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Understanding Cultural Policy

Understanding Cultural Policy provides a practical, comprehensive introduction

to thinking about how and why governments intervene in the arts and
culture.
Cultural policy expert Carole Rosenstein examines the field through
comparative, historical, and administrative lenses, while engaging directly with
the issues and tensions that plague policymakers across the world, including
issues of censorship, culture-led development, cultural measurement, and
globalization. Several of the textbook’s chapters end with a ‘policy lab’
designed to help students tie theory and concepts to real world, practical
applications.
This book will prove a new and valuable resource for all students of
cultural policy, cultural administration, and arts management.

Carole Rosenstein is an associate professor of arts management at George

Mason University, USA. She has directed research projects for the Urban
Institute, the National Endowment for the Arts, and the Institute for
Museum and Library Services. Her scholarly work has been published in
leading international cultural policy journals including The International
Journal of Cultural Policy; The Journal of Arts Management, Law and Society; and
Cultural Trends.
Understanding Cultural
Policy

Carole Rosenstein
First published 2018
by Routledge
711 Third Avenue, New York, NY 10017
and by Routledge
2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon, OX14 4RN
Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business
© 2018 Taylor & Francis
The right of Carole Rosenstein to be identified as author of this work
has been asserted by her in accordance with sections 77 and 78 of the
Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988.
All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or
reproduced or utilized in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or
other means, now known or hereafter invented, including photocopying
and recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system,
without permission in writing from the publishers.
Trademark notice: Product or corporate names may be trademarks
or registered trademarks, and are used only for identification and
explanation without intent to infringe.
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
A catalog record for this book has been requested
ISBN: 978-1-138-69533-7 (hbk)
ISBN: 978-1-138-69535-1 (pbk)
ISBN: 978-1-315-52685-0 (ebk)
Typeset in Bembo
by Apex CoVantage, LLC
For Harry
Every minute, billions of telegraph messages chatter around the world. Some
are intercepted on ships. They interrupt law enforcement conferences and dis-
cussions of morality. Billions of signals rush over the ocean floor and fly above
the clouds. Radio and television fill the air with sound. Satellites hurl messages
thousands of miles in a matter of seconds. Today our problem is not making
miracles—but managing miracles.
Lyndon Baines Johnson, comments upon signing the
Public Broadcasting Act of 1967

All the suggestions heard thus far would amount to ideas with broken wings,
were it not for a bit of false logic encountered in them. One adjusts all too read-
ily to the prevailing conviction that the categories of culture and administration
must simply be accepted as that into which they actually have developed to a
large degree in historical terms: as static blocks which discretely oppose each
other—as mere actualities. In so doing, one remains under the spell of that reifi-
cation, the criticism of which is inherent in all the more cogent reflections upon
culture and administration. No matter how reified both categories are in reality,
neither is totally reified; both refer back to living subjects—just as does the most
adventurous cybernetic machine.
Therefore, the spontaneous consciousness, not yet totally in the grips of reifi-
cation, is still in a position to alter the function of the institution within which this
consciousness expresses itself. For the present, within liberal-democratic order,
the individual still has sufficient freedom within the institution and with its help
to make a modest contribution to its correction. Whoever makes critically and
unflinchingly conscious use of the means of administration and its institutions
is still in a position to realize something which would be different from merely
administrated culture.The minimal differences from the ever-­constant which are
open to him define for him—no matter how ­hopelessly—the difference con-
cerning the totality; it is, however, in the difference itself—in divergence—that
hope is concentrated.
Theodore Adorno, Culture and Administration
Contents

List of Figuresx
List of Tablesxi
Preface and Acknowledgmentsxii

Introduction 1
What Is Culture? 6
What Is Policy? 12
Policy and Administration 14

1 A (Very) Short History of the Development of

National Cultural Policy in the United States 19
The Culture Agenda: Prewar/Cold War 19
Philanthropy and Cultural Policy 24
Social Elites and Cultural Consensus 30
A National Cultural Center 34
A Federal Arts Policy 37
The National Foundation on the Arts and the Humanities
Act (1965) 40
The Historic Preservation Act (1966) 42
The Public Broadcasting Act (1967) 45

