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NONLINEAR CONTINUUM
MECHANICS FOR FINITE
ELASTICITY-PLASTICITY
 NONLINEAR
CONTINUUM
MECHANICS FOR
FINITE ELASTICITY-
PLASTICITY
Multiplicative Decomposition With
Subloading Surface Model

KOICHI HASHIGUCHI
Technical Adviser, MSC Software Ltd.
(Emeritus Professor of Kyushu University),
Tokyo, Japan
Elsevier
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Typeset by MPS Limited, Chennai, India
 Contents

Preface xi

1. Mathematical fundamentals 1
1.1 Matrix algebra 1
1.1.1 Summation convention 1
1.1.2 Kronecker’s delta and alternating symbol 2
1.1.3 Matrix notation and determinant 2
1.2 Vector 6
1.2.1 Definition of vector 7
1.2.2 Operations of vector 7
1.3 Definition of tensor 15
1.4 Tensor operations 18
1.4.1 Properties of second-order tensor 18
1.4.2 Tensor components 19
1.4.3 Transposed tensor 20
1.4.4 Inverse tensor 21
1.4.5 Orthogonal tensor 22
1.4.6 Tensor decompositions 24
1.4.7 Axial vector 25
1.4.8 Determinant 27
1.4.9 Simultaneous equation for vector components 30
1.5 Representations of tensors 31
1.5.1 Notations in tensor operations 31
1.5.2 Operational tensors 32
1.5.3 Isotropic tensors 34
1.6 Eigenvalues and eigenvectors 35
1.6.1 Eigenvalues and eigenvectors of second-order tensor 35
1.6.2 Spectral representation and elementary tensor functions 37
1.6.3 Cayley Hamilton theorem 38
1.6.4 Scalar triple products with invariants 39
1.6.5 Second-order tensor functions 39
1.6.6 Positive-definite tensor and polar decomposition 40
1.6.7 Representation theorem of isotropic tensor-valued tensor function 42
1.7 Differential formulae 43
1.7.1 Partial derivatives of tensor functions 43
1.7.2 Time-derivatives in Lagrangian and Eulerian descriptions 48
1.7.3 Derivatives of tensor field 49
1.7.4 Gauss’ divergence theorem 51
1.7.5 Material-time derivative of volume integration 52

v
vi CONTENTS

1.8 Variations of geometrical elements 53

1.8.1 Deformation gradient and variations of line, surface and volume
elements 53
1.8.2 Velocity gradient and rates of line, surface and volume elements 56

2. Curvilinear coordinate system 61

2.1 Primary and reciprocal base vectors 61
2.2 Metric tensor and base vector algebra 65
2.3 Tensor representations 68

3. Tensor operations in convected coordinate system 77

3.1 Advantages of description in embedded coordinate system 77
3.2 Convected base vectors 79
3.3 Deformation gradient tensor 80
3.4 Pull-back and push-forward operations 83
3.5 Convected time-derivative 88
3.5.1 General convected derivative 89
3.5.2 Corotational rate 92
3.5.3 Objectivity of convected rate 95

4. Deformation/rotation (rate) tensors 101

4.1 Deformation tensors 101
4.2 Strain tensors 106
4.2.1 Green and Almansi strain tensors 106
4.2.2 General strain tensors 109
4.2.3 Logarithmic strain tensor 113
4.3 Volumetric and isochoric parts of deformation gradient tensor 114
4.4 Strain rate and spin tensors 117
4.4.1 Strain rate and spin tensors based on velocity gradient tensor 117
4.4.2 Strain rate tensor based on general strain tensor 120

5. Conservation laws and stress tensors 123

5.1 Conservation laws 123
5.1.1 Conservation law of physical quantity 123
5.1.2 Conservation law of mass 124
5.1.3 Conservation law of linear momentum 125
5.1.4 Conservation law of angular momentum 126
5.2 Cauchy stress tensor 127
5.2.1 Definition of Cauchy stress tensor 127
5.2.2 Symmetry of Cauchy stress tensor 130
5.3 Balance laws in current configuration 132
5.3.1 Translational equilibrium 133
5.3.2 Rotational equilibrium: symmetry of Cauchy stress tensor 133
5.3.3 Virtual work principle 134
 CONTENTS vii

5.3.4 Conservation law of energy 135

5.4 Work-conjugacy 135
5.4.1 Kirchhoff stress tensor and work-conjugacy 136
5.4.2 Work-conjugate pairs 137
5.4.3 Physical meanings of stress tensors 138
5.4.4 Relations of stress tensors 141
5.4.5 Relations of stress tensors to traction vectors 142
5.5 Balance laws in reference configuration 145
5.5.1 Translational equilibrium 145
5.5.2 Virtual work principle 146
5.5.3 Conservation law of energy 146
5.6 Simple shear 147

6. Hyperelastic equations 151

6.1 Basic hyperelastic equations 151
6.2 Hyperelastic constitutive equations of metals 155
6.2.1 St. Venant Kirchhoff elasticity 155
6.2.2 Modified St. Venant Kirchhoff elasticity 156
6.2.3 Neo-Hookean elasticity 157
6.2.4 Modified neo-Hookean elasticity (1) 157
6.2.5 Modified neo-Hookean elasticity (2) 158
6.2.6 Modified neo-Hookean elasticity (3) 158
6.2.7 Modified neo-Hookean elasticity (4) 159
6.3 Hyperelastic equations of rubbers 159
6.4 Hyperelastic equations of soils 160
6.5 Hyperelasticity in infinitesimal strain 161

7. Development of elastoplastic and viscoplastic constitutive

equations 163
7.1 Basis of elastoplastic constitutive equations 163
7.1.1 Fundamental requirements for elastoplasticity 164
7.1.2 Requirements for elastoplastic constitutive equation 166
7.2 Historical development of elastoplastic constitutive equations 168
7.2.1 Infinitesimal hyperelastic-based plasticity 168
7.2.2 Hypoelastic-based plasticity 178
7.2.3 Multiplicative hyperelastic-based plasticity 181
7.3 Subloading surface model 182
7.4 Cyclic plasticity models 188
7.4.1 Cyclic kinematic hardening models with yield surface 188
7.4.2 Ad hoc Chaboche model and Ohno-Wang model excluding yield
surface 191
7.4.3 Extended subloading surface model 192
7.5 Formulation of (extended) subloading surface model 195
7.5.1 Normal-yield and subloading surfaces 195
7.5.2 Evolution rule of elastic-core 198
viii CONTENTS

7.5.3 Plastic strain rate 205

7.5.4 Strain rate versus stress rate relations 206
7.5.5 Calculation of normal-yield ratio 207
7.5.6 Improvement of inverse and reloading responses 208
7.5.7 Cyclic stagnation of isotropic hardening 209
7.6 Implicit time-integration: return-mapping 213
7.6.1 Return-mapping formulation 213
7.6.2 Loading criterion 221
7.6.3 Initial value of normal-yield ratio in plastic corrector step 224
7.6.4 Consistent tangent modulus tensor 227
7.7 Subloading-overstress model 229
7.7.1 Constitutive equation 230
7.7.2 Defects of past overstress model 238
7.7.3 On irrationality of creep model 240
7.7.4 Implicit stress integration 243
7.7.5 Temperature dependence of isotropic hardening function 249
7.8 Fundamental characteristics of subloading surface model 249
7.8.1 Distinguished abilities of subloading surface model 250
7.8.2 Bounding surface model with radial-mapping: Misuse of subloading
surface model 252

8. Multiplicative decomposition of deformation gradient tensor 255

8.1 Elastic-plastic decomposition of deformation measure 256
8.1.1 Necessity of multiplicative decomposition of deformation gradient
tensor 256
8.1.2 Isoclinic concept 259
8.1.3 Uniqueness of multiplicative decomposition 262
8.1.4 Embedded base vectors in intermediate configuration 263
8.2 Deformation tensors 264
8.2.1 Elastic and plastic right Cauchy-Green deformation tensor 264
8.2.2 Strain rate and spin tensors 265
8.3 On limitation of hypoelastic-based plasticity 269
8.4 Multiplicative decomposition for kinematic hardening 271

9. Subloading-multiplicative hyperelastic-based plastic and

viscoplastic constitutive equations 273
9.1 Stress measures 273
9.2 Hyperelastic constitutive equations 275
9.3 Conventional elastoplastic model 277
9.3.1 Flow rules for plastic strain rate and plastic spin 277
9.3.2 Confirmation for uniqueness of multiplicative decomposition 281
9.3.3 Plastic strain rate 281
9.4 Continuity and smoothness conditions 283
9.5 Initial subloading surface model 284
9.6 Multiplicative extended subloading surface model 286
9.6.1 Multiplicative decomposition of plastic deformation gradient for
elastic-core 286
 CONTENTS ix

