentalism, in reaction to the long-standing dominance of
the Workers’ Party (2003–2016) and their public policies (Perry 2020;
Vargas 2016). One of the more troubling developments in recent times is
that the man tasked with promoting black culture in Brazil, Sérgio
Camargo, has made several inflammatory remarks, such as calling the
Brazilian Black Movement “scum” and threatening to cut funding for the
annual Black Consciousness Day events.15 Additionally, historically impor-
tant academic research centres dedicated to studying Afro-Brazilian his-
tory and culture and Brazil-Africa relations are now under increased
pressure due to shifts in foreign policy, lack of funding, resources, and
full-time staff, among other challenges.16 Recent developments like these

13
A quilombo is a settlement that was formed by enslaved people and others escaping bond-
age and oppression in colonial Brazil. The name of this particular maroon settlement was
called Quilombo dos Palmares, which was located in the Northeast of Brazil in the modern-­
day state of Alagoas.
14
See Rafael Lima, “How Brazil’s Anti-Racism Agency became a part of the Problem” in The
Brazilian Report published on July 6, 2020. https://brazilian.report/society/2020/07/06/
brazil-anti-racism-agency-became-part-of-the-­problem/?fbclid=IwAR2bv4INGsUMA-RK-­
DZRE4tMdMltuys0_M6eqgSojWo288_iKNh9xjZ2qMM. Accessed July 9, 2020.
15
Tom Phillips, “Black Official recorded calling Black Rights Movement Scum,” The
Guardian, June 3, 2020. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2020/jun/03/brazil-­
sergio-­camargo-black-rights-movement-scum-recording. Accessed September 27, 2020.
16
Two historically important centres of African research in Brazil are the Center for Afro-­
Oriental Studies in Salvador and the Center for Afro-Asian Studies in Rio de Janeiro. The
former was founded in 1959 at the Federal University of Bahia. The latter was originally
 PROLOGUE xxv

make it all the more urgent to understand contemporary Brazilian racial

dynamics in the effort to dismantle racism.

What This Book Is About

This book draws on long-term ethnographic research and engagement
with a specific location—Salvador, Bahia, Brazil. At the same time, it links
with larger processes occurring across the African diaspora, suggesting
that the world can learn from Brazil’s long history of the denial of racism
and its efforts to dismantle it. This book therefore defends the possibility
of discussing race and racism within a diasporic continuum, attuned to
commonalities and distinctions across the black diaspora.
Many studies on race relations in Brazil have focused on marginalized
and excluded populations, even as it is recognized that Afro-descendants
constitute a heterogeneous population and their situations are not the
same everywhere. Indeed, across different historical periods and regions in
Latin America, there have been segments of the African-descendant popu-
lation that have held higher social positions, despite enormous societal
challenges and the pervasive presence of racism. Therefore, this book aims
to bring fresh insight into the issue of black social mobility in contempo-
rary urban Brazil, focusing in detail on the lives of a small number of
upwardly mobile Afro-Brazilians who self-identified as negro (black) living
in Salvador, Bahia. It fills an important need in the English language litera-
ture on black social mobility in Brazil for detailed, ethnographic analysis of
the social backgrounds, economic strategies, social networks, daily lives,
discourses, and practices of contemporary middle-class Afro-Brazilians—a
group paradoxically marked by economic progress and social marginality.
It is based on ethnographic fieldwork carried out between 2005 and 2007,
with follow-up research in the summers of 2013 and 2017. It is important
to note that this research has since been disseminated and published into
various articles and book chapters, and that some of this material is
reflected here.
Moreover, this book revises key narratives that have dominated public
discourse in the past, such as the idea that African descendants “whiten”

established at Itamaraty under the Jânio Quadros Presidency and later moved to Cândido
Mendes University. Both centres represented a desire for greater exchanges between Brazil
and African countries, especially under the Lula Presidency. However, recent shifts in foreign
policy have seriously undermined these efforts.
Another random document with
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The Project Gutenberg eBook of The lucky little
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This ebook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States
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Title: The lucky little stiff

Author: H. P. S. Greene

Release date: April 28, 2024 [eBook #73484]

