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The New Despotism
john keane

The New
Despotism

harvard university press


Cambridge, Mas­sa­chu­setts
London, E
­ ngland
2020
Copyright © 2020 by John Keane
All rights reserved
Printed in the United States of Amer­i­ca

First printing

Cover design: Lisa Roberts


Cover art: BrilliantEye | Getty Images

9780674246690 (EPUB)
9780674246706 (MOBI)
9780674246713 (PDF)

The Library of Congress has cataloged the printed edition as follows:

Names: Keane, John, 1949– author.


Title: The new despotism / John Keane.
Description: Cambridge, Massachusetts : Harvard University Press, 2020. |
Includes bibliographical references and index.
Identifiers: LCCN 2019056411 | ISBN 9780674660069 (cloth)
Subjects: LCSH: Authoritarianism. | Democracy. | Democratic centralism.
Classification: LCC JC480 .K43 2020 | DDC 320.53—dc23
LC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2019056411
For George and Alice, always
Contents

Dark Times, Again 1


Wealth, Money, Power 31
A Phantom ­People 71
Media Power 111
Velvet Fists 155
Why Despotism? 197
Democracy’s F
­ uture 223

Further Reading 257


Notes 261
Index 299
The New Despotism
Someone must watch, it is said.
Someone must be t­ here.
—­f ranz kafka
Dark Times, Again
Desolation Row
Each age suffers moments of ­bitter disappointment, and so it was
at the beginning of the new c­ entury, when hopes faded for that
­thing every­body called democracy. Citizens with a taste for public
affairs had grown gloomy. Opinions differed about why the democ-
racy they had lived and loved for a generation now sleepwalked
and stumbled into confusion, ­toward impotence, or outright irrel-
evance. The disappointed pinned blame on out-­of-­touch govern-
ments, corrupt politicians, sluggish economies, greedy banks,
predatory corporations, and the spread of hate crimes and con-
tempt for the rule of law. ­Those who stayed optimistic, hoping
against hope, supposed the demise of democracy could be reversed
and that at some point, helped by a change of government, ­things
would improve. Global surveys showed they ­were in the minority.1
Many more citizens felt dragged down by economic dissatisfac-
tion and anger at po­liti­cal elites, broken promises, social injustices,
disorder and decline. As if to prove old Machiavelli’s observa-
tion that the road to hell is easy, since it is downhill and followed
with eyes shut, just as many p ­ eople simply d
­ idn’t care. With a
shrug of shoulders and wave of hand, they cursed ­u nder their
breath. Yet amid all the anger, despondency, and muddle during
­those years, t­ here was one general point of agreement: within states
that had been known as democracies, rot and decay had the upper
hand. ­Th ings w ­ ere g­ oing badly—­much worse than anybody had
expected.
A mea­sure of the gloom of ­those years was the way American
po­liti­cal scientists—­once the trumpeters of good news about the
global triumph of democracy, as if it was ­human destiny—­spoke
in mournful tones about the fading of the demo­cratic dream. Com-
munism was dead and postcolonial dictators had fallen like flies.
Yet the g­ rand march of history no longer appeared to f­avor de-
mocracy. The world in fact faced “more authoritarian momentum
and greater demo­cratic instability than at any time in the last
several de­cades,” wrote a respected leader in the field.2 ­Others
talked cheerlessly of an existential crisis of liberal democracy or
warned that its slow-­motion death caused by extreme wealth in­
equality, poor health care, mass shootings, and opioid addiction
was on the horizon.
Once upon a time, ran the lament, the most power­f ul democ-
racy, the United States of Amer­i­ca, functioned as a “shining city
upon a hill” (­t hose w
­ ere President Ronald Reagan’s parting words
upon leaving the Oval Office in January 1989). Liberal democracy
had done “more to spread peace and prosperity than any other
[po­liti­cal system] in the history of humanity.” During the 1980s
and 1990s, “freedom flourished, markets expanded, civil socie­
ties grew, representative institutions strengthened, and democ-
racy became, for the first time in h­ uman history, the most common
form of government.”
But in the United States, as elsewhere in the demo­cratic world,
the ideals of popu­lar self-­government faced a “gathering global
crisis.” Democracy found itself on desolation row. ­There ­were chal-