9.6.2 Normal-yield, subloading and elastic-core surfaces 289

9.6.3 Plastic flow rules 291
9.6.4 Plastic strain rate 294
9.7 Material functions of metals and soils 296
9.7.1 Metals 296
9.7.2 Soils 300
9.8 Calculation procedure 306
9.9 Implicit calculation by return-mapping 309
9.9.1 Return-mapping 309
9.9.2 Loading criterion 312
9.9.3 Initial value of normal-yield ratio in plastic corrector step 314
9.10 Cyclic stagnation of isotropic hardening 317
9.11 Multiplicative subloading-overstress model 320
9.11.1 Constitutive equation 320
9.11.2 Calculation procedure 326
9.11.3 Implicit calculation by return-mapping 328
9.12 On multiplicative hyperelastic-based plastic equation in current
configuration 330

10. Subloading-friction model: finite sliding theory 335

10.1 History of friction models 335
10.2 Sliding displacement and contact traction vectors 336
10.3 Hyperelastic sliding displacement 339
10.4 Normal-sliding and subloading-sliding surfaces 340
10.5 Evolution rule of friction coefficient 341
10.6 Evolution rule of sliding normal-yield ratio 342
10.7 Plastic sliding velocity 344
10.8 Calculation procedure 348
10.9 Return-mapping 349
10.9.1 Return-mapping formulation 349
10.9.2 Loading criterion 353
10.10 Subloading-overstress friction model 356
10.11 Implicit stress integration 362
10.12 On crucially important applications of subloading-friction model 363
10.12.1 Loosening of screw 363
10.12.2 Deterministic prediction of earthquake occurrence 364

11. Comments on formulations for irreversible mechanical

phenomena 365
11.1 Utilization of subloading surface model 365
11.1.1 Mechanical phenomena described by subloading surface model 365
11.1.2 Standard installation to commercial software 367
11.2 Disuses of rate-independent elastoplastic constitutive equations 368
11.3 Impertinence of formulation of plastic flow rule based on second law of
thermodynamics 369
x CONTENTS

Appendix 1: Proofs for formula of scalar triple products

with invariants 371
Appendix 2: Convective stress rate tensors 373
Appendix 3: Cauchy elastic and hypoelastic equations 377
Bibliography 379
Index 393
 Preface

The elastoplasticity theory is now faced to the epoch-making devel-

opment that the exact description of the finite irreversible (plastic or vis-
coplastic) deformation/sliding behavior under the monotonic/cyclic
loading in the general rate of deformation/sliding from the static to the
impact loading is attained as the subloading multiplicative hyperelas-
tic based plasticity and viscoplasticity. This is the first book on this the-
ory, comprehensively describing the underlying concepts and the
formulations for the subloading surface model and for the multiplicative
decomposition of deformation gradient tensor into the elastic and the plastic
(or viscoplastic) parts and their combination.
The precise description of the plastic strain rate induced by the rate
of stress inside the yield surface is inevitable for the prediction of cyclic
loading behavior, which is crucial for the accurate mechanical design of
solids and structures in engineering. A lot of works have been executed
and various unconventional plastic constitutive (cyclic plasticity) models,
named by Drucker (1998), have been proposed aiming at describing the
plastic strain rate caused by the rate of stress inside the yield surface
after 1960s when the demands of mechanical designs of solids and
structures for the mechanical vibration and the seismic vibrations have
been highly raised responding to the high development of machine
industries and the frequent occurrences of earthquakes, e.g. Chile (1960)
and Niigata (Japan) (1964). Among various unconventional models the
multi surface model (Mroz, 1967; Iwan, 1967), the two surface model
(Dafalias and Popov, 1975; Krieg, 1975; Yoshida and Uemori, 2002), and
the superposed-kinematic hardening model (Chaboche et al., 1979;
Ohno and Wang, 1993) are well known. However, they assume a sur-
face enclosing a purely elastic domain and are based on the premise
that the plastic strain rate develops with the translation of the small
yield surface so that they are called the cyclic kinematic hardening model.
Therefore they possess various defects, for example, (1) the abrupt tran-
sition from the elastic to the plastic state violating the continuity and
the smoothness conditions (Hashiguchi, 1993a,b, 1997, 2000), (2) the
incorporation of the offset value of the plastic strain at yield, which is
accompanied with the unreality and the arbitrariness, (3) the incapabil-
ity of cyclic loading behavior for the stress amplitude less than the small

xi
xii Preface

surface enclosing an elastic domain, (4) the incapability of the nonpro-

portional loading behavior, (5) the incapability of extension to the rate-
dependency at high rate of deformation up to the impact loading behav-
ior, (6) the limitation to the description of deformation behavior in
metals, and (7) the necessity of the additional cumbersome operation to
pull back the stress to the yield surface or the small surface enclosing an
elastic domain. In particular, it is quite pitiful from the scientific point
of view that the superposed cyclic plasticity model, i.e. the Chaboche
model and the Ohno-Wang model are diffused widely, which are the
most primitive ad hoc cyclic plasticity models ignoring the historical
development of the plasticity but regressing to the easy going way by
the empirical method as will be explained in Section 7.4.
Now, it should be noted that the plastic strain rate is not induced
abruptly but develops gradually as the stress approaches the yield sur-
face. In fact, the mutual slips of material particles, for example, crystal
particles in metals and soil particles in sands and clays leading to the
plastic deformation is not induced simultaneously but induced gradu-
ally from parts in which mutual slips can be induced easily, exhibiting
the smooth transition from the elastic to the plastic transition. The sub-
loading surface model (Hashiguchi, 1978, 1980, 1989, 2017a; Hashiguchi
and Ueno, 1997) is free from the existence of the stress region enclosing
the purely elastic domain, while the existence has been postulated in
the other elastoplasticity models. The subloading surface, which passes
through the current stress and is similar to the yield surface, is assumed
inside the yield surface, and then it is postulated that the plastic strain
rate is not induced suddenly at the moment when the stress reaches the
yield surface but it develops as the stress approaches the yield surface,
that is, as the subloading surface expands. Therefore the smooth transi-
tion from the elastic to the plastic state, that is, the smooth elastic-plastic
transition leading to the continuous variation of the tangent stiffness
modulus tensor is described in this model. The subloading surface
model has been applied to the descriptions of the elastoplastic deforma-
tion behaviors of various solids, for example, metals, soils, concrete, etc.
Further, it has been extended to describe the viscoplastic deformation
by incorporating the concept of the overstress. The subloading surface
model would be regarded to be the governing law of the irreversible
mechanical phenomena of solids.
The subloading surface model has been incorporated into the com-
mercial software “Marc” in MSC Software Corporation as the standard
installation by the name “Hashiguchi model,” which can be used by all
Marc users (contractors) since October, 2017. Therefore it is explained in
the Marc user manual (MSC Software Corporation, 2017) in brief.
Further, the function for the automatic determination of material para-
meters was installed into the Marc as the standard function in June
 Preface xiii

2019. Furthermore, the subloading-friction model will also be incorpo-

rated into the Marc as the standard installation until the end of 2020.
The mechanisms of the elastic deformation and the plastic deforma-
tion in the solids consisting of material particles are physically different
from each other such that the former is induced by the deformation of
material particles themselves (e.g., crystal particles in metals and soil
particles in sands and clays) but the latter is induced by the mutual
slips between the material particles. Further, note that all the deforma-
tion measures, for example, the infinitesimal and the finite-strain tensors
and the strain rate tensor (skew-symmetric part of velocity gradient ten-
sor) are defined by the deformation gradient tensor. Therefore the exact
description of finite elastoplastic deformation requires the exact decom-
position of the deformation gradient tensor into the elastic and the plas-
tic parts. Furthermore, note that the deformation gradient tensor is
defined by the ratio (note: not difference) of the current infinitesimal
line element vector to the initial one. Then, the multiplicative decompo-
sition of the deformation gradient tensor has been introduced for the
exact description of finite elastoplastic deformation by the leading scho-
lars (Kroner, 1960; Lee and Liu, 1967; Lee, 1969; Mandel, 1971, 1972,
1973a; Kratochvil, 1973). However, it now passed already more than a
half century after the proposition of the multiplicative decomposition of
deformation gradient tensor. In the meantime, unfortunately the
hypoelastic-based plasticity has been studied enthusiastically by numer-
ous workers represented by Rodney Hill and James R. Rice after the
proposition of the hypoelasticity by Truesdell (1955), which is not based
on the multiplicative decomposition so that it is limited to the infinitesi-
mal elastic deformation and accompanied with the cumbersome time-
integration procedure of the corotational rates of the stress and tensor-
valued internal variables. In addition, the concept of the multiplicative
decomposition has not been delineated properly even in the
notable books referring to this concept (cf. Lubliner, 1990; Simo, 1998;
Simo and Hughes, 1998; Lubarda, 2002; Haupt, 2002; Nemat-Nasser,
2004; Asaro and Lubarda, 2006; Bonet and Wood, 2008; de Sauza Neto
et al., 2008; Gurtin et al., 2010; Hashiguchi and Yamakawa, 2012;
Belytshko et al., 2014, etc.).
The multiplicative hyperelastic based plasticity has been studied
centrally by Simo and his colleagues (e.g., Simo, 1985, 1988a,b, 1992;
Simo and Ortiz, 1985) in the last century, in which the logarithmic strain
has been used mainly leading to the coaxiality of stress and strain rate
so that it has been limited to the isotropy. It has been developed actively
from the beginning of this century by Lion (2000), Menzel and
Steinmann (2003a,b), Wallin et al. (2003), Dettmer and Reese (2004),
Menzel et al. (2005), Wallin and Ristinmaa (2005), Gurtin and Anand
(2005), Sansour et al. (2006, 2007), Vladimirov et al. (2008, 2010),
xiv Preface

