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0 - Prelims & editorial - v.1 3/1/20 17:33 Page 1

WARSHIP 2020
0 - Prelims & editorial - v.1 3/1/20 17:33 Page 2
0 - Prelims & editorial - v.1 3/1/20 17:33 Page 3

WARSHIP 2020
Editor: John Jordan

Assistant Editor: Stephen Dent

0 - Prelims & editorial - v.1 9/1/20 16:41 Page 4

Title pages: The Italian battleship Lepanto with Mount Vesuvius

in the background. Lepanto and her half-sister Italia are the
subject of an article by Sergei Vinogradov published in this
year’s annual. (Author’s collection)

OSPREY PUBLISHING
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E-mail: info@ospreypublishing.com
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OSPREY is a trademark of Osprey Publishing Ltd

First published in Great Britain in 2020

This electronic edition published in 2020 by Bloomsbury Publishing Plc

© Osprey Publishing Ltd, 2020

For legal purposes the Acknowledgements within the individual articles constitute an extension of this copyright
page.

All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means,
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without prior permission in writing from the publishers.

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To find out more about our authors and books visit www.ospreypublishing.com. Here you will find extracts,
author interviews, details of forthcoming events and the option to sign up for our newsletter.
0 - Prelims & editorial - v.2:Layout 1 20/01/2020 17:35 Page 5

CONTENTS
Editorial 6

Feature Articles
FROM BATTLESHIP TO CARRIER: BÉARN 8
John Jordan provides a study of the development and technical characteristics of the only aircraft carrier
completed for the French Marine Nationale during the interwar years.

THE EIGHT-EIGHT FLEET AND THE TOSA TRIALS 28

Hans Lengerer looks at the ambitious plans for the projection of Japanese naval power during the
second decade of the 20th century.

ITALIA AND LEPANTO: Giants of the Iron Century 48

Sergei Vinogradov describes these unique Italian battleships – ships that could not only fight a fleet action but
also act as cruisers and as troop transports – and the circumstances that led to their design.

THE RECONSTRUCTION OF HMS VICTORIOUS 67

David Hobbs gives a detailed account of the reconstruction of HMS Victorious during the 1950s and outlines
her role in the development of the modern aircraft carrier in the Royal Navy.

THE BEGINNINGS OF SOVIET NAVAL POWER 82

Przemysław Budzbon and Jan Radziemski investigate the influence of HM Submarine L 55 on the design of
the early Soviet submarines.

THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE SMALL CRUISER IN THE IMPERIAL GERMAN NAVY (Part I) 102
Dirk Nottelmann attempts to shed some light on the first generation of the German Kleiner Kreuzer
(‘small cruiser’), focusing on key elements in the design of the type.

DESIGN TRENDS IN MODERN SURFACE COMBATANTS 119

Conrad Waters looks at the consequences of the many and varied factors influencing
surface warship design since the end of the Cold War.

THE FLEET BATTLESHIP CHARLES MARTEL 135

Philippe Caresse takes a detailed look at the complex design process, the technical characteristics and
the service career of the first of the ‘fleet of samples’ (flotte d’échantillons).

THE QUEST FOR AN ITALIAN AIRCRAFT CARRIER 1922–1939 152

Michele Cosentino looks in detail at the various air-capable designs proposed for the Italian
Regia Marina during the period between the wars.

ON BARREN, HIDEOUS ROCKS: The Grounding of HMS Dauntless, July 1928 167
Michael Whitby looks at the grounding of the cruiser Dauntless on Thrumcap Shoal and the subsequent enquiry.

T 47 SURCOUF 180
A short feature showcasing the Editor’s line drawings of the French T 47 fleet escort Surcouf.

Warship Notes 184

Reviews 202
Warship Gallery 219
Clive and Sue Taylor present a selection of photographs to accompany their new book Cold War Fleet.
0 - Prelims & editorial - v.2:Layout 1 03/01/2020 16:21 Page 6
EDITORIAL
his year sees the Warship debut of two contributors.
T Some readers may be familiar with the work of Dirk
Nottelmann, whose articles for Warship International
over the past few years on the ‘big ships’ of the Imperial
German Navy have greatly extended our knowledge of
the design process and technical characteristics of these
vessels. Dirk has agreed to produce a series of articles on
the smaller ships of the IGN for Warship, beginning with
the Kleiner Kreuzer (‘small cruisers’), of which the first
part appears on pages 102–18 of this edition. The articles
will use archive material collected by Dr Axel Griessmer,
author of one of the most significant works published in
German on the battleships and battlecruisers of the
period, and whose planned follow-up on the smaller
ships failed to materialise.
Our other new contributor is Canadian naval historian
Michael Whitby, who has written about the grounding of
the light cruiser HMS Dauntless on Thrumcap Shoal,
Halifax, Nova Scotia, in July 1928. His gripping account
of the grounding and of the subsequent salvage operation
and Court of Inquiry, which was followed by the Court
Martial of the ship’s commanding officer Captain
Kenneth McPherson and his navigating officer,
Lieutenant-Commander (N) Thomas Beatty, provides an
insight into not only the hazards of entering a harbour in
thick fog before the advent of radar and other electronic
navigation aids, but also the standard procedures of the
interwar Royal Navy. Michael plans to follow this article
with a two-part feature on the employment of Home
Fleet destroyers in support of the transatlantic convoys
during the spring of 1943, at the height of the war
against the U-boats, to be published in Warship 2021.
This year’s annual begins with a study by the Editor of
the French aircraft carrier Béarn, one of a number of
interwar air-capable ships converted using the hulls of
incomplete battleships and battlecruisers in the wake of
the Washington Treaty of 1922. Heavily influenced by
the British thinking of the day and by the RN’s conver-
sions of Argus and Eagle, Béarn nevertheless introduced
a number of innovatory technical features of her own,
not all of which were successful. Her withdrawal from
active service at the beginning of the Second World War
would be driven largely by her ageing propulsion
machinery and her slow speed, which meant that she was
unable to keep pace with the newer battleships.
The Italian Navy’s record with regard to carrier devel-
opment between the wars was even less impressive, due
in part to the political dominance of the Regia
Aeronautica, but also to the lack of a genuine commit-
ment to naval aviation on the part of the senior officers
of the Regia Marina. Michele Cosentino, in the first of
two articles on Italian carrier development, takes a close
look at some of the projects which failed to materialise.
Two of this year’s feature articles focus on battleship
6
design in the 19th century. Sergei Vinogradov’s in-depth
study of the influential Italian battleships Italia and
Lepanto, in which belt armour was suppressed in favour
of a heavily armoured citadel amidships for the big guns
and their magazines, a 2in protective deck and tight
compartmentation, has been compressed and translated
into English by regular contributor Stephen McLaughlin.
And Philippe Caresse continues his series on the French
battleships of the flotte d’échantillons with a study of the
first of the four vessels built under the 1890 programme,
Charles Martel, designed by the distinguished naval
architect Charles Huin. Easily distinguished visually from
her half-sisters, each of which was designed by a different
architect, Charles Martel suffered from excessive
topweight due to her heavy flying deck and military
masts – an issue that was never satisfactorily resolved.
Two decades on from Charles Martel, the Imperial
Japanese Navy was drawing up plans for a fleet of eight
battleships and eight battle cruisers to form the core of
two fleets that would be a counterweight to the US Navy
in the Pacific. Hans Lengerer’s article on the so-called
‘Eight-Eight Fleet’, which follows the same author’s
article on the earlier ‘Six-Six Fleet’ published in Warship
2019, demonstrates the extent to which these plans were
unaffordable; had they been implemented, they would
have brought the country to bankruptcy.
In a new and revealing study of the Soviet Navy
between the wars, Przemysław Budzbon and Jan
Radziemski investigate the influence of HM Submarine
L 55 on the design of the early Soviet submarines. The
new Soviet Government, influenced by the French Jeune
Ecole of the late 19th century, was committed to a fleet
of ‘mosquito craft’, of which submarines would form the
key offensive component, to defend the coastal waters of
the USSR. However, Soviet submarine design of the
period was hampered not only by the repressive nature of
the regime, whose first response to any setback or failure
was to imprison or execute the individuals responsible,
but by the almost total absence of any historical body of
data or experience. The fortuitous discovery of the wreck
of L 55, which had been despatched by the British on an
abortive mission to the Baltic shortly after her comple-
tion in late 1918, was therefore a game changer.
The postwar era is represented by three of this year’s
feature articles. The first is an article by David Hobbs on
the reconstruction of the aircraft carrier Victorious
during the 1950s, a ship on which David served as a
Midshipman following her recommissioning. Heavily
criticised for delays and costs incurred during the exten-
sive period Victorious spent in dockyard hands, the
reconstruction nevertheless delivered a ship which
formed the base-line for later RN carrier reconstructions
and for the design of the abortive CVA-01. Conrad
Waters, for the latest in his series of articles on modern
0 - Prelims & editorial - v.1 31/12/19 11:59 Page 7
Karlsruhe, one of a series of modern, turbine-powered light cruisers completed for the Imperial German Navy prior to and during the
Great War. These ships will be the subject of Part II of Dirk Nottelmann’s article on the Kleiner Kreuzer to be published in Warship 2021.
(Dirk Nottelmann collection)
warship developments, looks at the consequences of the
many and varied factors influencing surface warship
design since the end of the Cold War, with a particular
focus on size, ‘stealth’ features, weapons/sensors and
propulsion. And the feature section concludes with a
short article by the Editor on the postwar ‘fleet escorts’
of the French T 47 type, with line drawings of the lead
unit Surcouf adapted from the official STCAN plans and
a brief description of the key weapons and electronics
systems developed by the French after the Second World
War. It is envisaged that this will be the first of a series of
short features and longer articles on the major types of
warship designed and built by the French during the
postwar era.
This year’s Warship Notes has a number of substantial
items. David Murfin has submitted a well-researched note
on the Royal Navy’s post-WWI concept of the Mobile
Naval Base, a response to the renewed focus on overseas
threats in the aftermath of the Washington Treaty; the
note is illustrated by specially-drawn plans of the
proposals to convert the battleship Agincourt and the
cargo liner Oropesa to serve as MNB depot ships.
Kenneth Fraser has unearthed a letter in the archives of
the University St Andrews, Scotland, written by a serving
RN lieutenant, Robert Hamilton Anstruther, in the wake
of the tragic loss of the turret ship HMS Victoria to a colli-
sion in 1893; it describes the attempts to rescue the crew
and the subsequent services held on board every ship of
the Mediterranean Fleet to commemorate the dead.
While the 6in gun turrets fitted in Royal Navy cruisers
of the 1930s have received extensive coverage in the liter-
ature, this is less true of the Mk XVII and Mk XVIII
enclosed twin mountings fitted in the cruiser Enterprise
EDITORIAL
and the battleships of the Nelson class respectively. With
the invaluable assistance of John Roberts, the Editor has
put together a note describing in detail the operation of
the Mk XVIII mounting, illustrated by labelled drawings
of the turret and its distinctive telescopic rammer.
Finally, Stephen Fisher and Nick Hewitt (National
Museum of the Royal Navy) provide an account of the
rescue and restoration of LCT 7074, a veteran of the
D-Day landings. Acquired in the late 1990s by the
Warships Preservation Trust, which subsequently went
into liquidation, the wreck was in a poor condition, and
piecing together her history involved much painstaking
research. However, the operation to salvage and restore
the craft to something like her original condition was a
success, and it is hoped that LCT 7074 will return to
Portsmouth around the time Warship 2020 is published,
to be displayed outside the D-Day Museum in Southsea.
This year’s annual concludes with the customary A’s &
A’s, reviews of naval books of the year, and a Warship
Gallery which features the stunning black and white
photographs of Royal Navy warships taken by the distin-
guished photographers Clive and Sue Taylor during the
1970s and 1980s.
Besides the follow-up articles already mentioned,
Warship 2021 will include major features on the Soviet
battleships of the Sovietskii Soiuz class by Steve
McLaughlin, on the IJN submarines of the I-15 class and
the seaplane carriers of the Chitose class, by Kathrin
Milanovich and Hans Lengerer respectively, on the royal
yacht Victoria and Albert (iii) by Ian Sturton, and on the
Italian aircraft carrier Aquila by Michele Cosentino.
John Jordan
April 2020
7
1 - Bearn - v.1 7/1/20 18:53 Page 8

