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The Building of Chinese
Ethnicity in Rome
Networks without Borders
Violetta Ravagnoli
 The Building of Chinese Ethnicity in Rome

“Highly original and elaborately reasoned, Violetta Ravagnoli’s work is packed

with unanticipated insights into immigrants who live complex transnational lives in
the emerging, fractious global society of the twenty-first century. A seamless com-
bination of ethnography, oral history, and cultural studies, this book imaginatively
presents the Chinese presence in contemporary Rome, from their perspectives and
from the perspectives of their Italian neighbors.”
—David Gerber, Distinguished Professor Emeritus of History,
State University of New York, Buffalo (SUNY)

“Dr. Ravagnoli’s book is an exciting and important contribution to the field. It is

theoretically significant and empirically rich, illustrating the importance of the
“glocal” approach in studying migration and ethnicity. The numerous migrant
stories highlight the diversity of migrants’ experience, marked by flexibility and
fluidity that the author terms “an enduring translocality.” This includes family and
hometown networks that have remained the strongest bonds transcending borders
and distances. The effective glocal analysis is based on the author’s diligent and
masterful collection and examination of sources in different languages across local
and national boundaries, particularly the vivid and unique oral history and partici-
pant observation facilitated by the author’s fluency in the Chinese language and
her own background as a migrant navigating different spaces and cultures. The
author’s writing style is also distinctly engaging. She names one of her main inter-
viewees after Shan Tao, the sage of the third century in China, both a humorous
tribute to her interviewee and a testimony of her deep knowledge of Chinese his-
tory. While adopting an inherent multidisciplinary perspective, the author’s his-
torical insights also stand out, including her scrutinization of the history of
Esquiline from the foundation of Rome to present to unravel the myth of the “old
splendors” of the region (thus the nativist sentiments against the “Chinese inva-
sion”) and to show that ethnic identity is flexible and historically and situationally
constructed. In a word, the book is an important contribution to the field and,
with its unique case study and writing style, will be useful for both specialists and
the general audience interested in migration, race, ethnicity, modern Chinese his-
tory, and China-Europe relations.”
—Lisong Liu, Professor of History, Massachusetts College of Art
and Design (MassArt), Boston
“The Building of Chinese Ethnicity is an important study that explores the lived
experience of Chinese trans-locality in Rome. Ravagnoli reclaims the term glocal
for her subjects, arguing their experiences must be understood in terms of interna-
tional events and policies on local environments both in their host and sending
cities. Through her extensive use of oral interviews, Ravagnoli allows us to see the
complexities, difficulties, and contradictions inherent in the translocal experience
in very personal ways that nevertheless shed critical light on the larger, transna-
tional context. The Building of Chinese Ethnicity in Rome is imaginative, sensitive,
and innovative.”
—Heather Streets-Salter, Professor of History at Northeastern University
and Associate Vice-Chancellor for Global ConnEXions
 Violetta Ravagnoli

The Building of
Chinese Ethnicity in
Rome
Networks without Borders
Violetta Ravagnoli
Department of History
Emmanuel College - Massachusetts
Boston, MA, USA

ISBN 978-3-031-07024-2    ISBN 978-3-031-07025-9 (eBook)

https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-07025-9

© The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s), under exclusive licence to Springer
Nature Switzerland AG 2022
This work is subject to copyright. All rights are solely and exclusively licensed by the
Publisher, whether the whole or part of the material is concerned, specifically the rights of
translation, reprinting, reuse of illustrations, recitation, broadcasting, reproduction on
microfilms or in any other physical way, and transmission or information storage and retrieval,
electronic adaptation, computer software, or by similar or dissimilar methodology now
known or hereafter developed.
The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc. in this
publication does not imply, even in the absence of a specific statement, that such names are
exempt from the relevant protective laws and regulations and therefore free for general use.
The publisher, the authors, and the editors are safe to assume that the advice and information
in this book are believed to be true and accurate at the date of publication. Neither the
publisher nor the authors or the editors give a warranty, expressed or implied, with respect
to the material contained herein or for any errors or omissions that may have been made. The
publisher remains neutral with regard to jurisdictional claims in published maps and
institutional affiliations.

This Palgrave Macmillan imprint is published by the registered company Springer Nature
Switzerland AG.
The registered company address is: Gewerbestrasse 11, 6330 Cham, Switzerland
 Contents

1 Introduction  1
Methodology   6
Roman-ness  17
“Chinese-ness”  22
Timeframe  25
Chapters  28

2 Chinese
 Migrations in the European Context 31
EU-China Relations  32
Chinese Migrants and the EU  35
Italians and the EU  37
The EU, Migration, and The Paradox of Fortress Europe  38
Conclusion  45

3 Oral
 Accounts of Chinese Migrations to Italy: A History
of Translocality 47
Vignettes  48
Shan Tao  50
Early Comers  58
The Changs  60
Mrs. Wang  61
Recent Comers  62
Mrs. Ye and Mr. Liu, the Journalists  62
Mr. Feng  63

v
vi Contents

A Glance at Second-Generations  65
Conclusion  68

4 Problematizing
 the Roman Chinatown 71
Media Power  80
Comforting Traditions  84
Conclusion  86

5 Roman
 Theater: Italians versus “Others” 89
Social Life in the Esquiline: Attitudes of Interviewees Toward
Chinese Migrants  98
The Rancorous 100
The Indifferent 105
Conclusion 109

6 Historical
 “Fact Checking”: Chronicles and Legacy
of the Esquiline113
Piazza Vittorio 114
Italian Nationalism and the Esquiline 115
#1 Commerce 118
#2 Religion 118
#3 Demographics 119
The Reality of the Esquiline 120
Rome and the Esquiline in Latin Texts 126
Ancient Rome and the Esquiline 129
Medieval Esquiline and the Growing Presence of the Church 133
Conclusion 136

