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Politics of
Representation
Historically Disadvantaged
Groups in India’s Democracy
Edited by
su dh a pa i
su k h a deo t hor at
Politics of Representation
 Sudha Pai · Sukhadeo Thorat
Editors

Politics
of Representation
Historically Disadvantaged Groups in India’s
Democracy
Editors
Sudha Pai Sukhadeo Thorat
Jawaharlal Nehru University School of Social Sciences
New Delhi, Delhi, India Jawaharlal Nehru University
New Delhi, India

ISBN 978-981-19-1543-7 ISBN 978-981-19-1544-4 (eBook)

https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-19-1544-4

© The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer
Nature Singapore Pte Ltd. 2022
This work is subject to copyright. All rights are solely and exclusively licensed by the
Publisher, whether the whole or part of the material is concerned, specifically the rights
of translation, reprinting, reuse of illustrations, recitation, broadcasting, reproduction on
microfilms or in any other physical way, and transmission or information storage and
retrieval, electronic adaptation, computer software, or by similar or dissimilar methodology
now known or hereafter developed.
The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc.
in this publication does not imply, even in the absence of a specific statement, that such
names are exempt from the relevant protective laws and regulations and therefore free for
general use.
The publisher, the authors and the editors are safe to assume that the advice and informa-
tion in this book are believed to be true and accurate at the date of publication. Neither
the publisher nor the authors or the editors give a warranty, expressed or implied, with
respect to the material contained herein or for any errors or omissions that may have been
made. The publisher remains neutral with regard to jurisdictional claims in published maps
and institutional affiliations.

This Palgrave Macmillan imprint is published by the registered company Springer Nature
Singapore Pte Ltd.
The registered company address is: 152 Beach Road, #21-01/04 Gateway East, Singapore
189721, Singapore
 Preface and Acknowledgments

The essays in this volume were first presented at a conference on Political

Representation organized by the Indian Institute of Dalit Studies at the
Jawaharlal Nehru University New Delhi on August 23–24, 2018, with the
support from Rosa Luxemburg Stiftung. The essays were subsequently
discussed and revised over two workshops held in New Delhi in 2019.
We are grateful to the Contributors for their contributions, revising them
at times, at short notice, and their patience while it was being produced.
We are also grateful to Dr. Vinod K. Mishra, faculty at Indian Institute of
Dalit Studies for his help in putting together this volume. We also thank
the Director, Indian Institute of Dalit Studies, Dr. Gobind C Pal for his
support. We also thank Mr. Stefan Mentschel, Regional Representative
RLS, South Asia and Mr. Tauqueer A Sabri, project manager in RLS,
South Asia for their constant encouragement and support throughout the
preparation of this manuscript.
We acknowledge the permission granted by the following journals
for permission to include the following essays in a slightly revised form
in our Volume. Ambedkar’s Proposal to Safeguards Minorities against
Communal Majority in Democracy by Sukhadeo Thorat in Journal of
Social Inclusion Studies Vol. 5 No. 2 2019 Sage Publication; Formu-
lation of Inclusive Policies in Parliament Vol. 43, Issue no. 29, July
19, 2008, by Narender Kumar in Economic and Political Weekly and
Democratic Institutions, Political Representation and Women’s Empower-
ment: The Reservation Debate in India, by Shirin Rai in Democratization,

v
vi PREFACE AND ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

Volume 6, 1999, Issue 3, Taylor and Francis subsequently published as

an e-paper on September 26, 2007.
This study is sponsored by the Rosa Luxemburg Stiftung (www.ros
alux.in). The content of the publication is the sole responsibility of the
author/publisher and does not necessarily reflect a position of Rosa
Luxemburg Stiftung. The volume would not have been possible without
the generous financial support of the Rosa Luxemburg Stiftung, New
Delhi, for the book project on Representation of Disadvantaged Groups,
we gratefully acknowledge their help.

New Delhi, India Sudha Pai

Sukhadeo Thorat
 Contents

Introduction 1
Sudha Pai and Sukhadeo Thorat

Politics of Representation
Group Representation and Reservations for Minorities
in Colonial India 35
Vidhu Verma
Paradoxes of Political Inclusion: Political Reservation
for Scheduled Tribes in India 57
Jagannath Ambagudia

Representation in Electoral Systems and Institutions

Ambedkar’s Solution Against Communal Majority 81
Sukhadeo Thorat
Ambedkar’s Alternatives to Electoral Safeguards
and Electoral Representation of Untouchables
and Minorities 101
Raja Sekhar Vundru
Scheduled Caste MPs and Their Role in Influencing
Policy-Making 119
Narender Kumar

vii
viii CONTENTS

Representation of Religious Minorities

Majoritarian Politics and the Representation of India’s
Muslims 143
Zoya Hasan
Representing Indian Muslims: Parliamentary Questions
as Instrument of Evaluating Substantive Representation
in the Lok Sabha, 1999–2016 161
Fakhruz-Zaman and Aisha Imtiyaz
Shifting Terrain of Muslim Representation: New Political
Experiments in Indian States in the 2000s 183
Sajjan Kumar

Representation of Women
Legislative Presence and Substantive Representation: The
Case of Women Legislators in India 211
Shefali Jha
The Reservation Debate in India: Difference, Performance,
Empowerment 231
Shirin M. Rai
Does Political Representation Empower Women? The Case
of Women in India’s Political Parties 253
Papia Sengupta