4 the n ew despotism
lenges such as “economic stagnation, income in­equality, immi-
gration.” Disappointment with democracy had become palpable,
spearheaded by “working class white voters with ­limited skills and
education, who feel culturally displaced and eco­nom­ically threat-
ened by immigration, globalization, and racial and cultural diver-
sity.” More than a few middle-­class voters felt the same. The w ­ hole
dynamic fed support for a new wave of nasty “pop­u ­lism and
illiberalism.”3
Understandably, ­these trends spooked more than a few ­people
living in the United States, a global empire gripped by a sense of
national decline. When peering into the ­future, a clear majority of
its citizens, often more than seven in ten, predicted that the gap
between rich and poor in their society would widen, their leaders
would fail to solve the country’s biggest prob­lems, and their coun-
try’s global influence would continue to shrink.4 The trend was not
confined to the United States. Practically all po­liti­cal ­orders called
democracy w ­ ere plagued by institutional dysfunctions, growing so-
cial in­equality, and public disillusionment. Most ­were no longer
regarded as paragons of probity, fairness, and stability.
It is true that public disaffection with democracy w ­ asn’t the
­whole story. Positive t­hings had happened: they ranged from
whistle-­blowing and public exposure of corruption by civil society
watchdogs to local efforts to build basic-income schemes and pro-
tect refugees, mi­g rants, and homeless ­people. Feminists every-
where contested male-­dominated institutions and everyday prac-
tices damaged by misogynist double standards. In the name of
democracy, a word whose semantic fuzziness kept alive its public
appeal, several long-­term countertrends managed to survive, in-
cluding self-­government experiments among indigenous p ­ eoples,
the extension of citizenship rights to c­ hildren, Finland-­style parlia-
mentary scrutiny of the impact of legislation on ­future generations,

Dark Times, Again 5


and the po­liti­cal enfranchisement of the biosphere. The advances
served as reminders that time’s arrow does not fly in a straight
line and that democracy is marked by braided tempos and mul-
tiple rhythms. The countertrends contradicted the prevailing
fracasomania: the dogmatic belief that the decomposition of de-
mocracy was unstoppable and that every­thing therefore had to be
changed b ­ ecause nothing worked any more. The demo­cratic ad-
vances certainly handed cheer to sullen observers. Some even used
questionable biological meta­phors to claim that although democ-
racies have a beginning and an end, it was too early to announce
their death. They w ­ ere only “­going through a mid-­life crisis.”5
Despite such reassurances, the sad fact was that in t­ hose years
of the new ­century, in a wide range of countries, multiple forces
pushed the spirit and substance of democracy ­toward the cliff’s
edge. This was certainly true in the field of international relations,
where US officials dropped talk of democracy promotion and
sided openly with scoundrels worldwide. The cluster of nominally
demo­cratic states known as the Eu­ro­pean Union did much the
same by choosing—­for instance, at the February 2019 EU–­Arab
League summit—to suck up to their opponents. “Sometimes you
have to dance with whoever’s on the dance floor,” said the cold-­
sober Dutch prime minister, Mark Rutte, at another event. His de-
fense of Eu­rope as the “bedrock of freedom, democracy and the
rule of law” and his simultaneous call for it to be “streetwise” and
“less naive and more realistic” revealed the extent to which Eu­rope
had lost both the confidence and the ability to spread the spirit and
institutions of power-­sharing democracy beyond its borders.6
Double standards flourished at home too, as a wide range of de-
mocracies failed to deliver on their promises of social equality
and good government. Surveys showed that less than a quarter
(24 ­percent) of Latin Amer­i­ca’s citizens ­were happy with the way

6 the n ew despotism
democracy worked in their countries, the lowest figure since polling
began. The reasons ­were not hard to find. More than a third of
Argentina’s 44 million ­people lived in shantytown poverty. ­After
2000, when the shift to multiparty democracy in Mexico had
begun, the number of ­people officially living beneath the poverty
line increased to over 50 ­percent of the population. Fed by a crim-
inal reserve army of the poor, mafia vio­lence grew by alarming pro-
portions. Scores of elected city mayors w ­ ere assassinated, several
hundred journalists ­were murdered or dis­appeared, and more than
a quarter of a million citizens w ­ ere robbed of their lives.7 Indian
democracy was similarly gripped by morbid symptoms. It hosted
fourteen of the world’s most polluted cities. ­There ­were more poor
­people in eight Indian states than in the twenty-­six countries of
sub-­Saharan Africa. India’s public hospitals ­were often death traps.
Vio­lence was everywhere: knives, guns, and bombs, wielded by
cavalcades of men in cars and on bikes, w ­ ere often weapons of
choice in po­liti­cal turf wars. Studies ranked India as the most dan-
gerous country for ­women. A high court judge estimated that it
would take the Indian judiciary 320 years to clear the backlog of
more than 32 million cases.8
The citizens of India and other democracies, meanwhile, found
themselves confronted by the po­liti­cal dangers and antisocial ef-
fects of g­ iant digital media platforms designed to harvest personal
data for sale to advertisers and to hook users by spreading hate
speech, conspiracy theories, revenge porn, and other pernicious
content.9 The de­cadence had additional sources.
Almost e­ very democracy felt the truth of the old observation
that t­ here are historical moments when “demo­cratic sovereignty”
is converted into “a cloak to cover the nakedness of a government
that does business for the kept classes.”10 Daily life was scarred by
widening gaps between rich and poor and by the emergence of a