FROM BATTLESHIP TO
CARRIER: BÉARN
Béarn was the only aircraft carrier completed for the French Marine Nationale during the interwar
years. A conversion of a battleship hull, like the British Eagle and the Japanese Kaga, she was
essentially experimental and incorporated a number of unusual features, not all of which were
successful, and was relegated to second-line service when war broke out in 1939. John Jordan
provides a study of the development and technical characteristics of the ship.

he Washington Treaty, signed on 6 February 1922,
T prescribed the wholesale scrapping of battleships and
battlecruisers currently in build, while at the same time
permitting a substantial tonnage that could be allocated
to aircraft carriers: 135,000 tons for Britain and the USA,
81,000 tons for Japan, and 60,000 tons for France and
Italy. The carrier allocations for the three major powers
were based on a theoretical unit displacement of 27,000
tons using a 5:5:3 ratio, those for France and Italy on
three ships of about 20,000 tons. These figures, however,
related to new purpose-built construction which, it was
anticipated, would take place in the 1930s alongside the
new generation of 35,000-ton battleships laid down after
the ten-year ‘holiday’. The conversion of existing capital
ship hulls as an interim measure, given that the aircraft
carrier as a type was still in its infancy, was not only
assumed but was actively encouraged both as an incen-
tive for the major naval powers to accept the draconian
prohibitions on new capital ship construction that were
under discussion and as a means of securing a return on
the investment made in existing hulls, many of which
were complete up to the armoured deck.
The British Royal Navy had already begun the recon-
struction of two such ships, the former Chilean battleship
Almirante Cochrane – rechristened Eagle – and the ‘light
battlecruiser’ Furious, and in July 1921 had approved the
conversion of one of Furious’s two half-sisters, Glorious.
At around the same time, in the run-up to the
Washington Conference, the US Navy embarked on
studies for the reconstruction of two of the incomplete
battlecruisers of the Lexington class.
France showed more than a passing interest in these

HMS Eagle in 1935. Her

conversion from a
battleship hull makes her
the closest in conception of
the British carriers to
Béarn. However, a number
of different choices were
made as the design
developed. The bow was
faired into the forward end
of the flight deck, and the
two lifts were widely
separated and located at
either end of the hangar.
The forward lift was
cruciform, enabling aircraft
to be struck down with
wings deployed
immediately on landing.
This proved to be a far
superior arrangement to
that adopted by the French.
(Courtesy of David Hobbs)