Henann and Anand (2009), Brepols et al. (2014), etc., in which constitu-
tive relations are formulated in the intermediate configuration imagined
fictitiously by the unloading to the stress-free state along the hyperelas-
tic relation, based on the isoclinic concept (Mandel, 1971). However, the
plastic flow rule with the generality unlimited to the elastic isotropy
remains unsolved and only the conventional plasticity model, named by
Drucker (1998), with the yield surface enclosing the elastic domain have
been incorporated so that only the monotonic loading behavior of elasti-
cally isotropic materials is concerned in them.
The subloading multiplicative hyperelastic based plastic model has
been formulated by the author recently (Hashiguchi, 2018c), which is
capable of describing the finite elastoplastic deformation/rotation rigor-
ously under the monotonic/cyclic loading process. Further, it has been
extended to the subloading-multiplicative hyperelastic-based viscoplas-
ticity recently, which is capable of describing the rate-dependent elasto-
plastic deformation behavior at the general rate from the static to the
impact loading. It is to be the best opportunity to review the multiplica-
tive hyperelastic based plasticity comprehensively and explain the
detailed formulation of the subloading multiplicative hyperelas-
tic based plastic model systematically. This is the first book on the sub-
loading multiplicative hyperelastic based plasticity and viscoplasticity
for the description of the general irreversible deformation/sliding
behavior.
The subloading surface model and the multiplicative hyperelas-
tic based plasticity are explained comprehensively providing the
detailed physical interpretations for all relevant concepts and the deriv-
ing processes of all equations. Further, the incorporation of the subload-
ing surface model to the multiplicative hyperelastic plastic relation is
described in detail. Further, it is extended to the description of the vis-
coplastic deformation by incorporating the concept of overstress, which
is capable of describing the general rate of deformation ranging from
the quasistatic to the impact loading behaviors (Hashiguchi, 2016a,
2017a). In addition, the exact hyperelastic based plastic and viscoplastic
constitutive equation of friction (Hashiguchi, 2018c) is formulated rigor-
ously, while the hypoelastic-based plastic constitutive equation of fric-
tion has been formulated formerly (Hashiguchi et al., 2005; Hashiguchi
and Ozaki, 2008; Hashiguchi, 2013a).
The aim of this book is to give a comprehensive explanation of the
finite elastoplasticity theory and viscoplasticity under the monotonic
and the cyclic loading processes. The incorporation of the Lagrangian
tensors is required originally in the formulation of finite elastoplasticity
and viscoplasticity, since the deformation of the material involved in
the reference configuration, which is invariant through the deformation,
is physically relevant. Therefore the necessity and the meanings of the
 Preface xv

Lagrangian tensors and the transformations rules between the Eulerian

and the Lagrangian tensors, that is, the pull-back and push-forward
operations are explained concisely. Various Lagrangian stress tensors
are derived based on the requirement of the work-conjugacy from the
Cauchy stress tensor in the current configuration. To this end, the
descriptions of physical quantities and relations in the embedded (con-
vected) coordinate system, which turns into the curvilinear coordinate
system under the deformation of material, are required, since their
physical meanings can be captured clearly by observing them in the
coordinate system that not only moves but also deforms and rotates
with material itself. In other words, the essentials of continuum mechan-
ics cannot be captured without the incorporation of the general curvilin-
ear coordinate system, to which the embedded coordinate system
changes, although the explanation only in the rectangular coordinate
system is given in a lot of books entitled “continuum mechanics.”
The author expects that the readers of this book will capture the fun-
damentals in the finite-strain elastoplasticity theory and they will con-
tribute to the development of mechanical designs of machinery and
structures in the field of engineering practice by applying the theories
addressed in this book. A reader is apt to give up reading through a
book if one encounters a matter that is uneasy to understand by insuffi-
cient explanation. For this reason, the detailed explanations of physical
concepts in elastoplasticity are delineated, and the derivations/transfor-
mation processes of all equations are given with detailed proofs but
without abbreviation.
The author wishes to express cordial thanks to his colleagues at
Kyushu University, who have discussed and collaborated over several
decades: Prof. M. Ueno (currently Emeritus Professor at University of
the Ryukyus) in particular, and Dr. T. Okayasu (currently Associate
Professor at Kyushu University), Dr. S. Tsutsumi (currently Associate
Professor at Osaka University), Dr. T. Ozaki of Kyushu Electric Eng.
Consult. Inc., Dr. S. Ozaki (currently Associate Professor at Yokohama
National University), and Dr. T. Mase of Tokyo Electric Power Services
Co., Ltd. (currently Professor of Tezukayama Gakuin Univ.)
Furthermore, the author is thankful to Dr. K. Okamura, Dr. N.
Suzuki, and Dr. R. Higuchi, Nippon Steel & Sumitomo Metal
Corporation, Dr. M. Oka and Mr. T. Anjiki, Yanmar Co. Ltd., for the col-
laborations on constitutive relations of metals and the numerical calcu-
lations. In particular, the numerical calculations performed by Mr. T.
Anjiki was quite effective for the improvement of the subloading-
overstress model. The author is also grateful to Mr. T. Kato (President)
and Dr. M. Tateishi (Fellow), MSC Software, Ltd., Japan for the standard
implementation of the Hashiguchi (subloading surface) model to the
commercial FEM (Finite Element Method) software Marc.
xvi Preface

The heartfelt gratitude of the author is dedicated to Prof. Yuki

Yamakawa of Tohoku University, for various advices and close colla-
borations with detailed discussions on elastoplasticity theory, particu-
larly on the finite-strain theory and the numerical method. In addition,
the author acknowledges the great gratitude to Prof. Yamakawa for crit-
ical reading of the original manuscript and then suggesting various pre-
cious elaborations.
The author expresses his sincere gratitude to Prof. Genki Yagawa,
Emeritus Professor, The University of Tokyo, for encouraging always
the author with undeserved high appreciation of research contributions,
and thus the author was stimulated to the publication of this book.
The author is convinced that this book will contribute substantially to
the steady developments of solid mechanics and the manufacturing and
constructing industries through the readers. Finally, the author would
like to acknowledge the enthusiastic supports by the editor Mr. Dennis
Mcgonagle, the editorial project manager Mr. Joshua Mearns, and the
project manager: Mr. Sojan P. Pazhayattil, Elsevier, for the generous cor-
porations on the publication of this book.

Koichi Hashiguchi
June 2020
 C H A P T E R

1
Mathematical fundamentals

The mathematical fundamentals are addressed in this chapter, which

are required to understand sufficiently the elastoplasticity theory
described in the subsequent chapters. First, the basics of vector and ten-
sor algebra are explained and then the differential formula and the var-
iations of the geometrical elements are described comprehensively.
Readers are tempted to skip to study these mathematical fundamentals
but they are explained concisely by showing the derivation processes
for almost all equations. Component descriptions of vectors and tensors
in this chapter are limited in the normalized rectangular coordinate system,
that is, rectangular coordinate system with unit base vectors, while the
terms orthogonal, orthonormal, and Cartesian are often used instead of
rectangular. However, these tensor relations hold even in the general
curvilinear coordinate system of the Euclidian space described in the
subsequent chapters.

1.1 Matrix algebra

The basic matrix algebra with some conventions and symbols appear-
ing in the continuum mechanics are described in this section.

1.1.1 Summation convention

The Cartesian summation convention is first introduced in which
repeated suffix in a term is summed over numbers that the suffix can
take, for example,

Nonlinear Continuum Mechanics for Finite Elasticity-Plasticity

DOI: https://doi.org/10.1016/B978-0-12-819428-7.00001-8 1 © 2020 Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved.
2 1. Mathematical fundamentals

8
>
> X 3
>
> u v 5 ur vr 5 u1 v1 1 u2 v2 1 u3 v3 ;
>
>
r r
>
> r51
>
< X3
Trr 5 Trr 5 T11 1 T22 1 T33 (1.1)
>
>
>
> r51
>
> X 3
>
>
> Tir vr 5
: Tir vr 5 Ti1 v1 1 Ti2 v2 1 Ti3 v3 ;
r51

A letter of the repeated suffix is arbitrary and thus it is called the

dummy index as known from
ur vr 5 us vs ; T rr 5 Tss ; Tir vr 5 Tis vs : (1.2)

This rule is also called Einstein’s summation convention. A repeated index

obeys this convention unless otherwise specified by the additional
remark “(no sum)” after an equation.