Dark Times, Again 7


Another random document with
no related content on Scribd:
ruine et le désespoir qui sont attachés à ce signe d’où tombent les
ténèbres. Et quelles ténèbres !
C’est le chef-d’œuvre de Luther, cent ans après que la Fleur du
Moyen Age avait été suffoquée dans les flammes horribles d’un
bûcher, d’avoir substitué à la douce Croix de bois qui avait consolé
les peuples et fortifié les Martyrs, cette croix de fer implacable dont
le monde est épouvanté. Ce que les démons du Nord ont voulu
nommer la culture allemande est, à quatre siècles de distance, la
maturité complète, obtenue enfin, du fruit de l’arbre maudit où se
pendit le mauvais apôtre. C’est l’épanouissement définitif et suprême
du luthéranisme.
Luther enseigne, par exemple, que les clercs concubinaires se
réformeront en faisant de leur désordre même la règle générale.
Méthode de réforme particulièrement adaptée au génie germanique,
ainsi que l’a fait remarquer avec profondeur, dans ses conférences
sur la philosophie allemande, Jacques Maritain, l’adversaire
victorieux et déjà célèbre de Bergson.
« Le mal existe ? Nous le déclarons légitime et nécessaire par lui-
même. Nous placerons même son premier fondement en Dieu,
comme faisait Jacob Bœhme. Voici le moi allemand avec ses
instincts de nature ? Nous le proclamons, avec Fichte, le type
humain par excellence, auquel tout doit céder. Voici la guerre qui
réveille toujours, en fait, des impulsions barbares ? Nous ferons de
la barbarie la règle même de la guerre qui sera d’autant meilleure
qu’elle sera plus barbare. »
Au résumé : « Révolte de l’Allemagne contre la chrétienté, voilà
tout le fond de la Réforme… Ce qui était rebut et déchéance pour le
catholicisme est devenu norme et fondement dans le protestantisme
et, par lui, dans le monde et la pensée moderne… L’exercice de la
haine et de la cruauté regardé en lui-même comme un office de
religion, accompli au nom du Christ et de l’Évangile. Dieu avec nous,
Gott mit uns !… Telle est l’Allemagne de Luther, l’Allemagne que
nous voyons à l’œuvre aujourd’hui, pour laquelle suivre les instincts
de convoitise, de mensonge, de haine et de luxure, c’est être avec
Dieu. »
Telle fut l’œuvre de Luther qui trouva une Allemagne si bien
préparée à recevoir sa doctrine qu’aussitôt après le début de son
apostolat, entre 1525 et 1530, il put en constater lui-même les effets.
Voici les propres paroles de ce patriarche de la culture allemande :
« Aujourd’hui, les nôtres sont sept fois plus mauvais qu’ils ne
l’avaient jamais été auparavant. Nous volons, nous mentons, nous
trompons, nous mangeons et buvons avec excès et nous nous
adonnons à tous les vices… Nous autres Allemands, nous sommes
devenus la risée et la honte de tous les peuples ; ils nous tiennent
pour des pourceaux ignominieux et obscènes… Si l’on voulait
maintenant peindre l’Allemagne, il faudrait la représenter sous les
traits d’une truie. » Et le même Luther qu’on croit entendre parler en
1915, du fond de son gouffre, déplore, sans aucune sincérité
d’ailleurs, « d’être né Allemand, d’avoir parlé et écrit en allemand, et
il désire mourir pour ne pas assister au châtiment divin prêt à tomber
sur l’Allemagne ».
On remplirait un volume de ces témoignages de Luther qui ne
connut jamais le repentir, mais qui espérait peut-être sauvegarder
ainsi sa mémoire, en même temps qu’il se réjouissait comme un
démon de l’avilissement épouvantable dont il avait été l’artisan. Pour
une nation de brutes cultivées en tant que brutes, il s’agissait donc
uniquement de devenir la plus forte matériellement et de mériter la
Croix de fer qui est le signe de la force matérielle. C’est l’Allemagne
contemporaine contre laquelle doivent s’armer aujourd’hui toutes les
puissances de la terre.
Les horreurs actuelles ont un aspect d’apocalypse qui se
précisera davantage encore, on peut le prévoir. Mais la Croix de fer
sera vaincue à la fin par la Croix de bois, parce que celle-ci est le
choix de Dieu et le signe de sa dilection. Il se peut, au cours des
événements inimaginables dont la présente guerre paraît être
seulement le prélude, que la France monte à son tour sur le bûcher
de l’Héroïne, condamnée comme elle par ses prêtres apostats qui
ont renié la Mère de Dieu lorsqu’elle pleurait sur la Montagne de la
Salette, en les accusant. Oui, la France, responsable toujours de ses
chefs spirituels, pourrait bien être condamnée, par leur infidélité
criminelle, à périr dans d’horribles flammes. Il lui resterait alors la
pauvre Croix de bois de Jeanne d’Arc dont elle ne veut pas en ce
moment, mais qui la sauverait miraculeusement à la dernière heure
pour que le genre humain ne fût pas perdu.
La Croix des indigents et des vagabonds, la douce Croix des
vieux chemins dans les campagnes, l’accueillante Croix des
miséreux, des courbatus, des pieds en sang, des cœurs en larmes,
de ceux qui ont été mordus par les serpents du désert et qui
guérissent de leurs blessures en la regardant, la Croix de misère et
de gloire !