Index 271
 List of Contributors

Ambagudia Jagannath Centre for Peace and Conflict Studies, School

of Social Sciences and Humanities, Tata Institute of Social Sciences,
Guwahati Campus, Assam, India
Fakhruz-Zaman Political Science, Shaheed Bhagat Singh (Eve)
College, University of Delhi, New Delhi, India
Hasan Zoya Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi, India
Imtiyaz Aisha Political Science, Women’s College, Aligarh Muslim
University, Aligarh, India
Jha Shefali School of Social Sciences, Centre for Political Studies, Jawa-
harlal Nehru University, New Delhi, India
Kumar Narender Centre for Political Studies, School of Social Sciences,
Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi, India
Kumar Sajjan Independent researcher, New Delhi, India
Pai Sudha Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi, India
Rai Shirin M. Department of Politics and International Studies, Univer-
sity of Warwick, Coventry, UK
Sengupta Papia Centre for Political Studies, School of Social Sciences,
Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi, India

ix
x LIST OF CONTRIBUTORS

Thorat Sukhadeo School of Social Sciences, Jawaharlal Nehru Univer-

sity, New Delhi, India;
Indian Institute of Dalit Studies, New Delhi, India;
Institute of Social and Economic Change, Bangalore, India
Verma Vidhu School of Social Sciences, Centre for Political Studies,
Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi, India
Vundru Raja Sekhar Indian Administrative Service, Government of
India, Chandigarh, India
 List of Figures

The Reservation Debate in India: Difference, Performance,

Empowerment
Fig. 1 Women in Lok Sabha elections: 1977–2014 (Source
Performing Representation: Women Members in the Indian
Parliament ) 232
Fig. 2 Projection of women MPs’ presence in Lok Sabha (Source
Performing Representation) 233

Does Political Representation Empower Women? The Case

of Women in India’s Political Parties
Fig. 1 Women contestants in national elections in India 1957–2019
(Source Election Commission of India) 259
Fig. 2 Number of women who contested and won Lok Sabha
elections 1957–2019 (Source Election Commission of India) 259

xi
 List of Tables

Scheduled Caste MPs and Their Role in Influencing

Policy-Making
Table 1 Role analysis of MPs: Questions, concerns and social
background and political position (1985–1995) 131

Representing Indian Muslims: Parliamentary Questions as

Instrument of Evaluating Substantive Representation in
the Lok Sabha, 1999–2016
Table 1 Muslims in the Lok Sabha (1952–2014) 168
Table 2 Number of Parliamentary Questions tabled
by Muslim/Non-Muslim MPs in the Lok Sabharelated
to religious background, social background, type
of constituency, and party status (1999–2016) 171
Table 3 Member of parliament & parliamentary questions:
1999–2016 172

Shifting Terrain of Muslim Representation: New Political

Experiments in Indian States in the 2000s
Table 1 Total number of elected Muslim MPs and MLAs in Uttar
Pradesh: 1952–2019 200
Table 2 Seats and votes won by the PPI and RUC in assembly
and parliamentary elections in Uttar Pradesh 2012 to 2019 201

xiii
xiv LIST OF TABLES

Table 3 The UMFA and the AIUDFin the Assam Assembly

and Lok Sabha: 1990s to the 2000s 202
Table 4 IUML: Representation in the Kerala Assembly and Lok
Sabha 1960–2016 203

Legislative Presence and Substantive Representation: The

Case of Women Legislators in India
Table 1 Women in National Parliaments (Lower Houses)
by Region: 2005 and 2019 215

Does Political Representation Empower Women? The Case

of Women in India’s Political Parties
Table 1 Women contesting elections 2009–2019 (major political
parties) 261
Table 2 High representation countries and the use of gender
quotas, 2015 265
Table 3 Party-wise women members in the 17th Lok Sabha 2019
India 266
Table 4 State-wise and Union Territory wise women representation
in the 17th Lok Sabha 267
 Introduction

Sudha Pai and Sukhadeo Thorat

Political representation is a cardinal feature of democracy, without which

democratic institutions and structures cannot function. The literature on
the subject covers many aspects ranging from electoral systems, institu-
tional design, political parties, position of minorities and electoral politics.
In fact, as a multi-faceted subject, political representation is integral to
legislative governance. In this respect, representation is linked to improve-
ment of legislative processes to ensure that large number of groups play
a part in debating and commenting on the policymaking process. More
specifically, political representation is important for the electorate as it
determines both the manner in which representatives are elected, and the
relationship between the elected members and their constituents.
However, the issue acquires much greater significance in culturally
diverse countries such as India, when we examine political representation
for disadvantaged groups such as the Scheduled castes (SCs ), Scheduled

S. Pai (B)
Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi, India
e-mail: jnu.sudha@gmail.com
S. Thorat
School of Social Sciences, Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi, India

© The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature 1

Singapore Pte Ltd. 2022
S. Pai and S. Thorat (eds.), Politics of Representation,
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-981-19-1544-4_1
2 S. PAI AND S. THORAT

tribes (STs), minorities particularly those based on religion and women.