8
1 - Bearn - v.1 7/1/20 18:53 Page 9
developments. In early 1920 a French commission visited
Britain and was given a tour of the first ‘through-deck’
carrier conversion, HMS Argus, to observe aircraft
handling and flying operations. According to David
Hobbs,1 drawings of Eagle’s aviation and island arrange-
ments were also made available. Out of this visit came a
proposal for the conversion of one of the incomplete
battleships of the Normandie class, and this was duly
incorporated in a new building programme designated
Project 171. Staff requirements included:
– the embarkation of the maximum number of wheeled
aircraft, and the ability to operate seaplanes in harbour
– a continuous wooden flight deck at least 150m long,
with the maximum possible width and no obstructions
– a hangar connected to the flight deck by two lifts, of
which the larger should be 20m by 12m
– an access bay 20m wide for seaplanes at the after end
of the hangar
– speed and endurance comparable to the battleships of
the Bretagne class (ie 21 knots, 6000nm at 10 knots)
– light vertical armour plating and protection against
mines and torpedoes.
The hull of Béarn, which had been launched without
ceremony to clear the slipway on 15 April 1920 and was
complete up to the lower armoured deck, was selected for
trials. Initial modifications involved a wooden platform
43m by 9m with an access ramp constructed directly on
top of the lower armoured deck. The improvised arrester
system used for the trials was based on transverse cables
raised on circular pieces of cork and weighted with bags
of sand. Successful take-offs and landings at Toulon
during late October 1920 led to initial studies by the
STCN for a full conversion. However, there was still
some hesitation about whether it would be better to
complete the ship as a battleship or a carrier, and no final
decision was made.
The Washington Conference then intervened.
Following its conclusion the Marine Nationale decided to
proceed with the proposed conversion of Béarn, and this
decision was formalised in the 1922 Naval Programme.
Béarn was selected rather than one of her sisters because
she was the least complete; she would therefore be easier
FROM BATTLESHIP TO CARRIER: BÉARN
The initial take-offs and
landings using the temporary
wooden flight deck were made
by LV Paul Teste in a two-seat
Sopwith 11⁄2 strutter in October
1920. During the 1921 trials,
the Sopwiths were replaced by
the two-seat Hanriot HD.3. The
aircraft in the photo is being
prepared for take-off. In order
to give the aircraft the correct
attitude the rear of the
fuselage has been raised on a
trestle. (Private collection)
to modify without having to dismantle much of the
existing steelwork, while at the same time having access
to the machinery and other components already delivered
for the other ships. Detailed plans were drawn up –
although they would subsequently be subject to
numerous modifications – and the contract for comple-
tion by the builder, F C Méditerranée at their La Seyne
shipyard, was signed on 4 August 1923. The anticipated
cost was 66.33 million French francs, of which
190,000FF were for the demolition of existing structures
(452 tonnes).
A Tactical Framework
The influence of Britain’s Royal Navy, rightly regarded
as being at the forefront of naval aviation, went far
beyond the technical and the operational. The Royal
Navy of 1918 saw the aircraft carrier as key to providing
scouting for the battle fleet in three dimensions, so recon-
naissance aircraft were initially to be the key component
of the air group. The air space over the battle fleet would
also need to be denied to the enemy, hence the need for
fighters. These ideas would subsequently be developed: it
became clear that aircraft would be equally useful for
spotting for the big guns, given ever-increasing ranges of
engagement, for torpedo attack, which had the potential
to slow an enemy fleet attempting to escape, and for anti-
submarine patrol.
The air group initially envisaged for Béarn was to
comprise two squadrons each of twelve reconnaissance
aircraft plus a single squadron of eight fighters, for a
total of 32 aircraft. The second reconnaissance squadron
would subsequently be replaced by a squadron of
torpedo attack aircraft. This conformed with RN theory
and practice.
Royal Navy thinking around 1920 favoured two
different types of aircraft carrier: one designed to operate
in company with the battle fleet, with an air group
comprising fighters, spotters and torpedo attack aircraft,
the other intended to operate with the strategic scouting
forces in the van, the air group being biased towards
fighters and reconnaissance aircraft. Both types would
need a small speed margin over the ships they would
accompany, so the slower carriers (initially Argus and
9
1 - Bearn - v.1 7/1/20 18:53 Page 10
WARSHIP 2020
Eagle) would operate with the battle fleet, while the
converted light battlecruisers, which were capable of top
speeds in excess of 30 knots, would operate with the
battlecruisers and light cruisers in the van.
The French had no battlecruisers, and the armoured
cruisers that had survived the war were little faster than
the 20/21-knot dreadnoughts, hence the staff require-
ment for speed and endurance comparable to the battle-
ships of the Bretagne class. It would, in any case, have
proved difficult to increase the top speed of Béarn
beyond that of the original Normandie design given that
a proportion of the hull volume occupied by machinery
in the original plans would have to be reallocated to
provide air ordnance magazines, aircraft spares and avia-
tion fuel under armour. Nevertheless, the lack of any
speed margin over the battleships showed a lack of
appreciation of the need for an aircraft carrier to
manoeuvre independently in order to launch and land
aircraft into the wind.
Machinery and Lower Hull
When Béarn was launched in 1920 she was complete
only to the lower armoured deck. Neither the armour
belt nor the propulsion machinery was in place.
As designed the first four ships of the Normandie class
were to have a composite propulsion plant, with turbines
(for high speed) on the inner shafts and reciprocating
engines (for cruising/endurance) on the wing shafts.
Béarn, on the other hand, would have had turbines
A Gourdou-Leseurre GL.22 single-seat trainer takes off from Béarn during landing trials April–June 1927. Note that the forward 155mm
casemate guns have not yet been embarked. (Private collection, courtesy of Philippe Caresse)
10
throughout, to make it easier for her to operate in
company with the three ships of the Bretagne class.
Steam for the reciprocating engines and the turbines was
to be supplied either by 21 Guyot–du Temple–Normand
boilers, or 28 Belleville boilers, both models being rated at
20kg/cm2; the Belleville boiler was of the traditional large
watertube type, while the Guyot–du Temple–Normand
boiler was a small-tube model derived from the boilers
fitted in contemporary destroyers. The boilers were
disposed either as seven rows of three or seven rows of
four in three boiler rooms. Both types burned coal, for
which there was extensive bunkerage outboard of the
boiler rooms (see Machinery plan)
The reversion to a composite propulsion plant in the
Normandie class was the result of experience with direct
drive turbines in the battleships of the Danton class.
When the latter ships entered service in 1911 it quickly
became apparent that coal consumption at moderate
speeds was extraordinarily heavy. Since ships spent most
of their active service lives steaming at cruise speed, even
in time of war, this was a major concern. There was a
cost in endurance, a financial cost, and a heavy price to
pay for the crews: coaling was a tedious, dirty and back-
breaking task which with high fuel consumption had to
be performed with even greater frequency. It was antici-
pated that the reciprocating engines on the outer shafts
would provide a range of 3,375nm at 16 knots and
6,500–6,600nm at 12 knots (almost twice the radius of
the Bretagne class).
For Béarn as a carrier it was decided to adopt the
1 - Bearn - v.1 7/1/20 18:53 Page 11

FROM BATTLESHIP TO CARRIER: BÉARN

Machinery Layouts

3rd Platform Deck

Normandie as Designed AFTER
Dynamo BOILER FWD Forward
Condenser ENGINE Rooms p&s BOILER
ROOMS ROOM Torpedo
Rooms ROOMS Room

138
32° shell room 138
LP mag
138 340 340 340 wine
32°
shell room RFW shell room shell room peak
mag hold tank
32°
& magazine turbine & magazine & magazine 138
HP
32° 138 room mag
twin shell room
rudders cable
lockers
p&s

coal bunkers p&s

Note: Adapted from plans
dated Paris 31 October 1912.
aft fore
perpendicular 3rd Platform Deck perpendicular

Béarn Condenser
ENGINE
ROOMS
AVIATION
STORES
BOILER
ROOMS
BOMB Dynamo Rooms
MAGAZINES Room

depth
charges 75
76kg 410kg bomb mag
32°
LP magazine
155 155 155 wine peak
32°
shell 152kg oil fuel oil fuel
mag RFW hatch tanks tanks mag hold tank
32° room hoist turbine HP
32° room 75
226k Dynamo mags
twin Room cable
rudders lockers
p&s

fresh water bomb

tanks fuses protective coal bunkers p&s
Note: Adapted from plans dated
La Seyne 24 December 1928.

0 10 20 30 40 50 © John Jordan 2018

METRES

composite plant planned for her sisters, and to utilise the were separated by feed water tanks disposed along the
reciprocating engines and turbines intended for the first ship’s axis.
ship of the class, Normandie. Each of the VTE engines in By the time the reconstruction of Béarn had been
the wing compartments, built by A C Loire at their Saint- authorised, oil firing had been adopted for all new
Denis factory, had four cylinders (HP, IP and two LP), construction. Oil not only had a higher calorific value
and drove a four-bladed propeller with a diameter of 5.2 than coal, but it could be pumped on board and around
metres; shaft revolutions were 115rpm. Quite apart from the ship, thereby easing the task of the stokers and
their greater efficiency at low and moderate speeds, the enabling their numbers to be reduced. It was decided to
reciprocating engines had the advantage of being able to replace the original boilers with a new type of Normand
be reversed to drive the ship when going astern. small water-tube oil-fired boiler. Only twelve were
The turbines in the inner compartment comprised a needed to supply the necessary steam for the 40,000CV
single HP turbine (to starboard) feeding into a single LP propulsion machinery, and these were accommodated in
turbine (to port), both of the Parsons type and likewise the forward pair of boiler rooms and disposed in four
built by A C Loire. The turbines were ahead-only, and the rows of three (see plans). The fuel oil was stowed not in
adoption of a composite power plant meant that there the original coal bunkers outboard of the boiler rooms,
was no need for separate cruise turbines. The propellers
driven by the turbines on the inner shafts were of high-
resistance bronze; they had three blades and a diameter
of 3.44m; shaft revolutions at full speed were 280rpm.
The twin balanced rudders were directly abaft the centre
shafts; each had a surface area of 20.7m2.
The main condenser for the turbines was located in the
centre engine room just forward of (and above) the LP
turbine. The condenser rooms for the reciprocating
engines were directly abaft the outer engine rooms, and