Language: English

Original publication: United States: The Butterick Publishing

Company, 1927

Credits: Roger Frank and Sue Clark

*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE LUCKY

LITTLE STIFF ***
 An air pilot and the field of broken wings

THE LUCKY LITTLE STIFF

By H. P. S. Greene

France. Mud. A khaki-clad column of fours slogging along to the

rhythm of their own muttered but heart-felt blasphemy—a common
enough sight in the winter of 1917-1918.
But in one particular this procession of sufferers was unique. On
the shoulders of each performer shone bright silver bars, and their
more or less manly chests were spanned by Sam Browne belts. A
casual observer would have taken them for officers. But no, on each
breast was a pair of silver wings, and their uniforms were of well-
fitting but variously designed whipcord. The pot-bellied little person in
the indecently short yellow serge blouse who led them was an
officer; his followers were flying lieutenants.
They were a part of the personnel-in-training of the great
American aviation field of Issy-la-Boue, the advance guard of the ten
thousand American bombing planes which publicity agents said were
going to blast the Huns out of Berlin.
The column passed between two long barracks, one of which,
filled to capacity with double-decker bunks, yawned thru an
unfinished open end.
“Squads right!” shrilled the pot-bellied one with the captain’s bars
in a startling tremolo. “Heh!”
 The men behind squads-righted in a dispirited fashion and came
to a halt in straggling lines. The squawky voice continued:
“I want to say that you are the most undisciplined body of men I
ever saw. That—er—mélée you staged when you were unwittingly
marched into—er—contact with a body of enlisted men was the most
disgraceful exhibition on the part of officers so-called I ever saw in
my life. I—er—want to say you are a disgrace to the service. That’s
all I want to say. Oh, I—er—believe Lieutenant Crosby has
something to say to you.”
Flying-Lieutenant Crosby stepped forward and cleared his throat.
He was a born Babbitt, a destined getter-together.
“Men,” he began, and then hesitated. Perhaps he should have
said “officers,” but that wouldn’t have sounded right either. He rushed
on, “I want to remind you that Happy’s and Sam’s funeral is this
afternoon. All flying is called off as usual. There wasn’t much of a
crowd out for poor old Bill yesterday. I know it’s a long walk and all
that but we want to get a good crowd out this afternoon. The cadets
are going to try to get a good crowd out for their fellow who got
bumped, and we want to get a good crowd out too. That’s all I
wanted to say.”
He retired to the ranks. The fat officer shouted “Dismissed!” Then
he changed his mind.
“As you were. The commanding officer wanted me to announce
that quarantine to the post is on again until the perpetrator of the
outrage of stopping the Paris Express has been discovered and
punished. Dismissed!”
The half-broken ranks scattered in the direction of their barracks.
Toward the one with the unfinished end went three oddly dissimilar
figures. They were always together, and of course some one had
already thought of calling them “The Three Musketeers.”
One was short, dark and slim, with pathetic eyes and a dispirited
mustache. Another was tall and lathy, with a long lugubrious
countenance. The third was blond and almost corpulent.
“I knew it, Tommy, I knew it,” said the tall man. “How come you
and ‘Fat’ to pull such a stunt, anyway? Ain’t such a joke now, is it?
What’re you going to do about it?”
 The three entered their barrack and sat down on a bunk near the
open end, well away from the crowd huddled around the stove in the
middle. The little man gazed sadly before him.
His mustache drooped dolefully. Some observant person had
remarked that he could read Tommy by his mustache. When it was
freshly waxed and pert, he was just going on a party. When it was
sorry and unkempt, he had just been on one.
“You know we didn’t mean any harm,” he said. “All that stuff the
frogs put out about our trying to wreck the train was a dish of prunes.
As if it wasn’t bad enough to miss the truck and walk out here twelve
miles from town without having all this on top of it. When the
quarantine for the itch was taken off, and Fat and I got those “thirty-
six hours on condition you don’t go to Paris” passes, we got by the
M. P.’s at the gare in Paris all right.
“We went out through the baggage-room. I wasn’t in the
Ambulance for nothing. We came back into the station the same
way, and once we got on the train we went right to sleep. They sure
do put up a good champagne cocktail at Henry’s, and then all those
beers at the Follies!
“Well, when I woke up we were at a station. I looked out and the
sign on it said Chateauroux. I knew where we were all right because
I’ve flown over the place. We’d passed Issy. So I woke Fat up and
pulled him off the train. There was another train standing in the
station, and I asked a frog where it went to and he said it was the
Paris Express. So I knew it would take us back to Issy again, and we
hopped on.
“We got into a third class compartment with a lot of poilus, and
they had beaucoup red wine, and we drank to la belle France, and
les-Êtats-Unis, and when I woke up again the train was just leaving a
station, and the sign said Issy-la-Boue. By the time I realized what it
all meant we were going too fast to jump off, so I pulled that handle
on the wall, and the train stopped.
“When we saw how wrought up the frogs were, we beat it. No
wonder we had to come over and help them win the war, if they’re all
as bum shots as those birds were! Guess they thought we were
bandits or spies or something. Well, we had to walk home to keep
from being A. W. O. Loose from roll-call this morning, and never got
home till four o’clock. Suppose after flying, I’ll have to go over and
’fess up to Herman, or you birds will never get any more passes. But
I know I’ll never get one if I stay here for the duration of the war.”
“No pass ain’t nothin’ to what you’ll get, boy!” said “Long John.”
“Shot at sunrise, is my bet. But I admire your self-sacrificin’ spirit.”
“Never mind, we’ll take our medicine, won’t we, Fat? And if I don’t
mention you, maybe he won’t say anything about it.”
Fat grunted dolefully. Outside a bugle blew. The three rose to go.
“It’s me and Tommy to fly the eighteen meters,” said Long John.
“Where do you go, Fat?”
“Machine-gun,” was the answer.
“Hum, too bad. I heard the guy they shot there last week croaked.
The bullet went right thru his leg, and the quack dressed the place
where it went in all right, but forgot to see if it came out. Gangrene
set in and his leg rotted off, and they had to shoot him. Now a feller
your build— say, it wouldn’t go through at all. Just stay there and
fester—”
But his victim was gone.