India has tried since the early part of the eighteenth century to deal with
this diversity in representation to numerous groups. However, the issue
of representation of caste, religious, ethnic, racial and gender still poses
problems, so does the question of electoral methods.
The papers presented in this volume engage first, with theoretical
debates around the concept of representation and how these ideas apply
to representation for selected disadvantaged groups in India. A histor-
ical backdrop of the position of these disadvantaged groups, and debates
around reservations for them since the colonial period, are presented.
The focus is on inclusion of SCs, Muslims and other minorities in the
colonial period, the thoughts of Dr Ambedkar on political representation
of minorities in general and SCs in particular in the 1920s and during
the period of the signing of the Poona Pact. Also, how representation
was debated and conceptualized in the constituent assembly for the STs,
and how the ideas underlying representation and reservation for the tribal
population are different from those framed for the SCs. Representation
of other minorities, such as Sikhs, Christians, Buddhists and Parsis, which
have not been adequately studied, is also taken up.
Against this backdrop, the second part of the volume shifts to empir-
ical concerns and examines political representation of these disadvantaged
groups in post-independence India. The experience of political represen-
tation of SCs, STs: the method of election, role of political parties in
providing representation, role played by these groups in parliamentary
institutions and the extent of their participation. Another significant area
the volume attempts to cover is representation of the Muslim minority in
parliament and state assemblies and understanding the reasons for their
under-representation since independence, and more particularly in recent
years. The question of why Muslims prefer to support mainstream parties
has been explored; in this context, the experience of some newly formed
and existing minority-based political parties are examined.
The issue of levels of participation and under-representation of women
who constitute half the population, both in parliament and the state
assemblies, is also examined. Although representation of women has been
granted in local bodies leading to much greater participation in poli-
cymaking, the question of quotas for women in parliament and state
assemblies is still pending. While it is argued that it is due to conflicting
demands for inclusion of women from the OBC, minorities, Dalits and
tribes, there are other institutional and societal reasons that need to
 INTRODUCTION 3

be analysed. An attempt is also made to study the representation of

women in political parties, in their organization and in the distribu-
tion of tickets. Hence, the aim of the volume is to understand whether
existing systems of representation adopted, and the mechanism through
which they operate, have helped disadvantaged groups including impor-
tantly minorities and women, who are still struggling to gain special
representation in parliament.
While the empirical studies do not ignore the immediate post-
independence period, their focus is specifically on representation during
the period of the 1990s and 2000s. These decades constitute a defining
phase in Indian politics as they have witnessed key changes in the larger
body politic in which representation takes place, that have impacted
particularly on representation of disadvantaged groups. Political repre-
sentation was not a controversial issue during the first few decades of
independence when a single dominant party the Congress, which had
promised protection of life, liberty and property to the disadvantaged
sections, was in power. Despite this, the SCs did not gain much polit-
ical clout from the reserved seats as most SC candidates selected by the
Congress were loyal to the party, and not independent and free to repre-
sent the interests of their community. Nor did the Congress give tickets
to many Muslim candidates, resulting in very few members from the
community in parliament and in the state assemblies.
The collapse of the Congress and the rise of a multi-party system
provided room for state parties, which came to represent the disadvan-
taged groups, such as the Socialist Party (SP ), Bahujan Samaj Party
(BSP), Rashtriya Janata Dal (RJD) and regional parties in western and
southern India. However, the 2000s have witnessed the revival of the
Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP), a Hindu, right-wing party that espouses the
ideology of Hindutva, attempts to make the Muslim the alien or ‘other’
and has also managed despite being an upper caste party, to garner the
support of a section of the SCs and the BCs to come to power. The
number of Muslims in the central parliament and in important states, such
as UP, has witnessed a sharp decline. The attempt to introduce reserva-
tion of seats for women in the parliament continues to be debated and is
also opposed by many parties.
A common thread that runs through the empirical studies is that there
is a ‘crisis’ of political representation in India for disadvantaged sections,
particularly where religious minorities are concerned, in the contempo-
rary period. While there is undoubtedly a “shared crisis of representation”
4 S. PAI AND S. THORAT

in liberal democracies worldwide, as Vidhu Verma has pointed out in a

recent study (2019), it is essential to outline the specific causes in India.
India has witnessed the emergence of a Hindu majoritarian State, accom-
panied by an authoritarian and centralizing government, at the expense
of representative institutions such as parliament and state assemblies, since
the BJP assumed office in 2014. This has resulted in exclusion of disad-
vantaged groups such as SCs, STs and Muslims, but also rising communal
polarization and divisions between the majority and minority commu-
nity (Pai and Kumar 2018). In this context, a seminal question which
arises is whether the unfolding crisis is due to the methods of represen-
tation adopted under the constitution, which were the end product of
struggles and demands that arose in the colonial period. Have these mech-
anisms failed to deliver the promise that the makers of the constitution
envisaged? Or, is it the fundamental political shifts that have taken place
in post-independence India, necessitating re-thinking of the methods of
representation and reservation granted to disadvantaged groups. Here,
the question of granting reservation to Muslims and women in legisla-
tures, so as to create a more inclusive pattern of representation, becomes
important and is debatable. It is against this backdrop that we examine
theories and debates around the concept of representation and their
relevance in explaining the current crisis.

Representation: Theories and Debates

There is an extensive literature on the concept of representation, many
different definitions are offered, yet it remains a contested idea. The liter-
ature on representation indicates that political scientists tend to focus on
formal-legal procedures of authorization and responsibility. More atten-
tion has been paid to the design of representative institutions, such as
legislatures, rather than to their actual functioning. Importance accorded
to electoral procedures, often leads to discussions on the concept of
political representation becoming discussions on voting behaviour and
electoral democracy. Rather, political representation needs to be under-
stood as a way of establishing the legitimacy of democratic institutions
and creating incentives for governments to be open to citizens needs.
Much of the theoretical literature on political representation comes
to us from western experience. The western concept of representation
applies to fairly homogenized communities and deals with individual,
rather than group interests and needs, and how representatives can work
 INTRODUCTION 5