2 What Is Cultural Policy? 48

Norms 48
A Challenge 53
A Rationale 56
Goals 66
viii Contents
3 The Cultural Bureaucracy 68
The Policy Arena 69
Cultural Bureaucracy on the National Level 74
On the Sub-National Level 82
On the Local Level 87
Policy Lab 3:The Federal Role in Cultural Policy 92
Why a Federal Cultural Policy? 92
The Culture Wars 98
CASE:The World Trade Center, New York, New York 100

4 Forms of State Intervention I: Regulation 103

Certification 105
Standards and Bans 109
Licensing and Permits 116
Planning 119
Policy Lab 4: Culture and the City 124
Why Regulate Culture? 124
What Local Regulation Requires 129
Problems Raised by Local Regulation 131
CASE: Jazz and the Tremé, New Orleans, Louisiana 132

5 Forms of State Intervention II: Provision 135

Public Provision 136
Subsidy 140
Grantmaking 145
Tax Expenditure 149
Policy Lab 5: Supporting Nonprofit Culture 155
Why Target Nonprofits? 155
Problems Raised by Delivering Provision Through
Nonprofits 160
How Support Is Delivered Matters 162
CASE:The Olympic Sculpture Park, Seattle,Washington 164

6 Data and Research 166

Data Infrastructure 166
Policy Research 175
Policy Lab 6: Cultural Measurement 185
Why Measure Culture? 185
 Contents ix
Some Descriptive Cultural Measures 187
Baseline Measures 189
CASE:The Denver Scientific and Cultural Facilities District
(SCFD), Denver, Colorado 192

7 Comparing Cultural Policies 195

Archetypes of National Cultural Policy 195
Cultural Policy and Cultural Ideology 209
Global Cultural Policy Norms 211

8 Contemporary Issues 216

Creativity 216
Place 220
Cultural Equity 223

Afterword227
Notes231
Bibliography239
Index259
Figures FiguresFigures

0.1 National Taxonomy of Exempt Entities (NTEE)

Classifications, Code A—Arts, Culture, and Humanities11
2.1 Culture’s Primary Values 58
2.2 Culture’s Secondary Values 63
2.3 Cultural Policy Goals 67
3.1 The Cultural Infrastructure 69
3.2 Core Cultural Domains 70
3.3 Public Cultural Infrastructure in the U.S. 75
3.4 Administration of Core Cultural Domains in the U.S. 76
3.5 Congressional Oversight of the U.S. National Cultural
Bureaucracy78
3.6 Composition of the President’s Committee for the Arts and
Humanities79
3.7 State Cultural Bureaucracy in the U.S. 83
3.8 Federal–State Partner Agencies in the U.S. Cultural
Bureaucracy85
3.9 Local Cultural Bureaucracy in the U.S. 88
4.1 U.S. Congressional Charters (aka Title 36 Corporations)
Relevant to Culture 108
4.2 Common Core Standards Text Exemplars, Grades 9–10 111
4.3 U.S. Secretary of the Interior’s Standards for Use of
Historic Properties by Treatment 113
Tables TablesTables

7.1 Archetypes by Political Tradition, State Religion, and Style

of Patronage 196
7.2 Archetypes by Primary Policy Instrument 198
7.3 Archetypes by Primary Policy Instrument, Degree of
Intervention, and Market Ideology 198
7.4 Archetypes by Model Organizational Type and Cultural
Ideology210
7.5 Cultural Policy Models by Model Organizational Type and
Cultural Ideology 210
Preface and Acknowledgments