Building Data
Builder: F C Méditerranée, La Seyne
Laid down: 5 January 1914
Launched: 15 April 1920
Manned for trials: 1 September 1926 Béarn conducting landing trials with a Gourdou-Leseurre GL.22
Commissioned: 5 December 1927 trainer April–June 1927. The after section of the flight deck was
Entered service: 1 May 1928 sloped down at 10 degrees when the ship was first completed.
(Private collection)

11
12
Béarn: Profile & Plan
1 - Bearn - v.1

12-tonne
WARSHIP 2020
20/1/20

aircraft crane
lift for telescopic
PL.10 fighters retractable mast for
telescopic recce navigation
mast for charthouse
bomber hinged doors hinged hinged doors lights
navigation for after sighting for centre
test bed for lights aircraft lift arms aircraft lift
11:16

aero engines
Page 12

torpedo
tubes
paravane
clump

MF/DF 3-metre HA
3-metre antenna 3 x 8mm rangefinder director
2 x 37mm 120cm S/L MG 3 x 8mm 120cm S/L 2 x 37mm
projector rangefinder MG projector AA guns 2 x 75mm
1 x 75mm AA guns
HA gun HA guns
2 x 155mm
LA guns
2 x 155mm
LA guns

lift for torpedo lift for recce retractable

attack aircraft Schneider-Fieux lift for charthouse
aft telescopic aircraft fighters fwd telescopic
mast arrester wires mast

8m x 12m
15m x 15m 10m x 15m 2 tonnes
5 tonnes 5 tonnes
hinged fixed
sighting aircraft sighting
2 x 155mm arm HA
LA guns DF arms manoeuvre 12-tonne director
office control station aircraft crane 2 x 155mm
LA guns
1 x 75mm 2 x 75mm
HA gun 2 x 37mm 3-metre HA guns
AA guns 120cm S/L 3 x 8mm
projector rangefinder MG 3-metre 3 x 8mm fresh/salt 120cm S/L 2 x 37mm
rangefinder MG water tanks projector AA guns

Note: Adapted from plans dated

La Seyne 24 December 1928.
0 10 20 30 40 50 The drawing represents Béarn as she appeared in 1930, by which time the forward section of
© John Jordan 2018
METRES the flight deck had been angled downward to 4.5 degrees and the angle of the after section
had been reduced to match. The white lines parallel to the centre-line, marking the landing
area, would be extended over the centre lift during 1931, and in September 1932 the after
mast would be removed and replaced by aerial spreaders at the after end of the funnel.
 Béarn
Inboard Profile
lift in raised
1 - Bearn - v.1

position

hinged hinged
doors doors conning
position
7/1/20

aircrew accommodation
lift for torpedo lift for recce lift for
HANGAR attack aircraft HANGAR aircraft HANGAR HA
fighters post
torpedo
18:53

repair & assembly spare aircraft W/T

avgas tubes avgas
workshop tanks assembly area office avgas capstan
tanks cold oil tanks tanks
room hatch hatch hatch machy
steering compartmt aviation fresh Boiler Rooms aviation stores PC fresh
store water water peak
aviation oil fuel
5 bombs wine tank
Engine stores tanks oil fuel tanks
Page 13

Rooms hold
167
18 28 34 44 51 57 73 95 103 112 121 136 141 146 151 157 161
air 75
155 magazines MG ammunition condenser compressor 410kg bomb ultrasound 155 magazine
& shell room for aircraft rooms compartmt magazine tube magazine & shell room

Forward Avgas
Petrol Tanks Centre Avgas Tank Group
1st Platform Deck Tank Group
After Avgas
Tank Group petrol tanks
for boats

counterweights Hangar Deck

winches for winches for 410kg for lifts
winches for hammock boats p&s boats p&s comms ventilation trunking
tanks for control ctr bomb hoist for boiler rooms
embarking boats p&s stowage retractable
petrol p&s officers’ POs’ charthouse
rest room mess

asbestos overhead
asbestos rail system
fire curtains fire curtain
lift for torpedo lift for recce lift for
attack aircraft aircraft hatch for fighters
HANGAR HANGAR HANGAR
embarkation
hatch for aviation stores
embarkation
aviation stores crane
test bed for winch
3 3
aero engines 2 2 photo lab bakery
p&s
stowage for boiler uptakes
stowage for 6 x 410kg, air ops air cooling chamber
10 x 400mm 6 x 226kg, 6 x 152kg, control ctr
torpedoes 6 x 76kg bombs p&s Note: Adapted from plans dated
La Seyne 24 December 1928.

0 10 20 30 40 50 © John Jordan 2018

METRES

13
FROM BATTLESHIP TO CARRIER: BÉARN
1 - Bearn - v.1 7/1/20 18:53 Page 14

WARSHIP 2020

but in two groups of tanks fore and aft of the two

Characteristics (1928) remaining boiler rooms, the coal bunkers being retained
Displacement: 25,335 tonnes normal for protection (see below). The forward group of tanks
occupied the spaces formerly allocated to the forward
Dimensions: torpedo flat and the magazines, shell rooms and handing
Length 175.00m pp; 182.50m oa room for the forward quadruple 34cm gun turret; the
Beam 27.17m wl
after grouping replaced the midship 14cm magazine and
Draught 8.86m aft
part of the original after boiler room.
Aviation: Once the arrangement of the main propulsion
Flight deck 180m x 27m machinery had been fixed it was possible to decide how
Height above to reallocate the remaining volume in the lower hull. In
waterline 15.65m general terms this involved the suppression of the maga-
Hangar 124m x 19.5m x 6.5/5m zines, shell rooms and handing rooms for the three 34cm
Lifts (LxW) F (fwd): 8m x 12m quadruple mountings, together with the magazines and
R (ctr): 10m x 15m handing rooms for the secondary 14cm battery. The orig-
T (aft): 15m x 15m inal third boiler room was combined with the ammuni-
Air group 9 fighters tion stowage and handling spaces beneath the midship
9 recce bombers turret to create a capacious aviation store that included a
9 torpedo attack magazine for the largest 410kg bombs, and there were
further magazines for aircraft ordnance in place of the
Machinery: 34cm magazine and shell room aft. The magazines for
Boilers 12 Normand small water-tube, 20kg/cm2
the revised armament (see below) were located at the fore
Engines four-shaft mixed propulsion:
and after extremities of the 2nd and 3rd platform decks.
two 4-cylinder VTE engines on wing shafts
Electrical power for the ship was supplied by steam-
Parsons HP and LP turbines on centre
powered turbo-dynamos each with an output of 400kW
shafts
Propellers 5.20m diameter on wing shafts
feeding a 230V circuit. The four units installed in Béarn
3.44m diameter on centre shafts were those built for her uncompleted sister Flandre. In
Horsepower 40,000CV the original plans they were to have been mounted in
Speed 21.5 knots wing compartments outboard of the midship 34cm
Oil fuel 2,100 tonnes turret; however, in Béarn they occupied two compart-
Endurance 6,500nm at 10 knots ments offset to port and to starboard abaft and forward
Generators four turbo-generators each 400kW of the engine rooms respectively, within the protective
‘box’. They would be supplemented by two 150W diesel
Armament: generators higher up in the ship, located on either side of
LA guns 8 x 155mm/50 Mle 1922 in casemates the main deck, for use when the carrier was alongside.
HA guns 6 x 75mm/50 Mle 1924 in single
mountings
Light AA 8 x 37mm/50 Mle 1925 in single Protection Against Enemy Vessels
mountings Main guns
12 x 8mm Hotchkiss MG Mle 1914 It was recognised that independent manoeuvre could
Torpedo tubes 4 a/w tubes for 550mm torpedoes
potentially expose an aircraft carrier to the enemy’s
8 torpedoes Mle 1923D

Protection: 155mm Casemate

110°
Main belt 83mm 35°
75°
Decks 24mm PBS + 28/70mm PBI 120°
30°
Casemates 50mm
90°
Boats: 1 x 10-metre steam pinnace
1 x 13-metre motor boat
1 x 11-metre motor boat
1 x 9-metre motor boat chute for
1 x 13-metre pulling pinnace projectiles
1 x 11-metre pulling pinnace
2 x 9-metre pulling cutters
propellant
hoist
2 x 8.5-metre whalers
stowage for shell
2 x 5-metre dinghies
ready-use hoist
Complement: charges