to represent that of the former. In the Indian context, the extent to which
social divisions are expressed politically has been contested for a long time.
This is because we have a society characterized by multiple social groups
based on caste, tribe, religion and other identities such as gender; class
has not been as controversial as caste, religious and regional identities.
Dr Bhimrao Ambedkar observed in 1945 that in societies characterized
by diverse social groups, representation tends to acquire a ‘communal’
character; it is influenced by a communal majority (even if not fully deter-
mined), rather than by merit or issues. In so far as the identity of an
individual belonging to a disadvantaged or minority community comes
into play in representation, it poses the question of the need for represen-
tation to such social groups, in the context of a communal majority. Such
countries are, therefore, faced with the problem of fair representation to
minority groups. It also presents the problem of using an appropriate
electoral method to ensure real representation of the minorities.
At the same time, a brief perusal of the literature in democratic theory
on representation in the west is useful, as in recent years as there has
been a marked departure from earlier narrower theoretical propositions,
by drawing on how representation actually works in different contexts,
which has greatly improved our understanding. Today, it is recognized
that the concept of political representation has multiple and competing
conceptions of how political representatives should represent constituents
particularly disadvantaged groups, and the manner in which this inclusion
can be made possible and guaranteed.
A recent essay by Stephanie Tawa Lama-Rewal draws attention to this
development in the literature as well as its relevance to India (Lama-
Rewal 2016). She mentions three aspects: “an understanding of the
intrinsic plurality of the meanings and forms of political representation;
the centrality and pervasiveness of representation processes in political
life; and the constructivist dimension of political representation” (Ibid:
1). Arising out of this debate, what is central for our study is the multi-
dimensional relationship between the representative and the electorate,
which traditionally was treated as merely a relationship between the
government and the governed. Some of these theoretical shifts are briefly
discussed below.
The classical position on the subject is that of Hannah Pitkins who
defined representation as “to make present again” (Pitkins, 1967).
According to Pitkins, representation is acting or speaking on behalf of
others thereby including their views in the policymaking process. Her
6 S. PAI AND S. THORAT

major contribution was categorizing the existing forms of representation,

thereby promoting debate on their usefulness as, formalistic, symbolic,
descriptive and substantive representation.
The problem for us with the first two is that they focus on the
formal-legal procedures of how representatives gain power, whether they
share common interests and experiences which make them acceptable to
those they represent. It is the concepts of descriptive and particularly
substantive representation that examine the actual functioning of a repre-
sentative, whether their ideas and actions in reality represent and provide
the interests and needs of those who are being represented. Another clas-
sical debate has been whether representatives once elected, should act as
merely delegates or as trustees . The former simply follow the expressed
preferences of the electorate which makes, representative government
a delegation of political power to a small number elected by the rest
(Madison et al. 1987). In contrast, as Edmund Burke argued, trustees are
elected representatives who employ their own ideas of what they think is
in the best interest of their constituents (Burke 1968: 115).
By the 1980s, Iris Marion Young’s study, Inclusion and Democracy
reflected greater awareness among scholars of the difficulties inherent in
the process of one person representing many. Young argued for the need
to recognize the great diversity of opinions in society, and the varied
needs and interests of those being represented. Descriptive representa-
tion, she argued, must be understood as a differentiated relationship, in
which institutions provide both inclusion and exclusion to the designated
group (Young 2000, 125–127). Drawing on her study of the creation
of black districts in the United States, she points out that while it might
create safe zones for elected officials, it could actually lessen the account-
ability of representatives to the electorate. Thus, she held that much
research was needed to examine the ways in which representative insti-
tutions marginalize the interests and opinions of the electorate, even in a
democracy.
Melissa Williams’ research, drawing on the experiences of histori-
cally disadvantaged groups, particularly African-American women in the
United States, attempted to further redefine the idea of representation
for such groups (Williams, 1998: 8). She points to the need to provide
the disadvantaged, corresponding to different dimensions of their polit-
ical life: voice, trust and memory. Voice means that they are represented
by members of their own group whom they trust more than others,
while shared memories of discrimination establish boundaries with other
 INTRODUCTION 7

groups. This means every minority citizen is represented by not just one
vote, but by being part of an interest group.
Taking the argument further in the 2000s, Jane Mansbridge held
that representation cannot be viewed as just a transactional relationship
between the elected and the governed (Mansbridge, 2011: 621). She
argues that different systems of representation can be employed simul-
taneously a democratic system; care is needed to select the system of
representation best suited to a society. For example, descriptive represen-
tation works best in situations where, disadvantaged sections of society
distrust the better-off groups and do not accord legitimacy to the system,
in contexts where their political consciousness and ability to select repre-
sentatives is not yet developed, there is lack of communication and
mistrust, or where discrimination has been practised against them in the
past. It is to overcome such problems that constructivist approaches to
representation highlight the representative’s function of determining the
identities and needs of the constituents. Michael Saward’s work empha-
sizes (2010: 4) the necessity of recognizing that instead of taking for
granted the interests of the governed, representation is a “deeply cultural”
project, which must take into consideration the embedded social habits
and characteristics of a society.
Nadi Urbinati’s study further added to the richness of the concept by
bringing in the idea of representation being a form of support or advo-
cacy (2000: 760). It means that representation is not merely a sum total
of the interests in society but, it should also allow space for diversity and
disagreement. This would preserve liberty, as it would both connect the
representative to the electors’ desires, but yet maintain the representative’s
independence of decision-making on behalf of the electors. This Urbinati
feels would shift focus from issues of construction of institutional struc-
tures to deliberative democracy, allowing room for debate, opinions and
formation of consensus.
The essays in this volume employ these contradictory and challenging
definitions help understand representation for disadvantaged groups such
as scheduled castes, tribes, minorities and women.