Tommy flew badly that morning. He was all in, his head ached and,
besides, he was worrying about that interview with Major Herman
Krause. And then he had to practise landings—nervous work at best
in an unfamiliar ship. Finally he blew a tire and was bawled out
unmercifully by the instructor.
Luckily it was on his tenth and last trip, and he breathed a sigh of
relief when the lecture was over and he could go. He went to the
barracks and policed up. Shave, shine, but no shampoo. There was
hardly enough water for drinking and shaving, and that was brought
many miles in tank wagons. Bathing was something one went
without at Issy—and felt not much the worse unless the scabbies set
in.
Once militarily clean, Tommy dragged himself to headquarters,
entirely ruining the new shine so painfully acquired. He entered the
presence of the adjutant feeling like a whipped schoolboy. He
saluted and stood at attention.
 “Sir, Lieutenant Lang to speak to the commanding officer.”
The adjutant kept on writing for about five minutes at a desk
stacked with piles of reports. Then he looked up savagely and spoke
with a slight accent:
“What? Oh, yes. What for?”
“About the Paris Express.”
“Go right in. He’s waiting.”
Tommy went in and stood with trembling knees before the C. O.
He was a large florid man with beetling brows and his manner was
not encouraging.
“You? Well? What about it?”
Tommy explained as well as he could, stressing his innocence.
He thought his plea must have softened an executioner, but Major
Krause was uncompromising in attitude and words.
“Young man,” he said, “you are a disgrace, sir! A disgrace to the
United States Army!” Tommy thought he had heard those words
before. “We have been having considerable trouble with the guard.
Those cadets are the worst disciplined body of men I ever saw.”
Again a familiar note.
“As for you—you seem to have trouble keeping awake. A
permanent assignment as commander of the guard ought to give
you beneficial practise at it. Of course, after keeping awake all night,
you will need to sleep in the day-time. You are therefore relieved
from flying duty. Report at guard mount this evening and every
evening until further orders. That will do.”
Tommy saluted and went out, his heart sinking. There were only
three known ways of getting out of Issy-la-Boue. The first was to
break your neck. The second was to fly so well that you were
graduated. The third was to fly so poorly that you were sent to
Blooey for reclassification, probably as an armament officer. Which
was generally considered the lowest form of life so far discovered in
the air service.
All these methods were dependent on flying. Once a man was
taken off flying duty, it took an act of Congress to get him away from
the place.
 The little man wended his way back to the barracks. His
comrades were sitting on their bunks, and he poured his tale of woe
into their receptive ears. Being beyond words, they accorded him
silent sympathy. Finally Fat spoke:
“Well, I’m lucky to be out of it. Say, did you hear the news? Brock
was washed out on the fifteens this morning.”
“That makes seven in a week,” said Tommy after a pause. “How’d
it happen?”
“Same old thing. Wings came off.”
A bugle called. Most of the flying lieutenants went outside and,
joining others from near-by barracks, formed in line. A few
commands, and they were in one of the rivers of mud which served
as roads at the field. Presently they were halted behind three long
two-wheeled pushcarts; each cart bore a long box covered with an
American flag. The mourners stood in the mud for half an hour
waiting, and then a dispirited looking band appeared. Its bass drum
echoed boom-boom-boom-boom-boom, and the procession started.
Through the gate of the camp it went, and out on to the main
road, while the drum kept up its sad, hollow sound. Yard after yard,
rod after rod, until the cortège had walked two miles. Then it turned
into a young but flourishing cemetery, with red, raw mounds in
orderly lines.
The men were formed around three fresh graves. A pale-faced Y.
M. C. A. man stumbled through the burial service. A red-faced Knight
of Columbus did likewise. A Frenchman flew over and dropped some
dessicated roses. Then they all marched away again; only the boxes
and a small burial party remained behind.
The band struggled with its one tune, a lively quickstep, according
to regulations. Two old peasants drew their cart to one side of the
road to let them pass.
“Comme ils sont trists, les ’tits Americains!” said the woman.
“Quelle musique!” answered her spouse.