1.1.2 Kronecker’s delta and alternating symbol

The Kronecker’s delta δij ði; j 5 1; 2; 3Þ is defined as follows:

1: i 5 j
δij 5 (1.3)
0 : i 6¼ j

fulfilling
δir δrj 5 δij 5 δji ; δii 5 3 (1.4)

Further, the alternating (or permutation) symbol or Eddington’s epsilon

εijk is defined as follows:
8
< 1: even permutation of ijk from 123 ð123; 231; 312Þ
>
εijk 5 2 1: odd permutation of ijk from 123 ð213; 321; 132Þ (1.5)
>
:
0: others

fulfilling the following relation for the product.

εijk εijk 5 3! (1.6)

1.1.3 Matrix notation and determinant

Let the quantity T possessing nine (3 3 3) components Tij be
expressed in the arrangement

Nonlinear Continuum Mechanics for Finite Elasticity-Plasticity

 1.1 Matrix algebra 3
2 3
T11 T12 T13
T 5 ½Tij  5 4 T21 T22 T23 5 (1.7)
T31 T32 T33

which is called a matrix notation. The matrix I possessing the compo-

nents of the Kronecker’s delta is given by
2 3
1 0 0
I 5 ½δij  5 4 0 1 0 5 (1.8)
0 0 1

The quantity v possessing three (3 3 1) components is expressed as

2 3
v1  
v 5 ½vi  5 4 v2 5 5 v1 v2 v2 (1.9)
v3

The multiplications of the quantity v and the matrix B by the matrix

A are denoted as Av and AB and defined as
ðAvÞi 5 Air vr 5 vr Air 5 ðvAT Þi (1.10)
ðABÞij 5 Air Brj 6¼ Bir Arj 5 ðBAÞij (1.11)

where ð ÞT stands for the transpose of the row and the column in the
matrix.
The quantity defined by the following equation is called the determi-
nant of T and is shown by the symbol det T, that is,
 
 T11 T12 T13 
 
detT 5 εijk T1i T2j T3k 5 εijk Ti1 Tj2 Tk3 5  T21 T22 T23  (1.12)
 T31 T32 T33 

with
detTT 5 detT; detðsTÞ 5 s3 detðTÞ (1.13)

Here, the number of permutations that the suffixes i, j, and k in εijk can
take is 3!. Therefore Eq. (1.12) can be written as
1
detT 5 εijk εpqr Tip Tjq Tkr (1.14)
3!
Eq. (1.14) is rewritten as
1 1 1
detT 5 Trs ðcof TÞrs ; detT 5 T: ðcof TÞ 5 trðTðcofTÞT Þ (1.15)
3 3 3

Nonlinear Continuum Mechanics for Finite Elasticity-Plasticity

4 1. Mathematical fundamentals

or
detT 5 T1s ðcofTÞ1s 5 T2s ðcofTÞ2s 5 T3s ðcofTÞ3s
(1.16)
5 Tr1 ðcofTÞr1 5 Tr1 ðcofTÞr1 5 Tr2 ðcofTÞr2 5 Tr3 ðcofTÞr3

where
1
ðcofTÞip  εijk εpqr Tjq Tkr (1.17)
2!
noting
 
1 1 1 1
εijk εpqr Tip Tjq Tkr 5 Tip εijk εpqr Tjq Tkr 5 Tip ðcofTÞip
3! 3 2! 3

ðcofTÞij is called the cofactor for the i-column and the j-row. The cofactor
is obtained through multiplying the minor determinant lacking the
ith row and jth column components by the sign ð21Þi1j .
The following lemmas for the properties of the determinant hold.

Lemma 1.1: If the first and the second rows are same, that is, T2j 5 T1j
for instance, we have εijk T1i T1j T3k 5 εjik T1j T1i T3k 5 2 εijk T1i T1j T3k .
Therefore we have the lemma “the determinant having same lines or
rows is zero.” Therefore the following relation is obtained from
Eq. (1.16) that
Tis Δjs 5 Tri Δrj 5 δij detT (1.18)

Lemma 1.2: If the first and the second lines are exchanged, that is, 122
for instance, we have εijk T2i T1j T3k 5 εjik T1i T2j T3k 5 2 εijk T1i T2j T3k .
Therefore we have the lemma “the determinant changes only its sign by
exchanging lines (or rows).”
By multiplying εijk to both sides in Eq. (1.12), we have
εijk detT 5 εijk εpqr T1p T2q T3r 5 εpqr Tip Tjq Tkr (1.19)

The transformation from the second side to the third side in

Eq. (1.19) is resulted from the abovementioned Lemmas 1.1 and 1.2.
Here, note that the expression of the determinant in Eq. (1.14) is derived
also by multiplying εijk to both sides in Eq. (1.19) and noting Eq. (1.6).

The additive decomposition of the components T2j into T2j 5 A2j 1 B2j
leads to
εijk T1i ðA2j 1 B2j ÞT2k 5 εijk T1i A2j T2k 1 εijk T1i B2j T2k (1.20)

Nonlinear Continuum Mechanics for Finite Elasticity-Plasticity

Another random document with
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 CHAPTER VI
THE EMIRATE