Representation in the Indian Context

The theories and debates discussed above have relevance for our study
as they expand the notion of representation from the narrow conceptu-
alization of this concept earlier, to include various marginalized sections.
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sentirse. Y boluiendose al moro,
le dixo: Por çierto, Abindarraez, tú
tienes grandissima occasion de
sentir la gran cayda de tu linaje,
del qual yo no puedo creer que se
pusiesseen hazer tan grande
trayçion, y quando otra prueua no
tuuiesse, sino proçeder della un
honbre tan señalado como tú,
bastaria para yo creer que no
podria caber en ellos maldad.
Esta opinion que tienes de mí,
respondio el moro, Alá te la
pague, y él es testigo que la que
generalmente se tiene de la
bondad de mis passados, es essa
misma. Pues como yo nasçiesse
al mundo con la misma uentura
de los mios, me embiaron (por no
quebrar el edicto del Rey) a criar
a una fortaleza que fue de
christianos, llamada Cartama,
encomendandome al Alcayde
della, con quien mi padre tenía
antigua amistad, hombre de gran
calidad en el reyno, y de
grandissima uerdad y riqueza: y la
mayor que tenia era una hija, la
qual es el mayor bien que yo en
esta uida tengo. Y Alá me la quite
si yo en algun tiempo tuuiere sin
ella otra cosa que me dé
contento. Con esta me crié desde
niño, porque tambien ella lo era,
debaxo de un engaño, el qual era
pensar que eramos ambos
hermanos, porque como tales nos
tratauamos y por tales nos
teniamos, y su padre como a sus
hijos nos criaua. El amor que yo
tenia a la hermosa Xarifa (que
assi se llama esta señora que lo
es de mi libertad) no sería muy
grande si yo supiesse dezillo;
basta auerme traydo a tienpo que
mil uidas diera por gozar de su
uista solo vn momento. Yua
cresçiendo la edad, pero mucho
más cresçia el amor, y tanto que
ya paresçia de otro metal que no
de parentesco. Acuerdome que
un dia estando Xarifa en la huerta
de los jazmines conponiendo su
hermosa cabeça, mirela
espantado de su gran hermosura,
no sé cómo me peso de que
fuesse mi hermana. Y no
aguardando más, fueme a ella, y
con los braços abiertos, ansi
como me uio, me salió a reçebir, y
sentandome en la fuente iunto a
ella, me dixo: Hermano, ¿cómo
me dexaste tanto tienpo sola? Yo
le respondia: Señora mia, gran
rato ha que os busco: y nunca
hallé quien me dixesse do
estauades hasta que mi coraçon
me lo dixo: mas dezidme agora,
¿qué çertedad teneys uos de que
somos hermanos? Yo no otra
(dixo ella) más del grande amor
que os tengo, y uer que hermanos
nos llaman todos y que mi padre
nos trata a los dos como a hijos.
Y si no fueramos hermanos (dixe
yo) quisierades me tanto? ¿No
ueys (dixo ella) que a no lo ser, no
nos dexarian andar siempre
juntos y solos, como nos dexan?
Pues si este bien nos auian de
quitar (dixe yo) más uale el que
me tengo. Entonces encendiosele
el hermoso rostro, y me dixo:
¿Qué pierdes tu en que seamos
hermanos? Pierdo a mi y a uos
(dixe yo). No te entiendo (dixo
ella), mas a mí paresçeme que
ser hermanos nos obliga a
amarnos naturalmente. A mí (dixe
yo) sola uuestra hermosura me
obliga á quereros, que esta
hermandad antes me resfria
algunas uezes; y con esto
abaxando mis ojos de empacho
de lo que dixe, uila en las aguas
de la fuente tan al proprio como
ella era, de suerte que a do quiera
que boluia la cabeça, hallaua su
ymagen y trasunto, y la uia
uerdadera transladada en mis
entrañas. Dezia yo entonçes entre
mí: Si me ahogassen aora en esta
fuente a do ueo a mi señora,
quánto más desculpado moriria
yo que Narciso; y si ella me
amasse como yo la amo, qué
dichoso sería yo. Y si la fortuna
permitiesse biuir siempre juntos,
qué sabrosa uida sería la mia!
Estas palabras dezia yo a mi
mesmo, y pesárame que otro me
las oyera. Y diziendo esto
lebanteme, y boluiendo las manos
hazia vnos jazmines, de que
aquella fuente estaua rodeada,
mezclandolos con arrayanes hize
vna hermosa guirnalda, y
poniendomela sobre mi cabeça,
me bolui coronado y vençido;
entonçes ella puso los ojos en mí
más dulçemente al pareçer, y
quitandome la guirnalda la puso
sobre su cabeça, pareçiendo en
aquel punto más hermosa que
Venus, y boluiendo el rostro hazia
mí, me dixo: ¿Qué te pareçe de
mí, Abindarraez? Yo la dixe:
Pareçeme que acabays de vençer
a todo el mundo, y que os
coronan por reyna y señora dél.
Leuantandose me tomó de la
mano, diciendome: Si esso fuera,
hermano, no perdierades uos
nada. Yo sin la responder la segui
hasta que salimos de la huerta.
De ahi algunos dias, ya que al
crudo amor le pareçio que
tardaua mucho en acabar de
darme el desengaño de lo que
pensaua que auia de ser de mí, y
el tiempo queriendo descubrir la
çelada, venimos a saber que el
parentesco entre nosotros era
ninguno, y asi quedó la afiçion en
su verdadero punto. Todo mi
contentamiento estaua en ella: mi
alma tan cortada a medida de la
suya, que todo lo que en su rostro
no auia, me pareçia feo,
escusado y sin prouecho en el
mundo. Ya a este tiempo,
nuestros pasatiempos eran muy
diferentes de los pasados: ya la
mirava con reçelo de ser sentido:
ya tenia zelo del sol que la
tocaba, y aun mirandome con el
mismo contento que hasta alli me
auia mirado, a mí no me lo
pareçia, porque la desconfianza
propia es la cosa más çierta en vn
coraçon enamorado. Suçedio que
estando ella vn dia junto a la clara
fuente de los jazmines, yo llegué,
y comenzando a hablar con ella
no me pareçio que su habla y
contenencia se conformaua con lo
pasado. Rogome que cantasse,
porque era vna cosa que ella
muchas vezes holgaua de oyr: y
estaua yo aquella ora tan
desconfiado de mí que no creí
que me mandaua cantar porque
holgase de oyrme, sino por
entretenerme en aquello, de
manera que me faltase tiempo
para deçille mi mal. Yo que no
estudiaua en otra cosa, sino en
hazer lo que mi señora Xarifa
mandaua, comenze en lengua
arabiga a cantar esta cançion, en
la qual la di a entender toda la
crueldad que della sospechaua:

Si hebras de oro son

vuestros cabellos,
a cuia sombra estan los claros
ojos,
dos soles cuyo çielo es
vuestra frente;
faltó rubí para hazer la boca,
faltó el christal para el
hermoso cuello,
faltó diamante para el blanco
pecho.
Bien es el coraçon qual es
el pecho,
pues flecha de metal de los
cabellos,
iamas os haze que boluays el
cuello,
ni que deis contento con los
ojos:
pues esperad vn sí de aquella
boca
de quien miró jamas con leda
frente.
¿Hay más hermosa y
desabrida frente
para tan duro y tan hermoso
pecho?
¿Hay tan diuina y tan airada
boca?
¿tan ricos y auarientos ay
cabellos?
¿quién vio crueles tan serenos
ojos
y tan sin mouimiento el dulce
cuello?
El crudo amor me tiene el
lazo al cuello,
mudada y sin color la triste
frente,
muy cerca de cerrarse estan
mis ojos:
el coraçon se mueue acá en el
pecho,
medroso y erizado está el
cabello,
y nunca oyó palabra desa
boca.
O más hermosa y más
perfecta boca
 que yo sabré dezir: o liso
cuello,
o rayos de aquel sol que no
cabellos,
o christalina cara, o bella
frente,
o blanco ygual y diamantino
pecho,
¿quando he de uer clemencia
en esos ojos?
Ya siento el nó en el boluer
los ojos,
oid si afirma pues la dulce
boca,
mirad si está en su ser el duro
pecho,
y cómo acá y allá menea el
cuello,
sentid el ceño en la hermosa
frente;
pues ¿qué podre esperar de
los cabellos?
Si saben dezir no el cuello y
pecho,
si niega ya la frente y los
cabellos,
¿los ojos qué haran y hermosa
boca?