The three chums went back to their bunks.

 “Do you birds know anything about being the commander of the
guard?” asked Tommy with some concern.
“No,” replied Fat.
“Sure,” answered Long John. “I was chucked out of the first
training camp. First, you have to have a gun.”
“A rifle?” asked Tommy.
“No, you little sap. Officers don’t carry rifles, or flying lieutenants
either. A pistol.”
“But I ain’t got a pistol.”
“Borrow one then. Do you know the general orders?”
“I don’t know any generals, orders or debility either.”
“Never mind trying to be funny. You may find out it ain’t no joke
about generals. The Old Boy himself and the Silly Civilian are going
to inspect the post tomorrow. I saw the orders over at the operations
office for every machine to be up that can get off the ground. I
suppose that means a lot more long walks. But it’s most time for
guard mount; you’d better run along and find a gun.”
Tommy disappeared and finally returned with a regulation web
belt and holster in one hand, and a .25 caliber automatic in the other.
“What are you going to do with that popgun, you idiot?” asked
Long John disgustedly. “Are you going hunting canary birds, or
what?”
“I couldn’t find a regular gun, and a cadet loaned me this. He said
officers had taken it before and put a dirty sock or something in the
holster so the butt would just show, and got by all right.”
“Very well, then, take one of Fat’s socks. The smell may keep you
awake. Is the blamed thing loaded? Look out you don’t shoot
yourself. There’s the call, now. Put on your belt. You fool! How many
belts are you going to wear? What do you think you are, a past
grand master of the Holy Jumpers? Take off your Sam Browne.
There—get going, now.
“Well, away he goes, and he doesn’t know whether Julius Cesar
was stabbed or shot off horseback. Did you ever see the like, Fat?
But I bet he comes out all right some way, the lucky little stiff. I never
knew it to fail. Well, let’s go up by the stove.”
 But Tommy wasn’t such a complete fool as he appeared. He
knew the old Army advice for shavetails, “Find a good sergeant and
stick to him.” The sergeant of the guard was a grizzled old sufferer
who had been through it all many, many times. He engineered the
guard mount and posted the guard. Then Tommy drew him to one
side.
“What do I do now, Sergeant?” he asked.
“Well, the lieutenant has to inspect the guard three times, once
between midnight and six o’clock in the morning. First ask them for
their special orders, and then for their general orders. If they make a
mistake, I’ll nudge you and you say, ‘Correct him, Sergeant,’ and I’ll
fix him up. It’s getting dark now. Would the Lieutenant like to make
his first inspection before supper?”
Inspection was a hectic affair. The guard was composed of
cadets who had joined the Army to fly and remained in it to mount
guard, and it was their intention to make it as interesting as possible
for all concerned, especially their superiors. But the old sergeant was
equal to the occasion. He steered Tommy by the traps planted for
him, and then showed him the guardhouse.
There the commander of the guard ate his slum and then
returned to his barrack. Long John grabbed him by the arm as he
entered.
“That frog was around again today, and he brought a lot of stuff,”
he whispered. “You’re in on it. Doc is goin’ to make punch. Be
around at nine o’clock.”