713–755

Abd-al-Aziz—His Wise Administration—His Execution ordered by the

Khalif—Ayub-Ibn-Habib—His Reforms—Al-Horr—Al-Samh—His
Invasion of France—His Defeat and Death—Abd-al-Rahman—
Feud of the Maadites and Kahtanites—Its Disastrous Effects—
Anbasah-Ibn-Sohim—His Ability—He penetrates to the Rhone
and is killed—Yahya-Ibn-Salmah—Othman-Ibn-Abu-Nesa—
Hodheyfa-Ibn-al-Awass—Al-Haytham-Ibn-Obeyd—Mohammed-
Ibn-Abdallah—Abd-al-Rahman—His Popularity—Proclaims the
Holy War—Treason of Othman-Ibn-Abu-Nesa—The Emir
attempts the Conquest of France—Character of Charles Martel—
Battle of Poitiers—Death of Abd-al-Rahman—Abd-al-Melik—
Okbah-Ibn-al-Hejaj—His Wisdom and Capacity—Charles Martel
ravages Provence—Berber Revolt in Africa—Victory of the
Rebels—Abd-al-Melik-Ibn-Kottam—Balj-Ibn-Beschr—Thalaba—
Abu-al-Khattar—Condition of Western Europe—Unstable and
Corrupt Administration of the Emirs—Importance of the Battle of
Poitiers.
The principle of hereditary right, although it occupied no place in
the polity of Mohammed, was denounced by the Koran, and
repudiated by the Arabs of ancient times, had been, since the
dynasty of the Ommeyades attained to power, to a certain extent
tacitly recognized by the subjects of the khalifs. Although the latter
dignity was among orthodox Mussulmans still elective, like the office
of an Arab sheik, the Persian schismatics had, for some generations,
accustomed themselves to consider the descendants of Ali as the
only legal Successors of the Prophet, to whom had been transmitted
the inalienable prerogatives of regal power and even the sacred
attributes of divinity. The ambition of the sovereigns of Damascus
had been occasionally gratified by the accession of their sons to the
throne, a result not unfrequently accomplished by means of
questionable character. When the loyalty of the nobles and the
obsequious devotion of the multitude were not sufficient to enable
him to attain the desired end, the Khalif did not hesitate to use
bribery, threats, and even assassination, to perpetuate the coveted
dignity in his family. From the monarch this natural principle—a
species of hero-worship, so common as to be almost universal, and
exhibiting its tendencies even in the administration of the greatest of
modern republics—descended to the prominent officials of the
empire and to their subordinates the walis, the governors of
provinces and cities. For these reasons, the appointment by Musa of
his three sons to be respectively emirs of East and West Africa and
Spain was regarded by the Moslem population of those countries
and by the army as the exercise of a prescriptive right which scarcely
required the formal confirmation of the sovereign. Notwithstanding
the ferocious and jealous temper of Suleyman, and the fact that he
had heaped upon Musa injuries which were unpardonable, he, for
some time, permitted the sons of the conqueror of Al-Maghreb and
Andaluz to exercise without molestation the functions of their several
emirates. Abd-al-Aziz, to whom had been assigned the difficult task
of the political reorganization of the Peninsula,—a task which
involved the erection of one system of government upon the ruins of
another which had nothing in common with, and much that was
hostile to, it,—entered upon his duties with all the energy and tact of
an accomplished soldier and statesman. Some cities removed from
the immediate influence of the conquerors had renounced their
allegiance and refused the customary tribute. These were speedily
reduced to submission. The convention of Musa with Theodomir, the
Gothic tributary of Murcia, was solemnly ratified. Detachments under
different commanders were despatched to the North and West, who
carried the Moslem arms to the shores of Lusitania and the
mountains of Biscay and Navarre. Castles were built for the
protection of the frontiers, and garrisons of important towns placed
under the command of experienced officers of tried fidelity. A Divan
or Council was established. Receivers of taxes and magistrates were
appointed to conduct the civil departments of the administration.
Secure in the protection of their own laws and the enjoyment of their
ancient religious privileges, the Mohammedan yoke was hardly felt
by the Christian population, whose restrictions were confined to a
show of outward respect for the institutions of their masters and the
regular payment of tribute. All acts of violence and oppression were
punished, and public confidence was restored. The peasants rebuilt
their cottages; the labors of the agriculturist, interrupted by civil
commotion and foreign encroachment, were resumed; the grass-
grown thoroughfares of the cities once more echoed with the
welcome sounds of traffic, and the sad traces of many successive
years of warfare and devastation began to gradually disappear from
the face of the Peninsula.
But, however equitable was the civil administration of Abd-al-Aziz,
its beneficent effects in the eyes of both Moslems and Christians
were more than neutralized by the excesses and licentious violence
of his private life. In the gratification of passions strong even for an
Oriental, his conduct surpassed the ordinary limits of brutal tyranny.
The fairest maids and matrons of the Gothic population crowded his
seraglio; and even the homes of noble Arabians were not secure
from the visitations of his eunuchs. Egilona, the queen of Roderick,
having fallen into his hands, became first his concubine and
afterwards his wife. She was indulged in the practice of her religion,
an unusual privilege for one in her position; and, by the unbounded
influence she soon acquired over her husband, succeeded in
sensibly alleviating the miseries of her countrymen. Her beauty, her
vast wealth, which she had secured by a timely submission and the
payment of tribute, and her talents, which appear to have been of no
mean order, added to the ambition once more to sit upon a throne,
soon made themselves felt in the affairs of government. She began
to direct the policy of the Emir, to the disgust and apprehension of
the members of the Divan and the officers of the army. She
imprudently attempted to introduce the ceremonial of the Visigothic
court, which required the prostration of all who approached the
throne of the monarch; a custom repugnant as yet both to the
equality and independence recommended by the precepts of the
Koran and to the proud spirit of the Arab. By her advice the treaty
was concluded with Theodomir, who thereby acquired for life the
sovereignty of the beautiful province of Murcia. The exercise of such
authority was considered by pious Moslems as boding ill to the
empire of Islam when enjoyed by a woman and an infidel. The rumor
spread that Abd-al-Aziz, helpless under the fatal spell of this
sorceress, was meditating apostasy and aspiring to independent
power. These reports, which derived some color of probability from
the universal belief of the multitude, the personal popularity and well-
known ambition of the Emir, and his presumed desire to avenge the
wrongs of his father, were communicated to the Khalif, who
determined to at once remove all danger from any designs of the
sons of Musa. Orders were accordingly despatched to five of the
principal officers of the army of occupation in Spain to put Abd-al-
Aziz to death. The first who opened and read the commands of the
Khalif was Habib-Ibn-Obeidah, an old and valued friend of the family
of Musa. His distress may be imagined; but the order was
peremptory, and the ties of friendship, the sentiments of gratitude,
the reminiscences of social intimacy, were not to be considered by
the devout Moslem when was interposed the imperious mandate of
the Successor of the Prophet of God. Having consulted with each
other, the executioners, who feared the vengeance of the army,
devoted as it was to its chief, determined to kill Abd-al-Aziz while at
his devotions. It was the custom of the Emir to pass much of his time
at a summer palace in the suburbs of Seville, attached to which was
a private mosque. Here, while upon his knees reciting the morning
prayer, he was attacked and despatched without resistance. His
body was buried in the court of the palace, and his head—a
sanguinary proof of the obedience of his assassins—was sent in a
box filled with camphor to Suleyman at Damascus. Thus perished
one of the most distinguished captains of the age, whose talents and
dexterity promised a rapid solution of the difficult questions of policy
which confronted the new rulers of Spain, and whose gentle and
considerate treatment of the vanquished—conspicuous amidst the
repulsive asperity of barbarian manners—proved his destruction. A
few weeks elapsed, and his brethren, the emirs of Africa, followed
him by the hand of the executioner. The fate of his unfortunate
consort, Egilona, is unknown. In common with King Roderick and his
conqueror Tarik, with Count Julian and the sons of Witiza, her future,
after a remarkable career, passes into oblivion. It is not a little
singular that so many of the most conspicuous personages of their
time should all, one after another, without any apparent reason, have
been thus abruptly dismissed by the chroniclers of the age.
The Khalif, in his haste to destroy the family of Musa, had
neglected to designate a successor to Abd-al-Aziz, and Spain
remained for a short time without a governor. Realizing the dangers
of a protracted interregnum among the heterogeneous elements of
which the inhabitants of the Peninsula were composed, a number of
the Moslems most eminent in rank and influence assembled, and, in
accordance with the ancient custom of the Desert, elected Ayub-Ibn-
Habib provisional Emir. Ayub was a captain of age and experience
and the cousin of Abd-al-Aziz. His first act was to remove the seat of
government from Seville to Cordova, on account of the more
advantageous location of the latter city, destined to remain during the
domination of the conquerors the Mecca of the Occident, the literary
centre of the Middle Ages, the school of polite manners, the home of
science and the arts; to be regarded with awe by every Moslem, with
affectionate veneration by every scholar, and with mingled feelings of
wonder and apprehension by the turbulent barbarians of Western
Europe. For greater convenience in collecting the revenue and
restraining the indigenous population, the country had been divided
into numerous districts, governed by walis, inferior officials
responsible to the Emir. The lives of these magistrates, passed
amidst the turmoil of revolution, the sack of cities, and the slaughter
of infidels, rendered them but ill qualified to administer the affairs of a
nation in time of peace. The acts of cruelty and extortion perpetrated
by these petty tyrants, far removed from the eye of the court, had
become an intolerable grievance. It devolved on Ayub to investigate
their official conduct, and many of them were deposed and punished.
The new Emir travelled through his dominions, correcting abuses,
building fortresses, repairing the decaying walls of cities,
encouraging the development and cultivation of fields long since
abandoned by the farmer, redressing grievances without distinction
of creed or nationality, and by every means promoting the welfare of
his grateful subjects. In those provinces which had been
depopulated, he established colonies of immigrants and adventurers
from Africa and the East. In others, where the Christians
preponderated, he settled numbers of Jews and Moslems, whose
presence might curb the enthusiasm and check the aspirations of the
implacable enemies of the Mohammedan faith. The watch-towers
which crowned the summits of the Pyrenees and defended the
passes leading to Narbonnese Gaul—that region of mystery which
the imperfect geography of the Arab had designated the Great Land,
and the imagination of the Oriental had peopled with giants and