This book is an in-depth introduction to the basic concepts, principles,

workings, and functions of cultural policy in the United States. In it, I hope
to provide readers with some concrete, practical knowledge about how cul-
tural policy operates, knowledge they can use to understand and navigate
on-the-ground choices and conflicts. The book includes the histories and
theory of cultural policy that I believe every cultural administrator should
hold in a professional repertoire. The field lacked a bespoke, synthetic work
covering the historical, conceptual, and practical dimensions of cultural pol-
icy in the U.S. (This made it just about impossible to cover everything in one
semester, and made for an over-long and repetitive reading list that was the
bane of my students for a decade.) I have tried to build that work. The book
was conceived as a primer for cultural administrators and aspiring policy-
makers, for those who are closely affected by cultural policy, and those who
wish to intervene in cultural policymaking. I hope that it will give cultural
administrators the foundation they need and will ease the future progression
of students toward the advanced study of cultural policy.
This book’s focus on practical knowledge and its full integration of the
administrative dimensions of policy distinguish it from existing approaches
to cultural policy study and analysis.
The prevailing approach to policy analysis presents policy as transpar-
ently instrumental and primarily depends on economic theory and methods
to understand policy. It is not the approach taken here. Instead, this book
examines how cultural policy relates to history, politics, culture, and admin-
istration. I take that approach because I view policy as inextricable from the
historical, political, cultural, and administrative contexts in which it is created
and implemented. Even what is instrumental about policy—that is, even the
relatively straightforwardly goal-oriented aspects of policy—are constituted
in and by these contextual factors. I was trained as a cultural anthropolo-
gist, and that training shows in the way I approach the study and analysis of
public policy. While economic approaches can be useful and certainly should
make up a part of any analytical toolkit, I find the dominance of economic
theory to be particularly unhelpful to understanding cultural policy. Public
decision-making about whether, how, and how much to intervene in culture
is heavily influenced by social and cultural structures and values. Economic
 Preface and Acknowledgments xiii
approaches often appear driven not just to quantify value but to translate all
sorts of value into quantifications realized on a monetary scale. Individual
rationality is then assumed or asserted somehow to be associated with those
monetary values in a necessary way, seeming to bypass social and cultural
(and even economic!) structures. In my view, this does not provide a viable
path toward fully understanding social and cultural values, comparing them
to other sorts of value, and theorizing how those various sorts of value influ-
ence people’s preferences and the choices they make. (These limitations of
economic approaches to policy analysis may apply to all sorts of policy; here,
I am only concerned with cultural policy.) Some counterweight is needed,
and I hope that this book can contribute to creating a better balance among
the approaches taken to cultural policy analysis.
Neither does this book easily fit within the academic literature of cul-
tural policy study that is primarily informed by questions and frameworks
central to the field of cultural studies. Most of that literature, I would argue,
fundamentally views cultural policy as analogous to media, that is, as a sys-
tem primarily oriented toward producing, distributing, and attempting to
control the consumption of representations, and it interprets cultural policies
in terms of the ways in which they further dominant economic, social, cul-
tural, political, and other societal forces by privileging some representations
over others. In general, its authors presuppose that cultural policy is a form
of domination. Exceptions include an important strand of work following
Foucault. Mitchell Dean suggests that an analytics of government can act:

in service not of a pure freedom beyond government, or even of a

general stance against domination. . . , but of those “moral forces” that
enhance our capacities for self-government by being able to understand
how it is that we govern ourselves and others. It thus enhances our
human capacity for the reflective practice of liberty, and the acts of self-
determination this makes possible without prescribing how that liberty
should be exercised. An analytics of government removes the “natural-
ness” and “taken-for-granted” character of how things are done. In so
doing, it renders practices of government problematic and shows that
things might be different from the way they are. Rather than prescrib-
ing a general stance against forms of domination (such as would take
the form of the injunction to “resist all domination” or “minimize all
domination”) it allows us to reveal domination as a contingent, histori-
cal product, and hence to be questioned.
(2010: 49)

This Foucauldian strand of thought has been introduced into cultural policy
study by Tony Bennett—

The key questions to pose of any cultural politics are: how does it stand
within a particular cultural technology? What difference will its pursuit
make to the functioning of that technology? In what new directions
xiv Preface and Acknowledgments
will it point it? And to say that is also to begin to think the possibility
of a politics which might take the form of an administrative program,
and so to think also of a type of cultural studies that will aim to produce
knowledges that can assist in the development of such programs.
(1992: 29)

—and by Stuart Cunningham—

A policy orientation in cultural studies would shift . . . away from rhet-

orics of resistance, progressivism, and anti-commercialism on the one
hand, and populism on the other, toward those of access, equity, empow-
erment and the divination of opportunities to exercise appropriate cul-
tural leadership.
(2003: 21)