© John Jordan 2018

As private ship 45 officers, 830 men (includes air group)

14
1 - Bearn - v.1 7/1/20 18:53 Page 15
advanced scouting forces. The British Argus was an
experimental mercantile conversion, and was fitted with
neither low-angle guns nor protection. However, the
carriers Hermes and Eagle featured not only a battery of
low-angle guns comparable to that of a contemporary
light cruiser, together with a massive control top to direct
low-angle fire, but side and deck armour for the hull
capable of withstanding cruiser shell. As originally
designed, both ships were to have mounted nine 6in
(152mm) guns;2 Hermes was given a 3in (76mm) belt
and a 1in (25mm) deck, Eagle a 4.5in (114mm) belt and
a 1.5in (38mm) deck.
Béarn was completed with eight 155mm guns in case-
mates, mounted in pairs at the four corners of the ship.
The forward two pairs had a command of 10.06 metres,
the after guns 6.84 metres. The end guns were capable of
end-on fire and had arcs of 120 degrees; the inner guns
could fire within 15 degrees of the ship’s axis and had
slightly reduced arcs of 110 degrees (see drawing).
The 155mm Mle 1920 was a 50-calibre weapon devel-
oped for the French Navy’s light cruisers of the Duguay-
Trouin class, the first major new ships to be authorised
after the Great War. It fired a an SAP shell weighing
56.5kg with a muzzle velocity of 850m/s using a 19.81kg
propellant charge of BM11 in two bags. The projectile,
which had a bursting charge of 2.9kg of mélinite (picric
acid), had a ballistic cap (for increased range) and two
driving bands.
In Béarn each of the guns was mounted within a cylin-
drical shield with 50mm on the sides3 and a 24mm roof.
The mountings allowed a maximum elevation of +40
degrees, giving a theoretical range of 25,000 metres, and
the guns could be depressed to -3 degrees. There were
separate hoists for projectiles and propellant charges for
each pair of guns. These were from Béarn’s uncompleted
sister Flandre and were capable of supplying twelve
complete rounds per minute; the projectiles were lifted in
cases of three, the half-charges in cases of six. There were
chutes behind the guns that could hold 18 ready-use
projectiles; the corresponding propellant charges were
stowed vertically in racks against the rear wall of each
casemate. The standard ammunition provision for the LA
Close-up of the after 155mm casemate guns to starboard. The
cylindrical shields were protected by 50mm plating. (Musée de
la Marine, courtesy of Jean Moulin)
FROM BATTLESHIP TO CARRIER: BÉARN
An unusual bow view of Béarn, with the forward 155mm
casemate guns prominent. The aerial spreaders on the after end
of the funnel indicate that the photo was probably taken in
1933–34. (DR)
guns was 2,000 shells, including 500 tracer for night fire,
and 4,200 half-charges, equivalent to 250 combat rounds
per gun.
Mounting the 155mm guns in paired casemates at the
four corners of the ship meant that they were fore and aft
of the hangar, which could therefore occupy the full width
of the hull. This meant that hangar volume was signifi-
cantly greater than in Hermes and Eagle, which had their
LA guns mounted in open shields on either side. However,
it also precluded the operation of seaplanes from the
quarterdeck, as initially envisaged, because of the location
and height of command of the after casemate guns.
Torpedoes
The original plans featured no fewer than twelve above-
water tubes for the new 550mm Mle 1923D torpedo, as
in the contemporary light cruisers of the Duguay-Trouin
class. However, the number of torpedo tubes was
progressively reduced from twelve to six and finally,
following an amendment to the contract dated 12 August
1925, to four. The tubes, which were on the main deck
with a command of 3.8 metres, ran on semi-circular
tracks that permitted an angle of train of 30 degrees
either side of the beam. When not in use they could be
retracted within the hull. Eight torpedoes – two per tube
– were stowed, complete with warheads, on racks close
to the tubes fixed to the side bulkheads of the aircraft
assembly and repair area beneath the hangar (see below).
Fire control
Range data for both the main guns and the torpedoes
were supplied by four 3-metre coincidence rangefinders
mounted on sponsons to port and starboard of the flight
deck amidships and aft. The rangefinder arms were given
a 0.5-metre clearance above the flight deck to ensure all-
round coverage, except where they were masked by the
island. The Postes Centraux, divided into a lower
steering position on the centre-line and a transmitting
station to port, were located at the forward end of the
15
1 - Bearn - v.1 7/1/20 18:53 Page 16

WARSHIP 2020

Protection Scheme
Béarn as Aircraft Carrier
Normandie Class
12+12
Hangar Deck

2nd Deck
160
1st Deck
1st Deck
80mm teak 160
13+13 backing 12+12
Main Deck Main Deck
300mm 83mm
coal belt belt
2350 14+14 14+14+42 2350
1st Platform Deck wl 1st Platform Deck wl
14+14
14+14+42 1700
3124

10+10+10 10+10+10
coal coal
bunker protection

Note: All measurements

are in millimetres.
© John Jordan 2018

2nd platform deck. As originally conceived they were
considered too small and cramped, and were extended
while the ship was fitting out by adjusting the position of
the bulkheads separating them from the forward 155mm
magazines. The ship was completed with two Mle 1923B
mechanical computers to handle two separate targets,
both housed within the fire control position. However,
some of the fire control equipment was delivered late and
fitted only after completion.
Protection
The Normandie class as designed had the classic protec-
tion system associated with the distinguished naval archi-
tect Emile Bertin: a high, deep belt, with upper and lower
armoured decks and a closely-divided cellular layer
between. The main belt, which was of face-hardened
steel, would have had a maximum thickness of 300mm,
reducing at the ends and tapering below the waterline,
and was secured by armour bolts to a teak backing. The
upper armoured deck (PBS) comprised two layers of
13mm steel plating, and the lower armoured deck (PBI)
two layers of 14mm steel, with reinforcing plates of
special steel 42mm thick on the slopes for a total thick-
ness of 70mm. The cellular layer comprised an outer
cofferdam subdivided into watertight cells each a single
frame in length, with coal bunkers inboard to provide
additional protection against shells that succeeded in
penetrating the belt or the upper armoured deck. The
system was designed to prevent large-calibre shell
(305mm/12in and above) from reaching the ship’s vitals.
There would also have been an upper belt of 160mm
extending for most of the length of the hull to protect the
14cm casemate battery (see Protection plan).
Such a system was not only unnecessary in a ship
designed to resist cruiser and destroyer shell, but it was
heavy, accounting for some 30% of displacement, and
face-hardened armour was costly. When Béarn was taken
in hand for conversion, the hull was complete only up to
the lower armoured deck. This was retained in its orig-
inal form, but the thickness of the plates that made up the
main deck was reduced from 13mm to 12mm, for a total
thickness of 24mm. The main armoured belt was
replaced by plates of armour-quality (‘special’) steel with
a uniform thickness of 83mm, secured directly to the hull
plating as in contemporary cruisers. It comprised three
strakes, not two, and extended from the main deck (PBS)
to 3.12 metres beneath the waterline. Not only were the
original coal bunkers retained, but they were extended
aft so as to provide protection not only for the boiler
rooms but for the engine rooms (see GA plans). They
were packed with coal that remained in place and was
not consumed. As in the original Normandie design,
there was an inner torpedo bulkhead of 20mm nickel
steel (two layers each 10mm thick) lined on the outside
by flexible corrugated plating of 10mm mild steel that
was designed to act as a spring when exposed to a pres-
sure wave. At its widest point this underwater protection
system had a depth of 4.3 metres. However, it was feared
that this would not be sufficient to protect against the
increasingly large warheads of modern torpedoes, and

16
1 - Bearn - v.1 31/12/19 13:59 Page 17

FROM BATTLESHIP TO CARRIER: BÉARN

Béarn steaming at
high speed during
her trials in late
1927. The hinged
W/T masts to port
are in the lowered
position; the masts
were suppressed in
1928 and replaced
by a fixed mast to
starboard, abaft
the island. (DR)

An overhead of
view of Béarn on
her power trials,
steaming at 19.7
knots. (DR)