Pudieron tanto estas palabras que

siendo ayudadas del amor de
aquella a quien se dezian, yo ui
derramar vnas lagrimas que me
enternecieron el alma, de manera
que no sabre dezir si fue maior el
contento de uer tan uerdadero
testimonio del amor de mi señora
o la pena que reçibi de la ocasion
de derramallas. Y llamandome me
hizo sentar junto a si, y me
comenzo a hablar desta manera:
Abindarraez, si el amor a que
estoy obligada (despues que me
satisfize de tu pensamiento) es
pequeño o de manera que no
pueda acauarse con la uida, yo
espero que antes que dejemos
solo el lugar donde estamos, mis
palabras te lo den a entender. No
te quiero poner culpa de lo que
las desconfianzas te hazen sentir,
porque sé que es tan çierta cosa
tenellas que no ay en amor cosa
que más lo sea. Mas para
remedio de esto y de la tristeza,
que yo tenía en uerme en algun
tiempo apartada de tí; de oy más
te puedes tener por tan Señor de
mi libertad, como lo serás no
queriendo rehusar el vinculo de
matrimonio, lo qual ante todas
cosas impide mi honestidad y el
grande amor que tengo. Yo que
estas palabras oi, haçiendomelas
esperar amor muy de otra
manera, fue tanta mi alegria que
sino fue hincar los hinojos en
tierra besandole sus hermosas
manos, no supe hazer otra cosa.
Debajo de esta palabra viví
algunos dias con maior
contentamiento del que yo aora
sabre dezir: quiso la ventura
envidiosa de nuestra alegre vida
quitarnos este dulce y alegre
contentamiento, y fue desta
manera: que el Rey de Granada
por mejorar en cargo al Alcayde
de Cartama, embiole a mandar
que luego dexasse la fortaleza, y
se fuesse en Coyn, que es aquel
lugar frontero del uuestro, y me
dexasse a mí en Cartama en
poder del Alcayde que alli
viniesse. Sabida esta tan
desastrada nueua por mi señora y
por mí, juzgad vos si en algun
tiempo fuesses enamorado, lo
que podriamos sentir.
Juntamonos en un lugar secreto a
llorar nuestra perdida y
apartamiento. Yo la llamaua
señora mia, mi bien solo, y otros
diuersos nombres quel amor me
mostraua. Deziale llorando:
apartandose nuestra hermosura
de mi, ¿tendreys alguna uez
memoria deste uuestro captiuo?
Aqui las lagrimas y sospiros
atajauan las palabras, y yo
esforçandome para dezir más,
dezia algunas razones turbadas,
de que no me acuerdo: porque mi
señora lleuó mi memoria tras si.
¿Pues quién podra dezir lo que mi
señora sentía deste apartamiento,
y lo que a mi hazian sentir las
lagrimas que por esta causa
derramaua? Palabras me dixo ella
entonçes que la menor dellas
bastaua para dar en qué entender
al sentimiento toda la uida. Y no
te las quiero dezir (ualeroso
Alcayde), porque si tu pecho no
ha sido tocado de amor, te
paresçerían impossibles; y si lo
ha sido, ueriades que quien las
oyesse, no podra quedar con la
uida. Baste que el fin dellas fue
dezirme que en auiendo occasion,
o por enfermedad de su padre, o
ausençia, ella me embiaria a
llamar para que vuiesse effecto lo
que entre nos dos fue conçertado.
Con esta promessa mi coraçon se
assossego algo, y besé las
manos por la merçed que me
prometia. Ellos se partieron luego
otro dia, yo me quedé como quien
camina por vnas asperas y
fragosas montañas, y
passandosele el sol, queda en
muy escuras tinieblas: començe a
sentir su ausençia asperamente,
buscando todos los falsos
remedios contra ella. Miraua las
uentanas donde se solia poner, la
camara en que dormia, el jardin
donde reposaua y tenía la siesta,
las aguas donde se bañaua,
andaua todas sus estancias, y en
todas ellas hallaua vna cierta
representaçion de mis fatigas.
Verdad es que la esperança que
ma dio de llamarme me sostenia,
y con ella engañaua parte de mis
trabajos. Y aunque algunas uezes
de uer tanto dilatar mi desseo, me
causaua más pena, y holgara de
que me dexaran del todo
desesperado, porque la
desesperacion fatiga hasta que se
tiene por cierta, mas la esperança
hasta que se cumple, el desseo.
Quiso mi buena suerte que oy por
la mañana mi señora me cumplio
su palabra, embiandome, a
llamar, con vna criada suya, de
quien como de sí fiaua, porque su
padre era partido para Granada,
llamado del Rey, para dar buelta
luego. Yo resusçitado con esta
improuisa y dichosa nueua,
aperçibime luego para caminar. Y
dexando venir la noche por salir
más secreto y encubierto,
puseme en el habito que me
encontraste el más gallardo que
pude, por mejor mostrar a mi
señora la vfania y alegria de mi
coraçon. Por çierto no creyera yo
que bastaran dos caualleros
juntos a tenerme campo, porque
traya a mi señora comigo, y si tú
me vençiste no fue por esfuerço,
que no fue possible, sino que mi
suerte tan corta o la
determinaçion del çielo, quiso
atajarme tan supremo bien. Pues
considera agora en el fin de mis
palabras el bien que perdi y el mal
que posseo. Yo yua de Cartama a
Coyn breue jornada, aunque el
desseo la alargaua mucho, el más
vfano abencerraje que nunca se
uio, yua llamado de mi señora, a
uer a mi señora, a gozar de mi
señora. Veo me agora herido,
captiuo y en poder de aquel que
no sé lo que hará de mí: y lo que
más siento es que el término y
coyuntura de mi bien se acabó
esta noche. Dexame pues,
christiano, consolar entre mis
sospiros. Dexame desahogar mi
lastimado pecho, regando mis
ojos con lagrimas, y no juzgues
esto a flaqueza, que fuera harto
mayor tener animo para poder
suffrir (sin hazer lo que hago) en
tan desastrado y riguroso trançe.
Al alma le llegaron al ualeroso
Naruaez las palabras del moro, y
no poco espanto reçibio del
estraño sucçesso de sus amores.
Y paresçiendole que para su
negoçio, ninguna cosa podia
dañar más que la dilaçion, le dixo
a Abindarraez: quiero que ueas
que puede más mi uirtud que tu
mala fortuna, y si me prometes de
boluer a mi prision dentro del
terçero dia, yo te dare libertad
para que sigas tu començado
camino, porque me pesaria
atajarte tan buena empresa. El
abençerraje que aquesto oyó
quiso echarse a sus pies, y dixole:
Alcayde de Alora, si vos hazeys
esso, a mi dareys la vida, y uos
aureys hecho la mayor gentileza
de coraçon que nunca nadie hizo:
de mí tomad la seguridad que
quisieredes por lo que me pedis,
que yo cumplire con uos lo que
assentare. Entonces Rodrigo de
Naruaez llamó a sus compañeros,
y dixoles: Señores, fiad de mí
este prisionero, que yo salgo por
fiador de su rescate. Ellos dixeron
que ordenasse a su noluntad de
todo, que de lo que él hiziesse
serian muy contentos. Luego el
Alcayde tomando la mano
derecha a Abençerraje, le dixo:
Vos prometeys como cauallero de