Tommy was there at the appointed time. At the far end a crowd was
gathered. Men were perched as closely as possible on the double-
deck bunks. In their midst Bacchanalian rites were in progress.
“Doc,” a stout man with a red, satyr-like countenance, was beating a
huge bowl of eggs. Before him within easy reach and frequently
applied, was an assorted row of bottles. Tommy read some of the
labels—Cherry Brandy, Martell, D. O. M., Absinthe.
“My God,” he muttered to himself, “everything but nitroglycerine.”
The party was undoubtedly a success. There were songs and
dances and stories. Finally it got to the speechmaking stage. An
interruption in the form of a volley of shots was welcome to every
one except the current performer. A trampling of feet, and then more
shots followed. A voice at the other end of the barrack shouted
“Attention!” as Major Krause stumbled in. He had evidently been
running, but he tried to stalk around in a dignified manner.
Somebody whispered—
“Those damn cadets have been shooting off their guns and
raising hell again, and he’s been trying to catch them.”
The major approached the end of the barrack where the party
had been in progress. He sniffed suspiciously, but the punch-bowl
had been shoved under a bunk and the bottles into boots, and there
was no evidence in sight. Finally he asked—
“Are there any guns in this barrack?”
“No,” Tommy spoke up. “I know, because I was trying to borrow
one this afternoon to mount guard with.”
A partially suppressed titter rose and fell again. The C. O.
wheeled around furiously.
“So it’s you again, is it?” he thundered. “Carousing in here while
your superiors attend to your duties. Get out to your guard and put a
stop to that indiscriminate shooting. I swear if I see you again tonight
I’ll prefer charges and have you broke!”
Tommy stumbled out into the darkness and headed in what he
thought was the direction of the guardhouse. His head was buzzing
painfully. A volley of shots sounded somewhere in front of him. He
felt vaguely that he ought to do something about it, and ran in that
direction, only to fall over the guy-rope of a hangar and fall heavily.
More shots behind him. He got up and staggered on. Suddenly there
was a flash and a report right before him. Then a voice yelled—
“Halt.”
“Commander of the guard,” bawled Tommy.
A dark figure loomed up vaguely in the murk. He struck a match
and saw a grinning cadet working the bolt of his rifle and waving the
muzzle around dangerously. Suddenly it exploded and Tommy felt
mud splatter over him.
“I thought I saw something moving and halted it, and it wouldn’t
halt, so I fired, but I don’t understand this gun very well, sir,” said the
cadet, still working at the bolt.
The commander of the guard turned and fled. He was getting
dizzier every minute. Finally he tripped over another guy-rope and
fell, to rise no more.
When he woke, it was with the consciousness of having been
annoyed for a long time by a rasping noise which was still going on.
He tried to pull himself together and think. He could vaguely discern
the bulk of a hangar. There was a queer, unexplained rasping. Filed
wires—Wings coming off—Funerals—
The noise stopped, and presently a dark figure crept out through
the hangar door and started to steal away. Tommy drew the little
automatic from its holster and fired. The next thing he realized was
that there were flashlights and men everywhere. The sergeant of the
guard. Major Krause. Calls for explanation. Tommy tried to explain. A
voice said—
“You fool, you’ve shot the adjutant!” Strong hands seized him and
hustled him away.

Next morning, when a detail came to the guardhouse, Tommy was

still in a daze. The leader told him to police up, as he was to go
before the C. O. He was still confused when he was led into the
office at headquarters.
The commanding officer was there, and Captain La Croix, the
French officer who advised as to instruction. Also a large, fierce man
with stars on his shoulders, and a little civilian with glasses and a
trench coat several sizes too large for him. Tommy’s legs seemed to
be made of butter.
Major Krause was speaking, and strange to say, his voice was
not unkind.
“Lieutenant Lang,” he said, “I revoke everything I said yesterday.
You have done a great service for your country. I regret to say that a
small file was found on the body of the adjutant, and that some of the
ships were found to have been tampered with—so skillfully that
detection was very unlikely. Inspection of the adjutant’s papers
brought out evidence that he was an Austrian citizen. Tell the general
and the secretary how you came to discover what was going on.”
 “Well,” blurted Tommy, “it was this way. I was dizzy and fell down
two or three times and finally I decided to go to sleep. Then some
guy kept making a filing noise and waking me up, so I shot him.”

That evening three flying lieutenants were finishing an illicit meal of

chicken and champagne at a little French inn about three miles from
the field, and the smallest of the trio was finishing a story.
“There was a long argument,” he said, “and the general and the
major were all for preferring charges, but Captain La Croix stood up
for me and said I was a good pilot, and finally they agreed to let him
get me transferred to a French observation squadron at the front.”
The tall man and the fat one looked at each other and at their little
companion. Then they ejaculated as one—
“You lucky little stiff!”

THE END

Transcriber’s Note: This story appeared in the October 1, 1927

issue of Adventure magazine.
 *** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK THE LUCKY
LITTLE STIFF ***

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