Bourg-la-Reine, 6 février 1915.


TABLE

Pages
Dédicace 5
Introduction 9
Méditation préliminaire 37
I. — Le Lieutenant de Jésus-Christ 47
II. — L’Angélique 65
III. — Le Miracle 81
IV. — « Dii estis » 91
V. — L’Épopée 101
VI. — La Guerrière 119
VII. — La Prophétesse 139
VIII. — La Thaumaturge 155
IX. — Les Amis 169
X. — Les Ennemis 181
XI. — Les Larmes 203
XII. — « Évêque, je meurs par vous ! » 211
XIII. — L’Holocauste. 239
Conclusion. — La Croix de bois et la Croix de fer 257
Principaux ouvrages à consulter.

Siméon Luce. Jeanne d’Arc à Domremy. (Recherches critiques sur


les origines de la Mission de la Pucelle, accompagnées de
pièces justificatives.) Paris, Champion, 1886.
La première partie de ce travail avait paru en 3 articles dans la
Revue des Deux Mondes : Jeanne d’Arc et les Ordres mendiants
(mai 1881) ; Jeanne d’Arc et le culte du Mont Saint-Michel
(décembre 1882) ; Jeanne d’Arc à Domremy (mai 1885).
Quicherat Jules, Directeur de l’École des Chartes. Procès de
condamnation et de réhabilitation de Jeanne d’Arc, publiés pour
la première fois d’après les manuscrits de la Bibliothèque, suivis
de tous les documents historiques. Société de l’histoire de
France. Paris, Jules Renouard, 1841 à 1849. 5 vol. in-8.
Aperçus nouveaux sur l’histoire de Jeanne d’Arc. Paris, Renouard,
1850.
Vallet de Viriville. Histoire de Charles VII, roi de France, et de
son époque (1403-1461). 3 vol. in-8. Paris, Renouard, 1863-
1865.
O’Reilly. Les deux procès de condamnation, les enquêtes et la
sentence de réhabilitation de Jeanne d’Arc, 2 vol. in-8. Paris,
Plon, 1868.
Henri Chapoy. Les Compagnons de Jeanne d’Arc. Domremy-Reims
(1412-1429). Paris, Bloud et Barral, 1897.
Steenackers. Agnès Sorel et Charles VII. Paris, Didier, 1868.
H. Wallon. Jeanne d’Arc. Paris, Didot, 1876.
Paul Marin. Jeanne Darc, tacticien et stratégiste, 2 vol. Paris,
Baudoin, 1889-1890.
Général Frédéric Canonge. Jeanne d’Arc guerrière. Paris,
Nouvelle Librairie nationale, 1907.
Andrew Lang. La Pucelle de France. Paris, Nelson.
Abbé Chassagnon. Les Voix de Jeanne d’Arc. Lyon, 1896.
Albert Sarrazin. Le bourreau de Jeanne d’Arc. Rouen, 1910.
Boucher de Molandon. Mémoires de la Société archéologique et
historique de l’Orléanais. Orléans, Herluison, 1876.

3981. — Tours, imp. E. Arrault et Cie.


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