This book only indirectly is about cultural policies as systems for order-
ing representations. It primarily is about what people have (and have not)
wanted cultural policies to accomplish and what structures and practices
they have developed to try to accomplish those goals.
Cultural policies do reflect structures of power. I believe that cultural
administrators are best situated to confront those structures of power and, in
my experience, many of them wish to and do confront them every day. I am
skeptical about the extent to which the writings of academic scholars can
be especially helpful in doing that except insofar as that work helps cultural
administrators to define, commit to, and inform their own professional eth-
ics. On the other hand, all engagements with policy are political, and this
book is no different. In it, I attempt to give those who will make and imple-
ment and change cultural policy some better means of understanding it in all
its contingency, complexity, and importance. I do that in the hope that they
will make the best decisions they can on our behalf.
There are some moments in life when luck shines on you. When I com-
pleted my dissertation and decided not to pursue a teaching job, I thought
I’d take a look around to see how I might use what I had learned so far. To
my great fortune, I ended up working on the growing cultural policy port-
folio at the Urban Institute. In my time there, I learned what many a newly
minted PhD most needs to learn: a commitment to service and the impor-
tance of collegiality. Many, many thanks to my UI colleagues, especially to
Elizabeth Boris for her kindness and to Carol De Vita for her patience. I’ve
been lucky in the place I landed afterwards, as well. I’m deeply grateful for
the support I’ve received from George Mason University, from the College
of Visual and Performing Arts, and from the warm, talented, community-
minded CVPA faculty. It is good to work in a place where people believe
in you and trust in the value of what you are trying to do. I feel particularly
grateful to be part of an arts faculty. Thanks to Stefan Toepler and J.P. Singh
for forming the Mason CP mini-cohort. Sincere thanks to Claire Huschle
 Preface and Acknowledgments xv
for finding me some extra time to write. A special thanks to the indefatigable
Richard Kamenitzer for bringing me to GMU.
Cultural policy study doesn’t really belong to any academic discipline.
A few opportunities and recognitions have been sustaining to my work:
thanks to the Smithsonian Institution Center for Folklife and Cultural Her-
itage for supporting my research and program development in post-Katrina
New Orleans through a Rockefeller Humanities Fellowship in Cultural
Policy; thanks to Mario Garcia Durham, Sunil Iyengar, and the National
Endowment for the Arts for sponsoring and heralding the national study of
arts festivals; thanks to Carolyn Fuqua, Norman Bradburn, and the Ameri-
can Academy of Arts and Sciences for continuing to include me in your
work on nonprofit humanities organizations; thanks to Sharon Golan and
Routledge for inviting me to write this book. Early on in my explorations
into cultural policy, Mark Schuster gave me a thoughtful nudge in the right
direction, and this book probably would not have been possible without his
pioneering work. I’m sorry we lost him too soon. To my eminently intel-
ligent and elegant friend Esther Hamburger and to her gracious husband
Carlos Augusto Calil, many thanks for introducing me and my handful of
lucky students to cultural policy in Brazil. I’m grateful that Arts Manage-
ment has interest in and has found a space to include cultural policy study
in the academy. To Patricia Dewey and Rich Maloney, many thanks for your
friendship and support in that arena and beyond. I look forward to many
years working together. To a decade of arts management graduate students:
thanks for demanding so much; it is a privilege to be your teacher.
Writing a book on a deadline is not compatible with normal life and
everyday responsibilities. Thanks for your understanding to all of my col-
leagues in the George Mason Arts Management Program, especially long-
timers Nicole Springer and Karalee Dawn McKay. Thanks to Kristy Keteltas,
Karolina Kawiaka, Sara Morris, and Shannen Hill for reminding me about
the life of weekends, exhibitions, swimming, traveling, teacher conferences,
pet vaccinations, house repairs, and for all of your regular “just-checking-in.”
Here, everywhere, and always, thanks to Irv Rosenstein and Claire Rosen-
stein for sending me into the world with all of your love. To Harry: yes, birdy,
it is done yet.
Introduction IntroductionIntroduction