British-style bulges would later be proposed (see below).
The total weight of protection, including the coal, was
5,000 tonnes, which was an impressive figure for an
aircraft carrier – the corresponding figure for the battle-
ships of the Bretagne class was 7,070 tonnes, although
this did not include the 2,000 tonnes of coal in the side
bunkers, which would have been burned in the boilers.
Aviation
Having made a detailed study of British carrier develop-
ments during the visit of mid-1920, the French opted for
a large two-tier hangar topped by a broad flight deck
served by three aircraft lifts, with a narrow island to star-
board incorporating a large single funnel. The weight of
the island had to be compensated by solid ballast
comprising 872 tonnes of cemented pig iron in the
double bottom to port; this had the additional effect of
lowering the centre of gravity and improving stability.
Due to concerns regarding the conning of the ship from
the low bridge at the forward end of the island, particu-
larly at night, the design incorporated a retractable char-
thouse at the forward end of the flight deck, as in the
British carriers Argus and Furious. This could be raised
to a height of 5.4 metres above the deck using electric
motors – a procedure that took two minutes. There was
a Poste de navigation on the upper level with a hinged
magnetic compass set into the roof, and a sea cabin for
the commanding officer directly below; the third level
housed the calculating position for the HA guns, the

17
1 - Bearn - v.1 31/12/19 13:59 Page 18
WARSHIP 2020
A fine study of Béarn in 1930–31. The flight deck is now sloped 4.5 degrees fore and aft. The ‘lamp base’ beneath the funnel, with its
rows of rectangular air intakes, is particularly prominent. (Private collection)
fourth the lift machinery. Only the upper two levels were
ever above deck, and when the lift was in the lowered
position there were views forward and to the sides
beneath the flight deck. As flying operations at night
were not envisaged, there were also retractable masts
carrying the main navigation lights on (or close to) the
centre-line fore and aft.
The concept of an island was the subject of intense
debate in all the major navies during this period. The
aviation community generally preferred a clear deck free
of any obstruction that might limit wingspan, or fixed
structures that might create air turbulence. However, this
then posed the problem of how to dispose of the large
volume of hot funnel gases generated when the ship was
steaming at high speed. It also precluded locating the
command spaces necessary for conning the ship and
supervising flight operations above the flight deck, hence
the adoption of a retractable charthouse in the British
Argus and Furious, both of which had flush decks. As
early as October 1918 a narrow island superstructure of
wood and canvas had been built at Rosyth and installed
to starboard on Argus. Trials showed that the island
structure produced little turbulence in itself, and that its
presence actually helped pilots to orientate themselves
when coming in to land. It was subsequently removed
from Argus in order to maximise the width of the flight
deck, but the decision was taken to complete Hermes and
Eagle with islands to starboard, and plans of the latter
ship were made available to the French commission in
early 1920. In appearance the island adopted for Béarn
bore a marked visual resemblance to the wood-and-
18
canvas model fitted experimentally in Argus, with a
single large narrow funnel.
The adoption of an island structure did not erase
concerns about the potential turbulence over the flight
deck caused by the hot funnel gases, and for Béarn the
French devised a novel solution. A large streamlined
housing (generally referred to in the French Navy as the
cul de lampe or ‘lamp base’) was constructed beneath the
funnel on the starboard side with rows of large, rectan-
gular air intakes that were connected by ducting to the
boiler uptakes. The hot combustion gases were mixed
with cold air from outside the ship, thereby reducing the
temperature of the gases that emanated from the funnel,4
and were drawn down onto the after part of the flight
deck. This seems to have been reasonably effective, as a
second bank of intakes was fitted when the ship was re-
boilered in 1934–35 (see below).
Flight deck
The flight deck was approximately 15.5 metres above the
waterline at normal load and was supported on the walls
of the hangar amidships and by pillars above the open
forecastle and quarterdeck, which were used primarily
for line handling and refuelling. It comprised two layers
of 12mm steel plating with overlapping plates, topped by
wooden planking of African teak (Iroko) with a thickness
that varied between 50mm and 70mm. The flight deck
was 180 metres long and had a maximum width of 27
metres. The forward section was horizontal when the
ship was first completed in 1927, and the after section
was angled down at 10 degrees. Following early manoeu-
Another random document with
no related content on Scribd:
The Project Gutenberg eBook of Use of tobacco
among North American Indians
This ebook is for the use of anyone anywhere in the United States
and most other parts of the world at no cost and with almost no
restrictions whatsoever. You may copy it, give it away or re-use it
under the terms of the Project Gutenberg License included with this
ebook or online at www.gutenberg.org. If you are not located in the
United States, you will have to check the laws of the country where
you are located before using this eBook.

Title: Use of tobacco among North American Indians

Author: Ralph Linton

Release date: May 21, 2022 [eBook #68145]

Language: English

Original publication: United States: Field Museum of Natural History,

1924

Credits: Steve Mattern, Robert Tonsing and the Online Distributed

Proofreading Team at https://www.pgdp.net (This file was
produced from images generously made available by The
Internet Archive)

*** START OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK USE OF

TOBACCO AMONG NORTH AMERICAN INDIANS ***
 USE OF TOBACCO
AMONG
NORTH AMERICAN INDIANS
BY
RALPH LINTON
Assistant Curator of North American Ethnology

Anthropology
Leaflet 15
FIELD MUSEUM OF NATURAL HISTORY
CHICAGO
1924
 PLATE I.

PAWNEE PRIESTS MAKING A SMOKE OFFERING.

 Field Museum of Natural History
DEPARTMENT OF ANTHROPOLOGY
Chicago, 1924
Leaflet Number 15

Use of Tobacco among North

American Indians
Tobacco has been one of the most important gifts from the New
World to the Old. In spite of the attempts of various authors to prove
its Old World origin there can be no doubt that it was introduced into
both Europe and Africa from America. Most species of Nicotiana are
native to the New World, and there are only a few species which are
undoubtedly extra-American. The custom of smoking is also
characteristic of America. It was thoroughly established throughout
eastern North and South America at the time of the discovery; and
the early explorers, from Columbus on, speak of it as a strange and
novel practice which they often find it hard to describe. It played an
important part in many religious ceremonies, and the beliefs and
observances connected with it are in themselves proof of its
antiquity. Hundreds of pipes have been found in the pre-Columbian
mounds and village sites of the eastern United States and, although
these remains cannot be dated, some of them must be of
considerable age. In the southwestern United States the Basket
Makers, an ancient people whose remains are found below those of
the prehistoric Cliff Dwellers, were smoking pipes at a time which
could not have been much later than the beginning of our era.
At the time of the discovery of America, tobacco was in use over
the greater part of the continent. It was not used in the sub-Arctic
regions of North America or in the extreme southern part of Southern
America. On the west coast of South America and in the Andean
highlands it was replaced by another narcotic, coca (Erythroxylum
coca), from which the modern drug cocaine is extracted. The coca
leaves were dried and chewed with powdered lime. Tobacco was
smoked throughout most of its range, but the tribes of the northwest
coast of North America mixed it with shell lime and made it into small
pellets which were allowed to dissolve in the mouth. The tribes of
Washington, Oregon and a great part of California used it in the
same way, but also smoked it. Along the eastern side of the Andean
highlands in South America tobacco was both smoked and chewed.
The chewing tobacco was prepared like the Andean coca, and the
idea was probably borrowed from coca chewing.
Although Europeans learned the custom of smoking from the
Indians and even copied the Indian smoking appliances rather
closely, the modern American custom of tobacco chewing may not
be of Indian origin. None of the North American Indians east of the
Rocky Mountains chewed tobacco, and the only point at which South
American tobacco chewing reached the Atlantic Coast was a small
region in northern Colombia. Modern chewing tobacco lacks the
admixture of powdered lime, which was considered necessary by all
Indian tobacco chewers and seems to have been an invention of the
white frontiersmen. It is possible, however, that the idea of tobacco
chewing was carried to the English colonies by the Spaniards, who
may have learned it from the South American Indians.
The North American Indians used at least nine species of
Nicotiana, most of which were cultivated. Nicotiana tabacum, the
species to which practically all the modern commercial tobaccos
belong, was grown throughout Mexico, the West Indies, and in
northern and eastern South America. It was unknown north of
Mexico until its introduction into Virginia by the English colonists.
Nicotiana rustica, a much hardier species with a yellow flower, was
grown by the Indians of the eastern United States and Canada as far
west as the great plains and as far north as agriculture was possible.
It was the first tobacco grown in Virginia for the European trade, but
was soon supplanted there by N. tabacum. Small patches of it are
still cultivated by some of the Central Algonquian tribes who use it in
their ceremonies. N. attenuata was used over a larger area than any
other species. It is found in its natural state in the southwestern
United States and southern plains, and as a cultivated plant extends
northward into western Canada and British Columbia. It was also
cultivated on the lower Colorado, but the typical Pueblo tribes do not
seem to have raised it. N. multivalvis was grown in Washington and
Oregon, as well as by the Crow, who lived on the western edge of
the plains. A related species (N. quadrivalvis) was grown by the
settled tribes along the Missouri river. Still another species (N.
biglovii) was used by the California tribes, and is known to have
been cultivated by the Hupa. The three last-named species are
rather closely related; it seems probable that N. multivalvis and N.
quadrivalvis were brought into the plains area from the west,
displacing N. attenuata.
 PLATE II.