uenir a mi castillo de Alora, a ser
mi prisionero dentro del terçero
dia? El le dixo: sí prometo: pues
yd con la buena uentura; y si para
nuestro camino teneys
neçessidad de mi persona, o de
otra cosa alguna, tambien se
hará. El moro se lo agradesçio
mucho, y tomó vn cauallo quel
Alcayde le dió, porque el suyo
quedó de la refriega passada
herido, y ya yua muy cansado y
fatigado de la mucha sangre que
con el trabajo del camino le salia.
Y buelta la rienda se fue camino
de Coyn a mucha priessa.
Rodrigo de Naruaez y sus
compañeros se boluieron a Alora,
hablando en la valentia y buenas
maneras del abençerraje. No
tardó mucho el moro, segun la
priessa que lleuaua, en llegar a la
fortaleza de Coyn, donde yendose
derecho como le era mandado, la
rodeó toda, hasta que halló una
puerta falsa que en ella auia: y
con toda su priessa y gana de
entrar por ella, se detuuo un poco
alli hasta reconosçer todo el
campo por uer si auia de qué
guardarse: y ya que uio todo
sossegado tocó con el cuento de
la lança a la puerta, porque
aquella era la señal que le auia
dado la dueña que le fue a llamar;
luego ella misma le abrio, y le
dixo: Señor mio, uuestra tardança
nos ha puesto en gran sobresalto,
mi señora ha gran rato que os
espera, apeaos y subid a donde
ella está. El se apeó de su
cauallo, y le puso en un lugar
secreto que allí halló, y arrimando
la lança a una pared con su
adarga y çimitarra, lleuandole la
dueña por la mano, lo mas passo
que pudieron, por no ser
conosçidos de la gente del
castillo, se subieron por una
escalera hasta el aposento de la
hermosa Xarifa. Ella que auia
sentido ya su uenida, con la
mayor alegria del mundo lo salió a
reçebir, y ambos con mucho
regozijo y sobresalto se
abraçaron sin hablarse palabra
del sobrado contentamiento,
hasta que ya tornaron en si. Y ella
le dixo: ¿En qué os aueys
detenido, señor mio, tanto que
uuestra mucha tardança me ha
puesto en grande fatiga y
confusion? Señora mia (dixo él)
uos sabeys bien que por mi
negligencia no aurá sido, mas no
siempre sucçeden las cosas
como hombre dessea, assi que si
me he tardado, bien podeys creer
que no ha sido más en mi mano.
Ella atajandole su platica, le tomó
por la mano, y metiendole en un
rico aposento se sentaron sobre
una cama que en él auia, y le
dixo: He querido, Abindarraez,
que ueays en qué manera
cumplen las captiuas de amor sus
palabras, porque desde el dia que
uos la di por prenda de mi
coraçon, he buscado aparejos
para quitarosla. Yo os mandé
uenir a este castillo para que
seays mi prisionero como yo lo
soy uuestra. He os traydo aqui
para hazeros señor de mi y de la
hazienda de mi padre, debaxo de
nombre de esposo, que de otra
manera ni mi estado, ni uuestra
lealtad lo consentiria. Bien sé yo
que esto será contra la uoluntad
de mi padre, que como no tiene
conosçimiento de uuestro ualor
tanto como yo, quisiera darme
marido más rico, más yo uuestra
persona y el conosçimiento que
tendreys con ella tengo por la
mayor riqueza del mundo. Y
diziendo esto baxó la cabeça,
mostrando vn çierto y nueuo
empacho de auerse descubierto y
declarado tanto. El moro la tomó
en sus braços, y besandole
muchas uezes las manos, por la
merçed que le hazia, dixole:
Señora de mi alma, en pago de
tanto bien como me offreçeys no
tengo qué daros de nueuo,
porque todo soy uuestro, solo os
doy esta prenda en señal, que os
reçibo por mi señora y esposa: y
con esto podeys perder el
empacho y verguença que
cobrastes quando uos me
reçebistes a mi. Ella hizo lo
mismo, y con esto se acostaron
en su cama, donde con la nueua
experiençia ençendieron el fuego
de sus coraçones. En aquella
empresa passaron muy amorosas
palabras y obras que son más
para contemplaçion que no para
escriptura. Al moro estando en
tan gran alegria, subitamente vino
vn muy profundo pensamiento, y
dexando lleuarse del, parose muy
triste, tanto que la hermosa Xarifa
lo sentio, y de uer tan subita
nouedad, quedó muy turbada. Y
estando attenta, sintiole dar vn
muy profundo y aquexado
sospiro, reboluiendo el cuerpo a
todas partes. No podiendo la
dama suffrir tan grande offensa de
su hermosura y lealtad,
paresçiendo que en aquello se
offendia grandemente,
leuantandose un poco sobre la
cama, con voz alegre y
sossegada, aunque algo turbada,
le dixo: ¿Qué es esto,
Abindarraez? paresçe que te has
entristeçido con mi alegria, y yo te
oy sospirar, y dar solloços
reboluiendo el coraçon y cuerpo a
muchas partes. Pues si yo soy
todo tu bien y contentamiento,
cómo no me has dicho por quién
sospiras, y si no lo soy, porqué
me engañaste? si as hallado en
mi persona alguna falta de menor
gusto que imaginauas, pon los
ojos en mi uoluntad que basta
encubrir muchas. Si sirues otra
dama dime quien es para que yo
la sirua, y si tienes otra fatiga de
que yo no soy offendida, dimela,
que yo morire o te sacaré della. Y
trauando dél con un impetu y
fuerça de amor le boluio. El
entonces confuso y auergonçado
de lo que auia hecho,
paresçiendole que no declararse
sería darle occasion de gran
sospecha, con un apassionado
sospiro le dixo: Esperança mía, si
yo no os quisiera más que a mí,
no uniera hecho semejante
sentimiento, porque el pensar,
que comigo traya, suffriera con
buen animo, quando yua por mi
solo, más aora que me obliga a
apartarme de uos, no tengo
fuerças para sufrillo, y porque no
esteys más suspensa sin auer
porqué, quiero deziros lo que
passa. Y luego le conto todo su
hecho, sin que la faltasse nada, y
en fin de sus razones le dixo con
hartas lagrimas: De suerte,
señora, que uuestro captiuo lo es
tambien del Alcayde de Alora; yo
no siento la pena de la prision,
que uos enseñastes a mi coraçon
a suffrir, mas biuir sin uos tendria
por la misma muerte. Y ansi
uereys que mis sospiros se
causan más de sobra de lealtad,
que de falta della. Y con esto, se
tornó a poner tan pensatiuo y
triste, como ante que començasse
a dezirlo. Ella entonçes con un
semblante alegre le dixo: No os
congoxeys, Abindarraez, que yo
tomo a mi cargo el remedio de
vuestra fatiga porque esto a mí
me toca, quanto mas que pues es
uerdad que qualquier prisionero
que aya dado la palabra de boluer
a la prision cumplira con embiar el
rescate que se le puede pedir,
ponelde uos mismo el nombre
que quisieredes, que yo tengo las
llaues de todos los cofres y
riquezas que mi padre tiene, y yo
las pondre todas en uuestro
poder, embiad de todo ello lo que
os paresçiere. Rodrigo de
Naruaez es buen cavallero y os
dió vna vez libertad, y le fiastes el