This is a book about public cultural policy in the United States, that is,
about why and how government in the U.S. intentionally intervenes in
culture. Most often, public policies are presented in a way that highlights
their instrumentality, their status as tools created and used to address some
pressing public problem. Understanding that policies are conceived as tools
of government action and that they are implemented, at least in part, in
order to accomplish a goal is fundamental to understanding public pol-
icy. However, public policies are chosen for many reasons other than how
well they might perform an intended instrumental function or functions.
A whole range factors influences which policies are adopted and how they
work. History and politics influence public attention and priorities, deter-
mining which somethings it is that we choose to try to accomplish and
when. Overall resources available to government are influential as well; pol-
icymaking always involves choices, but sometimes those choices are more
constrained and sometimes less so. Cultural values and attitudes set horizons
and influence priorities. Political traditions and institutions privilege certain
ways of doing things and disallow others. So too do the preferences and
experiences of public administrators. All sorts of information and knowl-
edge will make a difference to how policy is formulated and implemented:
knowledge about a problem to be tackled; knowledge about alternatives
and their viability; knowledge about effectiveness and it how can be meas-
ured. Knowledge and information in any of these areas may be expansive
or limited, and that will affect what a policy looks like. Understanding how
a public policy works as a tool is important. Understanding why anyone
finds it necessary to create such a tool, what knowledge, experience, and
prejudices its creators bring to its invention and use, and what materials are
available to them, equally so.
From the outset, certain parameters must be acknowledged: cultural policy
in the U.S. is constrained by a belief that the role of government in the arts
and culture should be a limited one.That belief is entrenched deeply, and fed
by two strong streams in the American political tradition. Both flow from
2 Introduction
the Bill of Rights and are reflected in the First Amendment to the U.S.
Constitution:

Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of religion,

or prohibiting the free exercise thereof; or abridging the freedom of
speech, or of the press; or the right of the people peaceably to assemble,
and to petition the government for a redress of grievances.

The first tradition has to do with freedom of speech. Americans and Amer-
ican public institutions consider freedom of speech to be as fundamental to
liberty as is freedom from tyranny. The Bill of Rights conceives freedom of
speech as a natural, inalienable right of all individuals. Fostering and protect-
ing free speech is understood to be essential to democracy, making political
speech of special importance and binding freedom of speech inextricably to
freedom of the press. The idea that freedom of speech is an inalienable right,
fundamental to individual liberty, is the foundation for a more expansive
notion of freedom of expression. The First Amendment protects all sorts
of expression from signs to clothing to songs to dances to jokes. The chan-
nels through which those expressions are made public also must be free so
that expressions may circulate and add to the pool of ideas, information, and
imagination from which all may draw to develop into better and more fully
realized citizens and people. The principle underlying these protections is
that government poses an inherent danger to expression. Expression must be
shielded from government interference or suppression. That attitude to gov-
ernment serves as a consistent and countervailing force opposed to the estab-
lishment of a comprehensive cultural policy in the U.S. In its essence, culture
includes expression. In the American tradition, expression is conceived as
being endangered by government, not aided by it. This principle limits the
extent to which government in the U.S. can and will intervene in culture.
A second tradition has to do with the separation of church and state.
Although freedom of expression more typically serves as a basis for under-
standing the character of U.S. cultural policy, the principle of freedom of reli-
gion is at least equally important. Cultural policy in the U.S. frames culture
in a way that places religion above or beyond it, tending instead to view the
arts as exemplary of culture. Nonetheless, American attitudes about the rela-
tionship between government and religion influence broad ideas about how
government and culture should relate to one another and the organizational
structures developed out of those ideas. In his classic nineteenth-­century
study of American culture, society, and democracy, Alexis de Tocqueville
claimed that the distinctive way in which Americans link religion and liberty
defines the American character.

In the bosom of that obscure democracy, which still had not sired
generals, or philosophers, or great writers, a man [Cotton Mather]
 Introduction 3
could rise in the presence of a free people and give, to the acclima-
tion of all, this beautiful definition of freedom: . . . “There is a liberty
of corrupt nature, which is affected both by men and beasts, to do what
they list; and this liberty is inconsistent with authority, impatient of all
restraint; . . . But there is a civil, a moral, a federal liberty, which is the
proper end and object of authority; it is a liberty for that only which is
just and good; for this liberty, you are to stand with the hazard of your
very lives.”
I have already said enough to put the character of Anglo-American
civilization in its true light. It is the product (and this point of depar-
ture ought constantly to be present in one’s thinking) of two perfectly
distinct elements that elsewhere have made war with each other, but
which, in America, they have succeeded in incorporating somehow into
one another and combining marvelously. I mean to speak of the spirit of
religion and the spirit of freedom.
(emphases in the original, 2000 [1805–1859]: 42)

De Tocqueville argues that the American capacity for political experiment

depended upon both a fierce commitment to religion and the will to keep
religion in “the place that is reserved for it.”