AMERICAN INDIAN TOBACCO PIPES.

1. BOWL OF BASKETMAKER PIPE. 2. BOWLS OF
SOUTHWESTERN TUBULAR PIPES. 3. SOUTHWESTERN TUBULAR
PIPE, SANDSTONE. 4. CALIFORNIA CLAY PIPE. 5. CALIFORNIA
STEATITE PIPE. 6. PIPE WITH STEATITE BOWL AND WOODEN
STEM, AND PIPE CASE, CALIFORNIA.

There is very little information available on the aboriginal methods

of tobacco culture in the eastern United States. Early writers say that
it was not grown with other crops, as it was believed to be injurious
to them, and was usually cultivated by men. Mr. Milford Chandler
informs me that the Cayuga, in New York State, had permanent
tobacco beds in which the plant was grown year after year. These
beds were lightly manured from time to time, but were not cultivated,
and the plants were left to propagate themselves. The leaves were
gathered, but the stems, with the seed pods, were left standing in the
patch. The Seneca, another tribe of the Iroquois confederacy, simply
scattered the seeds on the ground and had a religious prohibition
against cultivating the plant. Mr. Alanson Skinner informs me that the
Kickapoo and Potawatomi made large brush piles fifty or more feet
long and ten or twelve feet wide which they fired about the middle of
June. When the ashes were cold, the ground was hoed up, mixed
with the ashes, and planted with tobacco and pumpkins. The
tobacco gardens were made in the woods, remote from the villages,
and were surrounded by brush fences. The Sauk also planted their
tobacco in the ashes of brush-fires, but did not break the ground or
cultivate the crop. In some cases they simply threw a handful of
seeds on the ground near the lodge. The Kickapoo, Potawatomi and
Sauk all gathered the leaves of the plant in late August. They spread
them on hides or blankets, and when they had wilted, rolled them
like tea-leaves. When dry, the leaves were crushed. The reason
assigned for the rolling was that leaves treated in this way did not
crush to fine powder like those that had been dried flat. Most of the
eastern tribes grew only enough tobacco for their own needs, but
one, the Tionontati, raised large quantities of it for export and, on this
account, were called Tobacco People (Nation de Petun) by the
French.
The best published account of aboriginal tobacco-culture is that
given to G. L. Wilson by Buffalobird-woman, an old member of the
Hidatsa tribe. The Hidatsa raised a different species of tobacco from
the eastern Indians (N. quadrivalvis), and their methods were
somewhat different. She says, “The old men of the tribe who smoked
each had a tobacco garden planted not very far away from our corn-
fields, but never in the same plot with one. Tobacco gardens were
planted apart, because the tobacco plants have a strong smell which
affects the corn; if tobacco is planted near the corn, the growing
corn-stalks turn yellow, and the corn is not so good. Tobacco seed
was planted at the same time sunflower seed was planted (as early
in April as the soil could be worked). The owner took a hoe and
made soft every foot of the tobacco garden; and with a rake he made
the loosened soil level and smooth. He marked the ground with a
stick into rows about eighteen inches apart, and sowed the seed
very thickly in the row. He covered the newly sowed soil very lightly
with earth which he raked with his hand. When rain came and
warmth, the seed sprouted. The plants came up thickly so that they
had to be thinned out. The owner of the garden would weed out the
weak plants, leaving only the stronger standing. The earth about
each plant was hilled up with a buffalo rib into a little hill like a corn
hill. A very old man, I remember, used a big buffalo rib, sharpened
on the edge, to work the soil and cultivate his tobacco. He caught the
rib by both ends with the edge downward; and stooping over, he
scraped the soil toward him, now and then raising the rib up and
loosening the earth with the point at one end. He knelt as he worked.
“Tobacco plants began to blossom about the middle of June; and
picking then began. Tobacco was gathered in two harvests. The first
harvest was these blossoms, which we reckoned the best part of the
plant for smoking. Blossoms were picked regularly every fourth day.
If we neglected to pick them until the fifth day, the blossoms would
begin to seed. Only the green part of the blossom was kept. When
we fetched the blossoms home to the lodge, my father would spread
a dry hide on the floor in front of his sacred objects and spread the
blossoms on the hide to dry. The smoke hole of the lodge, being
rather large, would let through quite a strong sunbeam, and the
drying blossoms were kept directly in the beam.
“When the blossoms had quite dried, my father fetched them over
near the fireplace and took a piece of buffalo fat, thrust it on the end
of a stick and roasted it slowly over the coals. He touched it lightly
here and there to the piled up blossoms, so as to oil them slightly,
but not too much. Now and then he would gently stir the pile of
blossoms with a little stick, so that the whole mass might be oiled
equally. When my father wanted to smoke these dried blossoms, he
chopped them fine with a knife, a pipeful at a time. The blossoms
were always dried in the lodge: If dried without, the sun and air took
away their strength.
“About harvest time, just before frost came, the rest of the plants
were gathered. He dried the plants in the lodge. For this he took
sticks, about fifteen inches long, and thrust them over the beam
between two of the exterior supporting posts, so that the sticks
pointed a little upwards. On each of these sticks he hung two or
three tobacco plants by thrusting the plants, root up, upon the stick,
but without tying them. When the tobacco plants were quite dry, the
leaves readily fell off. It was the stems that furnished most of the
smoking. They were treated like the blossoms, with buffalo fat. We
did not treat tobacco with buffalo fat except as needed for use, and
to be put into the tobacco pouch ready for smoking.
“Before putting the tobacco away in the cache pit, my father was
careful to put aside seed for the next year’s planting. He gathered
the black seeds into a small bundle about as big as a baby’s fist,
wrapping them in a piece of soft skin which he tied with a string. He
made two or three of these bundles and tied them to the top of his
bed, or to a post nearby, where there was no danger of their being
disturbed.”
 PLATE III.

AMERICAN INDIAN TOBACCO PIPES.

1. PIPE OF ANTELOPE BONE, CHEYENNE. 2–3. STEATITE PIPES,
JOHNSON COUNTY, ILLINOIS. 4–5. LARGE STEATITE PIPES,
SOUTHEASTERN UNITED STATES.