fabulous monsters—were strengthened and garrisoned with troops
whose activity and vigilance had been tested in many a scene of toil
and danger. Scarcely had the administration of Ayub been fairly
established, before the vindictive spirit of the Khalif demanded his
removal. Mohammed-Ibn-Yezid, Emir of Africa, was ordered to
deprive of office all members of the tribe of Lakhm, to which Musa
had belonged, and Al-Horr-Ibn-Abd-al-Rahman was invested with
the precarious dignity of Viceroy of the Peninsula. Four hundred
representatives of the proudest of the Arabian nobility, whom zeal for
the faith, the love of adventure, or the hope of renown had attracted
to the shores of Africa, accompanied him; warriors, many of whose
descendants were destined to attain to distinction in every rank of
civil and military life—even to the royal dignity itself—and to become
the most prominent members of the Moslem aristocracy of Spain.
From the beginning, the arbitrary measures of the Emir carried
distress and anxiety into every town and hamlet of the country. His
rapacity knew no bounds. Under pretext of a deficiency in the
collection of tribute, the officials charged with that duty were
imprisoned and put to the torture. In the infliction of punishment no
distinction of religious belief was recognized; Moslem and Christian
alike felt the heavy hand of the tyrant; and even the oldest and most
renowned officers of the army, veterans who had served in Syria and
Africa, the companions of Tarik and Musa, were not exempt from the
exactions of his insatiable avarice. So intolerable did these
oppressions become, that the cause of Islam was seriously
endangered; proselytism ceased; no official, however high in rank,
was secure in the possession of liberty, property, and life; and the
unfortunate Jews and Christians were exposed to all the evils of the
most cruel persecution. As the Emir of Africa evinced a remarkable
apathy when the removal of Al-Horr was demanded by the outraged
people of Spain, application was made to the Khalif Omar in person,
who at once deposed the offensive governor, and appointed as his
successor Al-Samh, the general commanding the army of the
northern frontier. This appointment did credit to the discernment of
the Khalif, for it proved eminently wise and judicious. The first efforts
of Al-Samh were directed to the correction of irregularities in the
administration of the revenue. Formerly the large cities, where was
naturally collected the most of the wealth of the kingdom and hence
the bulk of property liable to taxation, had been required to contribute
only one-tenth of their income towards the expenses of government,
while the villages and the cultivated lands had been assessed at
one-fifth. This inequality was due originally to a desire to favor the
Jews, whose love of traffic had induced them to establish
themselves in the principal towns, offering, as the latter did, better
facilities for the encouragement of commerce and the rapid
accumulation of property. In addition to this much-needed reform, the
able viceroy collected the bands of Moors and Berbers,—whose
nomadic habits and predatory instincts, inherited from a long line of
ancestors, had resisted former attempts at colonization,—settled
them upon unoccupied lands, and, by every possible inducement,
tried to impress upon the minds of these savage warriors the
importance and the superior advantages of civilization. He caused a
census to be taken of all the inhabitants of the Peninsula, and with it
sent to Damascus elaborate tables of statistics, in which were
carefully described the various towns, the topography of the coast,
the situation of the harbors, the wealth of the country, the nature of
its products, the volume of its commerce, and the extent of its
mineral and agricultural resources. The restoration of the magnificent
bridge of Cordova, constructed in the reign of Augustus, is of itself
an enduring monument to his fame. But the energies of Al-Samh
were not expended solely in the monotonous but beneficial
avocations of peace. As the friend and associate of Tarik he had
seen service on many a stoutly contested field, and now, when his
dominions were tranquil and prosperous, he received, with the
exultation of an ardent believer, the order of the Khalif to carry the
Holy War beyond the Pyrenees.
The province of Narbonnese Gaul, once a part of the Visigothic
empire, and hitherto protected from the incursions of its dangerous
neighbors by the lofty mountain rampart which formed its southern
boundary, continued to cherish the traditions and to observe the
customs of its ancient rulers. It embraced the greater portion of
modern Languedoc, that smiling region which, watered by the
Rhone, the Garonne, and their numerous tributaries, had, through
the fertility of its soil and the advantages of its semi-tropical climate,
early attracted the attention of the adventurous colonists of Greece
and Italy. The high state of civilization to which this region attained,
and its progress in the arts, are manifested by the architectural
remains which still adorn its cities,—remains which, in elegance of
design and imposing magnificence, are unequalled by even the far-
famed ruins of the Eternal City. No structures in any country illustrate
so thoroughly the taste and genius of classic times as the arch of
Orange, the Pont du Gard, the temples and the amphitheatre of
Nîmes, whose graceful proportions and wonderful state of
preservation never fail to elicit the enthusiastic admiration of the
traveller. The inhabitants also have retained, through the vicissitudes
of centuries of warfare and foreign domination, the traits and
features of their classic ancestry. In the vainglorious pride of the
Provençal and his neighbor the Gascon are traceable the haughty
demeanor of the Roman patrician; while the women of Arles, in their
symmetry of form, their faultless profiles, and their statuesque grace,
recall the beauties of the age of Pericles.
This territory was known to the Goths by the name of Septimania,
from the seven principal cities, Narbonne, Nîmes, Agde, Lodève,
Maguelonne, Béziers, and Carcassonne, included within its borders,
and was still governed by the maxims of the Gothic polity which
formerly prevailed in the Peninsula. Although divided into a number
of little principalities, whose chieftains promiscuously indulged their
propensities to rapine without fear of the intervention of any superior
power, it had for years preserved the appearance of a disunited but
independent state. In the North, the anarchy accompanying the
bloody struggles of the princes of the Merovingian dynasty, which
preceded the foundation of the empire of Pepin and Charlemagne,
removed, for the time, all danger of encroachment from that quarter.
But the Gothic nobles, since the battle of the Guadalete, had cast
glances of anxiety and dismay upon the distant summits of the
Pyrenees. Innumerable refugees from Spain had sought safety
among their Gallic kinsmen, and the tales which they related of the
excesses of the invaders lost nothing in their recital by these terror-
stricken fugitives. Too feeble of themselves to entertain hopes of
successful resistance, the Goths suspended for a time their
hereditary quarrels, and, to avoid the impending ruin, acknowledged
the sovereignty of Eudes, the powerful Duke of Aquitaine.
Al-Samh, having completed his preparations, emerged from the
mountain passes at the head of a formidable army. After a siege of a
month, Narbonne, the capital of Septimania, surrendered to the
Moslems, who obtained from the churches and convents an
immense booty, most of which had been deposited by fugitive
Spanish prelates in those sanctuaries as places of inviolable
security. Almost without a blow, the fortresses of Béziers,
Maguelonne, and Carcassonne accepted the liberal conditions of
Mohammedan vassalage. The flying squadrons of Arab cavalry now
spread ruin and alarm over the beautiful valley of the Garonne. So
attractive was the country and so lax the discipline, that it was with
some difficulty the Emir succeeded in collecting the scattering
detachments of his army, which had wandered far in search of
plunder; and, resuming his march, he at length invested the
important city of Toulouse, the capital of Aquitaine. The siege was
pushed with vigor, and the inhabitants, reduced to extremity, were
already meditating a surrender, when the Duke approached with a
force greatly superior to that of the Moslems. The latter,
disheartened at the sight of such an overwhelming multitude, were
disposed to retreat, when the Emir, actuated by a spirit worthy of the
ancient heroes of Islam, roused their flagging courage by an
eloquent harangue, in which he artfully suggested both the prizes of
victory and the promises of the Faith. As the two hosts ranged
themselves in martial array, the priests distributed among the Franks
small pieces of sponge which had received the blessing of the Pope;
amulets more serviceable, it appeared, than the thickest armor, for
we are assured by the veracious chroniclers of the age that not a
Christian soldier who carried one of these valuable relics lost his life
in the battle. The contest was long and obstinate; the Moslems
performed prodigies of valor; but they had lost the religious fervor
which had so often rendered their arms invincible; and anxiety for the
safety of their spoils had greater influence upon them than the
security of their conquest or the propagation of their religion. The
issue long remained doubtful; but the Emir having exposed himself
too rashly fell pierced by a lance; and his army, completely routed,
retired from the field with the loss of two-thirds of its number. Abd-al-
Rahman-al-Ghafeki, an officer of high rank and distinguished
reputation, was invested with the temporary command by his
associates, and conducted the shattered remnant of the Moslems to
Narbonne. Intent on plundering the treasures of the enemy’s camp,
which contained the bulk of the portable wealth of Septimania, the
Franks could not be induced to reap the full advantages of victory.
The retreat was conducted with consummate skill, for the peasantry,
aroused by the news of the disaster, swarmed in vast numbers
around the retreating Moslems, who were often compelled to cut
their way through the dense and ever increasing masses, which
immediately closed in and harassed their rear.
This was the first serious reverse which had befallen the hitherto
invincible arms of Islam. The tide had begun to turn, and the
implacable enmity cultivated for centuries between the two
contending nations of Arabia—which neither the precepts of a
congenial form of faith, nor military fame, nor uninterrupted
conquest, nor the possession of fabulous wealth, nor the enjoyment
of the fairest portions of the globe could eradicate—was now to
exhibit to the world the splendid weakness of the Successors of
Mohammed. A glance at the origin and progress of this barbarian
feud, which survived the impetuous ardor of proselytism, and had
nourished for ages its hereditary vindictiveness, and, arising in
distant Asia, was destined to be revived with undiminished violence
upon the plains of Aragon and Andalusia, is essential to a proper
understanding of the causes to which are to be attributed the
downfall of the Moslem Empire of the West.
As already mentioned, irreconcilable hostility had existed from
time immemorial between the inhabitants of Northern and Southern
Arabia. Due to a difference of origin, and probably based upon
invasion and conquest in a prehistoric age, this race-prejudice had
been aggravated by a feeling of mutual hatred and contempt,
derived from the different avocations of the people of Yemen and
those of the Hedjaz, the peaceful merchants and the lawless rovers
of the Desert. The Maadites, to whom the Meccans belonged, were
shepherds and brigands. They prided themselves upon being the