In the moral world, everything is classified, coordinated, foreseen,

decided in advance. In the political world, everything is agitated, con-
tested, uncertain; in the one, there is passive though voluntary obedi-
ence; in the other, there are independence, contempt for experience,
and jealousy of every authority. Far from harming each other, the two
tendencies, apparently so opposed, advance in accord and seem to lend
each other a mutual support. Religion sees in civil freedom a noble
exercise of the faculties of man; in the political world, a field left by the
Creator to the efforts of intelligence. Free and powerful in its sphere,
satisfied with the place that is reserved for it, it knows that its empire is
all the better established when it reigns by its own strength alone and
dominates over hearts without support.
(2000 [1805–1859]: 44)

To maintain its necessary moral authority, religion had to remain distinct

from the new democratic political institutions and practices that Americans
were inventing. This understanding later would be formalized in the idea
that a wall must maintain the separation between church and state.
Of course, de Tocqueville also famously recognized the voluntary associa-
tions so central to American public life.

Americans of all ages, all conditions, all minds constantly unite. Not
only do they have commercial and industrial associations in which all
Another random document with
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 Answer

20.
What word is that, of two syllables, to which if you prefix one
letter, two letters, or two other letters, you form, in each instance, a
word of one syllable?
Answer

21.
What was the favorite salad at the South, in the spring of 1861?
Answer

22.

There was a thing, ’twas two days old

Ere Adam was, of yore;
Before that thing was five weeks old,
Adam was years four-score.

Answer

23.

What’s that which on four limbs doth move

When first it sees the light,
But walks erect on two at noon,
And creeps on three at night?
 Answer

24.

A sailor launched a ship of force,

A cargo put therein, of course;
No goods had he he wished to sell;
Each wind did serve his turn as well;
To neither port nor harbor bound,
His greatest wish to run aground.

Answer

25.

A merry maid, whose pleasant name

Was my sweet FIRST. Under a tree
She sat, and sang my THIRD, as free
As the wild crows, that without dread,
My SECOND called above her head.
Anon she turned, (with a last look
Above, below,) unto her book—
My WHOLE the author. Guess the same.

Answer

26.
The three most forcible letters in our alphabet?
Answer
 27.
The two which contain nothing?
Answer

28.
The four which express great corpulence?
Answer

29.
The four which indicate exalted station?
Answer

30.
The three which excite our tears?
Answer

31.
What foreign letter is an English title?
Answer
 32.
What foreign letter is a yard and a half long?
Answer

33.
What letter will unfasten an Irish lock?
Answer

34.
When was B the first letter of the alphabet, while E and O were
the only vowels?
Answer

35.
What letter is always more or less heavily taxed?
Answer

36.
What letter is entirely out of fashion?
Answer
 37.
Why is praising people like a certain powerful opiate?
Answer

38.
Prove that a man has five feet.
Answer

39.

WHAT AM I?
I was once the harbinger of good to prisoners.
I add to the magnitude of a mighty river.
I am a small portion of a large ecclesiastical body.
I represent a certain form of vegetable growth.
A term used by our Lord in speaking to His disciples.
A subordinate part of a famous eulogy.
I am made useful in connection with the Great Western Railway.
Answer

40.

5005E1000E,

5005E1000E.
 The name of a modern novel.
Answer

41.

Two words in French are often spoken;

Of home and love the fondest token:
But, strange to say it, one of these
Is English, from beyond the seas;
And though the thing seems quite absurd,
It means the same as t’other word.

Answer

42.

You fain would win fair Julia’s heart—

“Have I the power?” you’d ask her,
But, from your lips the words won’t part—
“’Tis not an easy task, Sir!”
“I know ’tis not, for one so shy.”
“Well, how shall I begin, Sir?”
“Be what you ask her,” I reply,
“And, ten to one, you’ll win, Sir!”

Answer

43.
My FIRST is company; my SECOND shuns company; my THIRD calls
together a company; and my WHOLE entertains company.
Answer
 44.