The Blackfoot and Crow, nomadic tribes of the western Plains who
raised no food crops, cultivated small patches of tobacco for
ceremonial use. The ground was cleared of weeds and grass, and
the seed planted in holes about two inches deep, made with a
pointed stick. The gardens were weeded from time to time, but do
not seem to have been regularly cultivated. In both tribes tobacco
culture was attended by elaborate ceremonies. Among the Crow it
was in the hands of a society which also played an important part in
the social life of the tribe. The right to plant tobacco was considered
a special privilege which could be obtained only through a revelation
from some supernatural being or through adoption by a person who
had received such a revelation. The adopted person could, in turn,
adopt others. Any person might receive such a revelation, and the
society was composed of a number of divisions or chapters which
derived their right to plant from different revelations and differed in
their songs and in details of their ceremonies. Within the chapter
there were certain rights, such as that of mixing seed before
planting, which could only be acquired by purchase. Both men and
women were eligible to membership, and the society held
assemblages for dancing throughout the year.
Some of the tribes west of the Rocky Mountains also cultivated
tobacco, although there is little information on their methods. On the
Columbia River and in northern California a stump or fallen log was
burned, and the tobacco seed scattered in the ashes.
Most of the North American Indians mixed their tobacco with other
herbs before smoking it. Among the more northern tribes, especially
those who did not raise tobacco themselves, this was done partly
through motives of economy, but the mixture was also designed to
improve the flavor, as in our own commercial blends. The favorite
smoke of the tribes of the eastern United States and Canada was
called kinnikinnick, from an Algonquian word meaning “that which is
mixed.” Each tribe had its own formula for this mixture, but it usually
consisted of tobacco, sumac leaves, and the inner bark of a species
of dogwood. The bark and leaves of a number of other plants were
sometimes added or substituted. A little oil was usually added to the
mixture to bind the dust, which would otherwise irritate the smoker’s
throat and clog the pipe. Kinnikinnick was milder than pure tobacco,
and was preferred by most Indians and by many white hunters and
settlers. The Pueblo Indians of the Southwest smoked various
mixtures of tobacco and herbs in their religious ceremonies. The
greatest care was used in compounding these ceremonial mixtures,
and the plants were valued largely according to the distance from
which they came. The California Indians diluted their tobacco with
manzanita leaves or mixed it with Jamestown weed, itself a powerful
narcotic. The choicest smoking mixture of the ancient Mexicans was
made from tobacco and the gum of the liquidambar tree.
Three main methods of smoking were used by the American
aborigines. The natives of northern and central South America and
the West Indies were cigar smokers. The Central Americans and
Mexicans were predominantly cigarette smokers, although some of
the ancient Mexicans also used pipes. The North American Indians,
with the exception of the Pueblo tribes of the Southwest, were
exclusively pipe-smokers. The distribution of these three methods in
America has strongly influenced European smoking customs. The
Mediterranean nations, who learned the use of tobacco from cigar
and cigarette using Indians, still prefer to smoke it in these forms.
The English, who came in contact with the pipe-smoking Indians of
the eastern United States are still predominantly pipe-smokers. The
custom of cigarette-smoking did not become general in northern
Europe and the United States until quite recent times, and the
vigorous opposition which it has met here seems to be due quite as
much to its novelty as to any proved injurious effects.
Aboriginal cigars were practically identical with those now in use
and were smoked in the same way.
The aboriginal cigarette was made with a corn-husk wrapper and
contained much less tobacco than the modern commercial variety. It
is still in use throughout most of Mexico and Central America and
among the Pueblo Indians of the southwestern United States.
Archæological finds prove that the southwestern tribes smoked pipes
or reed cigarettes in ancient times, and the corn-husk cigarette may
have been introduced from Mexico during the early historic period. In
recent times the spread of the Peyote cult, which originated in the
southwestern Plains, has carried the corn-husk cigarette to many
northern tribes who were unfamiliar with it even a generation ago.
The Mexicans and Pueblo Indians also smoked reed cigarettes in
ancient times, and the Hopi form may be taken as typical. It
consisted of a small reed, not over two and a half inches long,
packed with powdered tobacco. A band of some fabric was usually
bound around the reed, leaving a flap hanging down by which it was
held. Hundreds of the charred butts of such cigarettes have been
found in the prehistoric ruins of the Southwest, but they are lacking
in the lower archæological levels, and the earliest inhabitants of the
region were probably pipe and not cigarette smokers.
The Dakota say that they did not use pipes in ancient times, but
smoked their tobacco in a hole in the ground. A similar method was
used by the Cree as a makeshift. Hind says, “I asked the Indian what
he would do for a smoke until he had finished the new pipe. He
arose and walking to the edge of the swamp cut four reeds, and
joined some pieces together. After he had made a hole through the
joints, he gently pushed one extremity in a slanting direction into the
earth, which he had previously made firm by pressure with his foot.
He then cut out a small hole in the clay, above the extremity of the
reed, and molding it with his fingers, laughingly said: ‘Now give me
tobacco, and I will show you how to smoke it.’ He then filled the hole
with a mixture of tobacco and bearberry, placed a live coal on the
top, and stretching himself at full length on the ground, with his chin
supported by both hands, he took the reed between his lips and
enjoyed a long smoke.”
Indian pipes were of two main types,—straight pipes, in which the
tobacco cavity and stem were in the same plane, as in a modern
cigar holder, and elbow pipes, in which the bowl was inclined
upward. The straight pipe was known throughout practically the
whole of America north of Mexico, but was rare in the eastern United
States. It was used to the practical exclusion of all other forms in the
southwestern United States and on the Pacific coast. The
elaborately decorated smoking tubes of the Mexicans, mentioned by
early Spanish writers, may have been straight pipes, but many of
them were probably cane cigarettes. The elbow pipe was the
dominant form in the eastern United States and Great Plains, and
also in eastern and southern South America. It was used to a limited
extent by the prehistoric Mexicans and in southern California, and
was not unknown in the Southwest. In historic times it has come into
use in British Columbia and Alaska, regions in which tobacco was
not originally smoked.
The earliest pipes which can be even approximately dated are
those of the Basket Makers, a people who lived in the southwestern
United States in ancient times. Their remains are found below those
of the Cliff Dwellers, and evidence along several lines indicates that
they were living in the region by the beginning of the Christian era
and had been absorbed or driven out by a.d. 1000. A number of their
pipes have been found. They are of the straight type and are usually
quite small, short, and heavy, with separate stems about two inches
long (Pl. II, No. 1). The bowls are made of stone, unbaked clay, or,
rarely, wood; and the stems of wood or bird-bone. The stems are
attached with pitch. Many of these pipes are heavily caked, and they
were probably used for personal as well as ceremonial smoking. It is
impossible to tell whether the Basket Makers used tobacco in these
pipes and analyses of the cake have yielded only negative results. If
they did use tobacco, it was probably the wild native species
(Nicotiana attenuata).
The Cliff Dwellers and ancient Pueblo tribes who succeeded the
Basket Makers used straight pipes of a somewhat different type.
They were usually longer and more slender than the Basket Maker
pipes with somewhat thinner walls. The smaller examples, which
were probably intended for personal use, seem to have had separate
stems (Plate II, No. 2). Large tubular pipes, shaped like half a cigar,
are also found, but were probably used only in ceremonial smoking.
They are made of clay or soft stone and often show beautiful
workmanship (Pl. II, No. 3). Roughly made clay pipes of this sort,
popularly known as “cloud blowers,” are still used by the Hopi in their
ceremonies.
The California Indians, with the exception of the Diegueño, also
used the straight pipe, and the form is probably as ancient there as
in the Southwest. There were various tribal and regional differences
in the shape and material. Wooden pipes without separate stems
were of nearly universal occurrence, and were probably the earliest
form. In some regions they were carved and inlaid with abalone
shell. Pipes of unbaked clay with wooden stems were used in a few
localities (Pl. II, No. 4), but the finest California pipes were made of
steatite or soapstone (Pl. II, No. 5). They were usually provided with
short mouthpieces of wood or bone. The Hupa of northern California
used a pipe with a small steatite bowl accurately fitted into a cavity in
the end of a long tapering wooden stem (Pl. II, No. 6).
Several of the tribes of the Great Plains used straight pipes in
ancient times. These pipes were made from the leg bone of an
antelope wrapped with sinew at the bowl end (Pl. III, No. 1). In some
cases the whole pipe was covered with rawhide or membrane. The
Arapaho say that they used this form exclusively in early times, and
the sacred pipe of the tribe is straight with a black stone bowl and a
long tubular wooden stem. A pipe of the same form, but with a red
stone bowl, was used by the Cheyenne in their Sun Dance, and the
Crow have made straight stone pipe bowls until quite recent times
(Pl. V, No. 3).
A number of straight pipes of stone and clay have been found in
the eastern United States, but there seems to be no record of their
use by the historic tribes. The examples shown (Pl. III, Nos. 2–3) are
from Johnson County, Illinois. They are made from close-grained
greenish brown steatite, a material soft enough to be easily worked
with flint tools, but capable of taking a fine polish. The large size and
excellent finish of these pipes indicates that they were intended for
ceremonial rather than personal use. The bird pipe is eight and a
quarter inches long, with an internal bowl diameter of one and a
quarter inches, and is an unusually good example of aboriginal
sculpture. The eye sockets are roughly finished, and were probably
inlaid with some other material.
Straight pipes are easier to make than elbow pipes, but have
certain disadvantages. They have to be directed upward in smoking
to keep the tobacco from falling out of the bowl, and the tobacco dust
and juices are drawn down into the stem with results familiar to all
smokers. To prevent this, many tribes are said to have put a pebble
or pellet of clay in the bottom of the bowl before filling it. Even a
slight angle between the bowl and stem is a great convenience to
the smoker, and this improvement once hit upon, perhaps through
faulty workmanship, the development of the elbow pipe was easy.