aristocracy of Arabia; and the thrifty and industrious dwellers of the
South, the Kahtanites, who saw nothing degrading in the tillage of
their fields, in the care of their valuable date plantations, and in the
profits of commerce, could, in the consciousness of superior wealth
and culture, readily endure the scorn of their neighbors, whose gains
were obtained by overreaching their guests, by extortions from
pilgrims to the Kaaba, and by sharing in the plunder of caravans.
The Medinese, whose origin was partly Jewish, whose pursuits were
sedentary, and whose affiliations connected them with the trading
communities of Yemen, were classed with the Kahtanites by the
children of Maad. From this mutual antagonism the religion of
Mohammed received its greatest impulse and the power which
enabled it to overturn all its adversaries; and from it, also, are to be
traced the misfortunes which befell the empire of Islam even before it
was firmly established; which made every country and province in its
wide dominions the scene of civil strife and bloodshed; which
profaned with insult and violence the shrines of the most holy
temples; which annihilated whole dynasties by the hand of the
assassin; and which, far more potent than the iron hand of Charles
Martel and the valor of the Franks, lost by a single stroke the sceptre
of Europe. Hence arose the disputes which terminated in the murder
of Othman and its terrible retribution, the sack of the Holy Cities; the
intrigues and controversies which resulted from the election of Ali;
the death of Hosein; the insurrections of the fanatical reformers of
Persia; the proscription of the Ommeyades; the perpetual disorders
which distracted the Emirate of Africa. In Spain also, whither had
resorted so many of the fugitives of Medina and their Syrian
conquerors, the smouldering embers of national prejudice and
religious discord were rekindled. The most sacred ties of nationality,
of religion, or of kindred were powerless to counteract this deep-
rooted antipathy, which seems inherent in the two divisions of the
Arab race. The most noble incentives to patriotism, the pride of
victory, the alluring prospects of commercial greatness, of literary
distinction, of boundless dominion, were ignored in the hope of
humiliating a rival faction and of gratifying a ruthless spirit of
revenge. At different times—such is the strange inconsistency of
human nature—the Maadites became voluntary dependents of the
kings of Yemen and Hira. In an age of remote antiquity, the Himyarite
dialect spoken in the South had been supplanted by the more
polished idiom of the Hedjaz.
The intensity and duration of the hatred existing between Maadite
and Yemenite are inconceivable by the mind of one of Caucasian
blood, and are without precedent, even in the East. It affected the
policy of nations; it determined the fate of empires; it menaced the
stability of long-established articles of faith; it invaded the family,
corrupting the instincts of filial reverence, and betraying the sacred
confidences of domestic life. Upon pretexts so frivolous as hardly to
justify a quarrel between individuals, nations were plunged into all
the calamities of civil war. A difference affecting the construction of a
point of religious discipline was sufficient to assemble a horde of
fanatics, and devote whole provinces to devastation and massacre.
A petty act of trespass—the detaching of a vine-leaf, the theft of a
melon—provoked the most cruel retaliation upon the community to
which the culprit belonged. The Maadite, inheriting the haughty spirit
of the Bedouin marauder, despised his ancestors if there was in their
veins a single drop of the blood of Kahtan; and, on the other hand,
under corresponding conditions of relationship, the Yemenite refused
to pray even for his mother if she was allied to the Maadites, whom
he stigmatized as a race of barbarians and slaves. And yet these
were divisions of the same people; with similar tastes and manners;
identical in dress and personal aspect; speaking the same tongue;
worshipping at the same altars; fighting under the same banners;
frequently united by intermarriage; actuated by the same ambitions;
zealous for the attainment of the same ends. The investigation of this
anomaly, an ethnical peculiarity so remarkable in its tenacity of
prejudice, and which, enduring for more than twenty-five hundred
years, the most powerful motives and aspirations of the mind have
failed to abrogate, presents one of the most interesting problems in
the history of humanity.
 In the train of Musa had followed hundreds of the former
inhabitants of Medina, who carried with them bitter memories of
ruined homes and slaughtered kinsmen. The impression made by
these enthusiastic devotees—defenders of the sepulchre of the
Prophet, and eloquent with the traditions of the Holy City—upon the
savage tribes of Africa was far more deep and permanent than that
of the homilies of Musa delivered under the shadow of the scimetar.
Their bearing was more affable, their treatment of the conquered
more lenient, their popularity far more decided, than that of the
haughty descendants of the Koreish. With the memory of inexpiable
wrong was cherished an implacable spirit of vengeance. The name
of Syrian, associated with infidelity, sacrilege, lust, and massacre,
was odious to the pious believer of the Hedjaz. His soul revolted at
the tales of ungodly revels which disgraced the polished and
voluptuous court of Damascus. The riotous banquets, the lascivious
dances, the silken vestments, the midnight orgies, and above all the
blasphemous jests of satirical poets, struck with horror the
abstemious and scrupulous precisians of Medina and Aden. The
Ommeyade noble was looked upon by them as worse than an
apostate; a being whose status was inferior to that of either Pagan,
Jew, or Christian. The feelings of the descendants of the proud
aristocracy of Mecca towards their adversaries were scarcely less
bitter. They remembered with contempt the obscure origin and
plebeian avocations of the first adherents of the Prophet. Their
minds were inflamed with rage when they recalled the murder of the
inoffensive Othman, whose blood-stained garments, mute but potent
witnesses of his sufferings, had hung for many months in the Great
Mosque of Damascus. With indignation was repeated the story of the
cowardly attempt against the life of Muavia, and of the poisoned
thrust which brought him to an untimely end. With but few
exceptions, the Emirs of Spain were stanch adherents of the line of
the Ommeyades, and never failed to discriminate against the
obnoxious Medinese and their posterity. The latter retaliated by
secret treachery; by open rebellion; by defeating vast schemes of
policy before they were matured; by encouraging the dangerous
encroachments of the Asturian mountaineers. This sectional strife
early disclosed itself in the face of the enemy by fomenting the
quarrel between Tarik and Musa. It thwarted the plans of the great
Arab general, whose enterprising genius and towering ambition
aimed at the subjugation and conversion of Europe. It armed the
hands which struck down in the sanctuary the wise and capable
Abd-al-Aziz. It retarded the progress of Abd-al-Rahman, filled his
camp with brawls and confusion, increased the insubordination of his
troops, and gave time for the recall of the barbarian hosts of Charles
Martel from the confines of Gaul and Germany. In the Arabian
population the Yemenite faction largely preponderated, especially in
Eastern and Western Spain, which were almost exclusively settled
by its adherents. In consequence of their numerical superiority and
political importance, they claimed, certainly with some appearance of
justice, the right to be governed by an emir whose views and
sympathies were in accordance with their own. The court of
Damascus, thoroughly cognizant of the uncertain hold it maintained
upon a distant and wealthy province, inhabited by a turbulent rabble
whose animosity towards the family of the Ommeyades was thinly
disguised by lukewarm professions of loyalty and occasional
remittances of tribute, had the sagacity to humor its prejudices, and
to appoint to the Spanish Emirate governors of the dominant party. In
the course of forty years, but three of the rulers of Spain out of
twenty traced their origin to the detested posterity of Maad. This
politic course preserved in its allegiance the wealthy provinces of the
Peninsula, until the influence of the Yemenites and the Berbers was
hopelessly weakened by the civil wars preceding the foundation of
the Western Khalifate. The effects of the latter, by the serious
disturbances they promoted and the consequent injury inflicted upon
the integrity of the Mohammedan empire, had awakened the hopes
and revived the faltering courage of the terrified nations of
Christendom.
There is perhaps no recorded instance of a feud so obscure in its
origin, so anomalous in its conditions, so momentous in its
consequences, as this rancorous antagonism of the two divisions of
the Arabian people. It illustrates more clearly than an entire
commentary could do, the inflexibility of purpose, a trait conspicuous
in the Bedouin, which could sacrifice all the advantages and
pleasures of life, all the hopes of eternity, to the destruction of an
hereditary foe. For centuries, in an isolated and arid country of Asia,
certain hordes of barbarians, ignorant of the arts, careless of luxury,
proud, intrepid, and independent, had pursued each other with
unrelenting hostility. With the advent of a Prophet bringing a new
revelation, the most potent influences which can affect humanity are
brought to bear upon the nation. A whole people emigrates; is in time
united with many conquered races; appreciates and accepts the
priceless benefits of civilization; becomes pre-eminent in science, in
letters, in all the arts of war and government, in all the happy and
beneficent pursuits of peace. But amidst this prosperity and grandeur
the hereditary feuds of the Desert remained unreconciled. Neither
the denunciations of the Koran nor the fear of future punishment
were able to more than temporarily arrest this fatal enmity. Islam was
in a few generations filled with dangerous schismatics, whose tribal
prejudice was, more than devotion to any dogma, the secret of their
menacing attitude towards the khalifate. The mockery and sacrilege
of the princes of Damascus, scions of the ancient persecutors of
Mohammed, were caused by equally base, selfish, and unpatriotic
motives. And the people of Medina, without whose timely aid—
induced, it is not to be forgotten, by this perpetual feud between
Kahtanite and Maadite—-Islam could never have survived, were
doomed henceforth to a career of uninterrupted misfortune. Their
city, which had sheltered the Prophet in his adversity, and had
received his blessing, was sacked and laid waste; and in the sacred
mosque which covered his remains were stabled the horses of the
Syrian cavalry. The unhappy exiles, pursued in every land by the
impositions and cruelty of the tyrants of Syria, were, despite their
frequent efforts to throw off the yoke, finally cowed into submission.
In the long series of rulers, from Sad-Ibn-Obada, surnamed The
Perfect, the champion of Medina, whose election as the first of the
Khalifs the overbearing insolence of the Koreish was scarcely able to
prevent, to the effeminate Boabdil, his lineal descendant, the
conduct of the Defenders of the Prophet is marked by errors of
judgment, by want of tact, by defiance of law, and by ill-timed
enterprises prolific of disaster. No city, however, has placed a deeper
impress upon the history of nations and the cause of civilization,
since the immortal age of Athens, than Medina. Its influence,
although often of a negative character, while it was the support of