My FIRST is a sound, of tranquillity telling,—

A cozy and complaisant sound for your dwelling.
A place which for criminals fittest is reckoned,
Yet where saints find ineffable peace, is my SECOND.
Or, where niggardly natures, who hunger and thirst
For the wealth of this world, keep their hearts, is my FIRST;
While my SECOND’S a measure you’ll know at a glance,
For ’tis shortest in Flanders, and longest in France.

Oh! my WHOLE is a name widely known, well beloved,

A name blessed on earth, and in Heaven approved;
Crowned by Faith and Good Works with so holy a light
That angels, themselves, thrill with joy at the sight.

Answer

45.
Dr. Whewell being asked by a young lady for his name “in cipher,”
handed her the following lines:

You 0 a 0, but I 0 thee,—

Oh, 0 no 0, but oh, 0 me;
And O, let my 0 no 0 go,
But give 0 0 I 0 you so!

Answer

46.
Why was the execution of Charles the First voluntary on his part?
 Answer

47.
How is Poe’s “Raven” shown to have been a very dissipated
bird?
Answer

48.
Set down four 9’s so as to make one hundred.
Answer

49.
The cc 4 put 00000000.
si
Answer

50.
John Doe to Richard Roe, Dr.
To 2 bronze boxes $3 00
1 wooden do 1 50
1 wood do 1 50
——

This bill was canceled by the payment of $1.50. How?

Answer
 51.
When was Cowper in debt?
Answer

52.
What animal comes from the clouds?
Answer

53.

My FIRST is one of mystic three,

Who go where goes true Liberty;
Sets with the sun, with him to rise,
Lives in the flame and with it dies;
Fades with the leaf that earthward flies.

My SECOND cleaves the morning air,

Floats through the evening still and fair;
Now soars beyond the mountain crest,
Now flutters downward to its rest,
Now broods upon some hidden nest.

My WHOLE long since the prairie trod,

Now rests beneath the prairie-sod;
Yet still upon the river stands,
And calls the stranger to the lands
Which Reminichia’s[1] cliff commands.

Answer
 54.

I saw a peacock with a fiery tail

I saw a blazing comet pour down hail
I saw a cloud all wrapt with ivy ’round
I saw a lofty oak creep on the ground
I saw a beetle swallow up a whale
I saw the foaming sea brimful of ale
I saw a pewter cup sixteen feet deep
I saw a well full of men’s tears that weep
I saw wet eyes in flames of living fire
I saw a house as high as the moon and higher
I saw the glorious sun at deep midnight
I saw the man who saw this wondrous sight!

An incredulous friend actually ventured to doubt the above plain

statement of facts, but was soon convinced of its literal truth.
Answer

55.
Charles the First walked and talked half an hour after his head
was cut off.
Answer

56.
At the time of a frightful accident, what is better than presence of
mind?
Answer
 57.
Why was the year preceding 1871 the same as the year following
it?
Answer

58.
Why do “birds in their little nests agree?”
Answer

59.
What did Io die of?
Answer

60.
Why did a certain farmer out West name his favorite rooster
ROBINSON?
Answer

61.
How do sailors know there’s a man in the moon?
Answer
 62.
How do sailors know Long Island?
Answer

63.
What does a dog wear in warm weather, besides his collar?
Answer

64.

If you transpose what ladies wear,

’Twill plainly show what bad men are:
Again, if you transpose the same,
You’ll see an ancient Hebrew’s name:
Change it again and it will show,
What all on earth desire to do.

Answer

65.

Two brothers, wisely kept apart,

Together ne’er employed;
Though to one purpose we are bent,
Each takes a different side.

To us no head nor mouth belongs,

Yet plain our tongues appear;
With them we never speak a word,
 Without them, useless are.

In blood and wounds we deal, yet good

In temper we are proved;
From passion we are always free,
Though oft with anger moved.

We travel much, yet prisoners are,

And close confined, to boot;
Can with the swiftest horse keep pace,
Yet always go on foot.

Answer

66.
Translate:
Je suis capitaine de vingt-cinq soldats; et, sans moi, Paris serait
pris.
Answer

67.
Je suis ce que je suis, et je ne suis pas ce que je suis. Si j’étais
ce que je suis, je ne serais pas ce que je suis.
Answer

68.

Mus cucurrit plenum sed

Contra meum magnum ad!
 Answer

69.
Mens tuum ego!
Answer

70.
The title of a book: Castra tintinnabula Poëmata.
Answer

71.
Motto on a Chinese box: Tu doces!
Answer

72.

Answer
 73.
Translate:
Quis crudus enim lectus, albus, et spiravit!
Answer

74.
Ecrivez: “J’ai grand appétit,” en deux lettres.
Answer

75.

Monosyllabic I, and a reptile, I trow;

But, cut me in twain, I form syllables two.
I’m English, I’m Latin, the one and the other;
And what’s Latin for one half, is English for t’other.

Answer

76.

Ever running on my race,

Never staying in one place,
Through the world I make my tour
Everywhere at the same hour.
If you please to spell my name,
Backward, forward, ’tis the same.

Answer
 77.
In my FIRST my SECOND sat; my THIRD and FOURTH I ate; and yet I
was my WHOLE.
Answer

78.

TONIS A DRESTO MARE.

O Mare! Eva si formæ,
Formæ ure tonitru;
Iambicum as amandum,
Olet Hymen promptu!
Mihi his vetas annæ se,
As humano erebi;
Olet mecum, mare, to te,
Or Eta Beta Pi.

Alas, plano more meretrix;

Mi ardor vel uno,
Inferiam ure artis base
Tolerat me urebo.
Ah me! ve ara scilicet
To laudu vimin thus.
Hiatu as arandum sex—
Illuc Ionicus!

Heu! sed heu! vixin, imago,

Mi missis mare sta!
O cantu redit in mihi
Hibernus arida?

Everi dafur heri si;

Mihi resolves indu;
Totius, olet Hymen cum
 Accepta tonitru!

Answer

79.

From these five squares take three of the

fifteen sides, and leave three squares.
Answer

80.

Divide this figure into four equal and

uniform parts.
Answer

81.

Four things there are all of a height,

 One of them crooked, the rest upright.
Take three away, and you will find
Exactly ten remains behind:
But, if you cut the four in twain,
You’ll find one-half doth eight retain.

Answer

82.
To divide eight gallons of vinegar equally between two persons;
using only an eight-gallon, a five-gallon, and a three-gallon
measure?
Answer

83.
A certain miller takes “for toll” one tenth of the meal or flour he
grinds. What quantity must he grind in order that a customer may
have just a bushel of meal after the toll has been taken?
Answer

84.
To prove that two are equal to one:
Let x = a: Then, x2 = ax,
x2 − a2 = ax − a2,
(x + a)(x − a) = a(x − a),
x + a = a,
2a = a,
2 = 1. Q. E. D.
 Where is the fallacy?
Answer

85.
As two Arabs, who had for sole provision, the one five, and the
other three loaves of bread, were about to take their noonday meal
in company, they were joined by a stranger who proposed to
purchase a third part of their food. In payment he gave them, when
their repast was finished, eight pieces of silver, and they, unable to
agree as to the division of the sum referred the matter to the nearest
Cadi, who gave seven pieces to the owner of the five loaves, and but
one piece to the owner of the three loaves. And the Cadi was right.
Answer

86.
A man went to a store and bought a pair of boots for six dollars.
He put down a ten dollar bill, and the merchant having no change,
sent for it to a neighboring bank, and gave it to him. Later in the day
one of the bank clerks came in to say that the ten dollar bill was a
bad one, and insisted that the merchant should make it right, which
he did. Now, how much did he lose by the whole transaction?
Answer

87.
A man bought twelve herrings for a shilling; some were two
pence apiece, some a halfpenny, and some a farthing. How many
did he buy of each kind?
Answer

88.

My FIRST is the last of me;

My SECOND is not so much;
And my WHOLE is entirely destitute of my FIRST.

Answer

89.

There is a word of plural number,

A foe to peace and tranquil slumber;
Now, any word you chance to take,
Adding an s will plural make;
But if you add an s to this,
How strange the metamorphosis!
Plural is plural then no more,
And sweet what bitter was before.

Answer

90.

“Charge, Chester, charge! On, Stanley, on!”

Were the last words of Marmion.
Had I been in Stanley’s place,
When Marmion urged him to the chase,
You then would very soon descry,
What brings a tear to every eye.

Answer