Islam in its period of weakness, was a serious impediment in its day
of power. The benefits it conferred upon a handful of struggling
proselytes were more than counterbalanced by the discord it
promoted in the camps and councils of Irac, Syria, Africa, and Spain.
The census taken by Al-Samh had disclosed the vast
preponderance of Christians who still adhered to their ancient faith,
and the fears of the Khalif Yezid were aroused by the presence of so
many hostile sectaries in the heart of his empire. To obviate this evil,
and to assure the future permanence of Moslem supremacy, he
devised a scheme which indicates a degree of worldly wisdom and
political acuteness rare in the councils of that age. He proposed that
the Christian population of Spain and Septimania be deported and
settled in the provinces of Africa and Syria, and the territory thus
vacated be colonized with faithful Mussulmans. Thus Spain would
have become thoroughly Mohammedan, and the establishment of
armed garrisons in Gaul would have been supplemented by the aid
of a brave and active peasantry, affording an invaluable initial point
for the extension of the Moslem arms in the north and east of
Europe. But this was by no means the greatest advantage of this
bold and original stroke of statesmanship. The penetrating eye of
Yezid had already discerned the dangerous character of the
mountaineers of the Asturias, who had preserved the traditions and
inherited the valor of the founders of the Gothic monarchy. The
removal of this threatening element was equivalent to its extirpation,
and would probably have preserved for an indefinite period the
Moslem empire of Spain in its original integrity. The province of
Septimania, supported by the powerful armies of a united and
homogeneous nation, could then have defied the desultory assaults
of the Franks. The exiles, scattered in distant lands, must by force,
or through inducements of material advantage, have gradually
become amalgamated with their masters; their children would have
professed the prevailing faith; and the progenitors of that dynasty
whose policy controlled the destinies of Europe during the fifteenth
and sixteenth centuries would have disappeared from the knowledge
of man. The severity of this project, dictated partly by religious zeal,
but principally by political acumen, would have been excessive, yet
its beneficial effects upon the fortunes of Islam must have been
incalculable. But the mind of Al-Samh, incapable of appreciating the
paramount importance of the enterprise, despising the Goths of the
sierras as savages, and, like the majority of his countrymen,
underestimating their resolution and capacity for warfare, induced
him to discourage the plan of the Khalif, by representing that it was
unnecessary, on account of the daily increasing numbers of converts
to the doctrines of the Koran. The successful inauguration of a
similar policy by Cromwell in Ireland nine hundred years afterwards,
whose completion, fortunately for the rebellious natives, was
defeated by his death, demonstrates the extraordinary sagacity of
the sovereign of Damascus in devising a measure of statecraft
whose execution portended such important consequences to
modern society, and which has, for the most part, escaped the notice
of the historians of the Moorish empire. Before departing upon his
unfortunate expedition, Al-Samh had left Anbasah-Ibn-Sohim, one of
his most trusty lieutenants, in charge of the affairs of the Peninsula.
The latter, learning of the rout of Toulouse, without delay sent a large
body of troops to the North to cover the retreat of the defeated army;
a precaution rendered unnecessary by the generalship of Abd-al-
Rahman, who was now recognized as emir, the choice of his
comrades being soon afterwards confirmed by the Viceroy of Africa.
The Christians of Gothic Gaul and the Asturias, greatly elated by the
disaster which had befallen their enemies, soon manifested greater
hostility than ever, and it required all the firmness and prudence of
Abd-al-Rahman to restrain them. The insurrection which began to
threaten the power of the Moslems in the trans-Pyrenean province
was, however, crushed before it became formidable; the
mountaineers were driven back into their strongholds; the
suspended tribute was collected, and an increased contribution was
levied upon such communities as had distinguished themselves by
an obstinate resistance.
Although the idol of his soldiers, Abd-al-Rahman was not a
favorite with the great officials of the government. They admired his
prowess, and were not disposed to depreciate his talents, but they
hated him on account of his popularity, for which he was mainly
indebted to his lavish donations to the troops. It was his custom, as
soon as the royal fifth had been set apart, to abandon the remainder
of the spoil to the army, a course so unusual as to provoke the
remonstrances of his friends, while it elicited the applause and
secured the undying attachment of the soldiery. Application was
made by the malcontents to the Viceroy of Africa, Baschar-Ibn-
Hantala, for the removal of Abd-al-Rahman, under the pretext that
the Moslem cause was becoming endangered through the
prevalence of luxury introduced by his unprecedented munificence.
The charges were pressed with such vigor that they prevailed, and
Anbasah-Ibn-Sohim was raised to the emirate. Abd-al-Rahman—
such was the confidence of his opponents in his integrity and
patriotism—was reinstated in the government of Eastern Spain,
which he had held previous to the battle of Toulouse. With the
submission and piety of a faithful Moslem, he congratulated his
successor, swore fealty to him, and retired without a murmur to
reassume a subordinate position in a kingdom which he had ruled
with absolute power. Anbasah soon displayed by active and salutary
measures his fitness for his high office. The administration had
become to some extent demoralized by the easy temper and
prodigal liberality of Abd-al-Rahman, and Anbasah’s first care was to
remodel the fiscal department and adopt a new and more exact
apportionment of taxation. Carefully avoiding any appearance of
injustice to the tributary Christians, he divided among the immigrants
—who now, in larger numbers than ever before, poured into Spain
from Africa and the East—the lands which were unoccupied, and
had hitherto served as pastures to the nomadic Berbers, whose
traditions and habits discouraged the selection of any permanent
habitation. While inflexibly just to the loyal and obedient, Anbasah
punished all attempts at insurrection with a rigor akin to ferocity.
Some districts in the province of Tarragona having revolted on
account of real or fancied grievances, the Emir razed their
fortifications, crucified the leaders, and imposed upon the inhabitants
a double tax, both as a punishment and a warning. In order to keep
alive the respect for the Moslem name, he sent frequent expeditions
into Gaul, whose operations, conducted upon a limited scale, were
mainly confined to the destruction of property and the seizure of
captives.
 The Jewish population of the Peninsula, relieved from the
vexatious laws of the Goths and greatly increased in wealth and
numbers by foreign accessions, had already risen to exalted rank in
the social and political scale under the favorable auspices of
Mohammedan rule. It enjoyed the highest consideration with the
Arabs, whose success had been so largely due to its friendly co-
operation. This community, endowed with the hereditary thrift of the
race, rich beyond all former experience, still ardently devoted to a
religion endeared by centuries of persecution, and by the deeply
grounded hope of future spiritual and temporal sovereignty, was now
startled by the report that the Messiah, whose advent they had so
long and so patiently awaited, had appeared in the East. The highly
imaginative temperament of the Oriental, and the phenomenal
success of the founders of religious systems in that quarter of the
world, had been productive of the rise of many designing fanatics, all
claiming the gifts of prophecy and miracle, and all secure of a
numerous following in an age fertile in impostors. In this instance,
the Hebrew prophet, whose name was Zonaria, had established his
abode in Syria; and thither in multitudes the Spanish Jews,
abandoning their homes and carrying only their valuables,
journeyed, without questioning the genuineness of their information
or reflecting upon the results of their blind credulity. No sooner were
the pilgrims across the strait, than the crafty Emir, declaring their
estates forfeited by abandonment, confiscated the latter, which
included some of the finest mansions and most productive lands in
the Peninsula. This fanatical contagion extended even into Gaul, and
the Jewish colonists of that region hastened to join their Spanish
brethren in their pilgrimage of folly, only to realize, when too late, that
they had lost their worldly possessions without the compensating
advantage of a celestial inheritance.
Having regulated the civil affairs of his government to his
satisfaction, the eyes of Anbasah now turned towards the North,
where lay the tempting prize of France, coveted by every emir since
the time of Musa. The prestige of the Arabs had been materially
impaired by the serious reverse they had sustained before Toulouse.
The first encounter with the fiery warriors of the South whom fear
had pictured as incarnate demons, and whose prowess was said to
be invincible, had divested the foes of Christianity of many of the
terrors which exaggerated rumor had imparted to them. Of the
numerous fortified places in Septimania which had once seemed to
be pledges of a permanent Mohammedan settlement, the city of
Narbonne alone remained. Its massive walls had easily resisted the
ill-directed efforts of a barbarian enemy, unprovided with military
engines, and unaccustomed to the protracted and monotonous
service implied by a siege, while its vicinity to the sea rendered a
reduction by blockade impracticable. Thus, protected by the natural
advantages of its location and by the courage of its garrison,
Narbonne presented the anomaly of an isolated stronghold in the
midst of the enemy’s country. Traversing the mountainous passes
without difficulty the Emir took Carcassonne, a city which had
hitherto enjoyed immunity from capture; and by this bold stroke so
intimidated the inhabitants, that the whole of Septimania at once,
and without further resistance, returned to its allegiance to the Khalif.
No retribution was exacted for past disloyalty, as Anbasah was too
politic not to appreciate the value of clemency in a province held by
such a precarious tenure; the people were left as before to the
untrammelled exercise of their worship; but the unpaid tribute was
rigorously collected, and a large number of hostages, chosen from
the noblest families of the Goths, were sent to Spain.
The Moslem army, proceeding along the coast as far as the
Rhone, turned towards the interior, and ascended the valley of the
river, ravaging its settlements with fire and sword. Advancing to
Lyons, it took that city, and thence directing its course into Burgundy,
it stormed and pillaged the town of Autun. Hitherto the invaders had
encountered no organized opposition, but a hastily collected militia
now began to harass their march, encumbered as they were with a
prodigious booty; and, in a skirmish in which the peasantry displayed
an unusual amount of daring, Anbasah, having rashly exposed
himself, was mortally wounded. The dying Emir bequeathed his
authority to Odrah-Ibn-Abdallah, an appointment distasteful to the
members of the Divan; and, in accordance with their demands, the
Viceroy of Africa designated Yahya-Ibn-Salmah as the successor of
Anbasah. The austere and inflexible spirit of this commander, his
keen sense of justice, and his determination to enforce the strictest