7 Once
 Upon a Time in China: Reverberations of Identities139
Chinese Government and Migration 140
Zhejiang: A Sending Province 144
Wenzhou 144
Qingtian 147
Conclusion 161
 Contents  vii

8 Epilogue: Toward a Glocal Oral History165

Bibliography173

Index189
 CHAPTER 1

Introduction

Don’t ask us for the phrase that can open worlds,Just a few gnarled
syllables, dry like a branch.This today is all we can tell you,what we are
not, what we do not want.
—Eugenio Montale (1925) (Eugenio Montale (1896–1981) is an
Italian writer who won the Nobel Prize in Literature in 1975. The
quote above is part of a poem titled: “Non chiederci la parola” or “Do
not ask us for the phrase,” published in the poetry collection entitled
Ossi di seppia—Cuttlefish Bones

On September 1, 2017 La Repubblica, a prominent Italian newspaper,

published an article declaring the failure of the dream for ethnic integra-
tion in the Roman neighborhood of the Esquiline.1 Since the late 1990s,
the number of migrants arriving and settling in Rome grew by 115%,
while the native population of Rome shrunk instead.2 During those years
of incoming migrations, the Esquiline became the symbol of a multicul-
tural Rome that would potentially lead the country to a new, open and

1
Lagioia, Nicola, “Esquilino e dintorni, il sogno multietnico infranto [Esquiline and sur-
rounding area, the multiethnic dream disrupted]” La Repubblica, from the newspaper online
archive, accessed online at www.larepubblica.it on May 2, 2020.
2
Censis (Centro Studi Investimenti Sociali), “È boom di stranieri: sono il 12.7% a Roma”
[Increase of foreigners: they are 12.7% in Rome] La Repubblica June 22, 2015 accessed on
May 2017 on www.repubblica.it.

© The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer Nature 1

Switzerland AG 2022
V. Ravagnoli, The Building of Chinese Ethnicity in Rome,
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-07025-9_1
2 V. RAVAGNOLI

blended society. This ambitious vision, held in high consideration espe-

cially by progressive politicians and intellectuals, was supposed to reshape
the geography and the sociality of the Esquiline and to lead the whole city
into a new era of harmonious cohabitation. Nicola Lagioia in his book
Esquilino explains how the dream of a multi-ethnic Rome that could
potentially become a model for hospitality for the entire peninsula—ide-
ally leading it toward the implementation of a peaceful multicultural soci-
ety—was instead a shattered dream that had miserably failed.3
The Esquiline today is often referred to as the “Roman Chinatown,”
definition that carries a sense of despair, loss, and carelessness. In another
article on La Repubblica, the Esquiline is defined as a place for melting pot
“vaccinara style” evoking a traditional Roman dish made with the scrap
pieces of a cow, specifically the tail, simmered with a mix of vegetables.4
This stew is expression of a Roman-ness made of thriftiness, ingenuity,
joviality, but also of a poverty-induced laxity; and in the article, it symbol-
izes the controversial designation and existence of a “Roman Chinatown.”
This research started almost twenty years ago, when as a student of
Chinese language, I was eager to find places to practice Mandarin and
meet people of Chinese origins. That was when one of my classmates
enlightened me on a very welcoming Evangelical Church in the Esquiline.
I went for a stroll around Piazza Vittorio but could not find the Church.
The Internet was not mainstream, and it was hard to find precise addresses.
I was looking for a building resembling my image of a Church and not
able to contemplate a place of worship that looked like an apartment or a
store. Nevertheless, the trip was not made in vain, as never had I experi-
enced Rome as I did that day: a city made of small shops, crammed with
“ethnic” goods sold inexpensively and not at high prices as in the “radical-­
chic” shops5 in the most prestigious areas of the city center. Piazza Vittorio
and its surroundings offered, back then, a glimpse of a world to come. The
“ethnic” shops were mostly run by people from South and East Asia and
crowned the famous market in the middle of the Piazza. They grew and

Lagioia, Nicola, Esquilino, (Rome: Edizioni dell’Asino, 2017), p. 25.

3

D’Albergo, Lorenzo “Musei, Melting Pot e Degrado. L’Esquilino in chiaroscuro,

4

[Museums, Melting Pot and Degradation. Contrasts of the Esquiline]” La Repubblica

(Rome: 2018).
5
Term inspired by Tom Wolfe’s book and commonly used in Italian to define the elitist
culture of progressive intellectuals.
 1 INTRODUCTION 3

changed together with the legendary MAS store (Magazzini Allo Statuto),6
which had been a commercial institution for the neighborhood. It opened
during the early 1900s as Castelnuovo, from the name of the Jewish family
who started the business, and later became MAS. It sold inexpensive fab-
ric, textiles of different sorts and for different clienteles, from extravagant
pieces for artists and actors, to clothing for special occasions like weddings
and other religious ceremonies, to batch of nice fabrics like linen and silks.
It was paradoxically the larger versions of contemporary Chinese stores
now dispersed all over the area. MAS closed in 2013, but the three-story
building, the signs, the furniture, and even some of the merchandise, have
not been dismantled yet. As if to symbolize the trajectory of the neighbor-
hood, the abandoned warehouse has become a nostalgic marker of time
passed and ancient glory spoiled.
In those first years of the twenty-first century, “multi-ethnic” had
become a buzz word. I was intrigued by the change I was witnessing.
Immediately after graduation, I decided that it was best to practice my
Mandarin in China, so I left Rome for Nanjing. Every time I was back in
Rome, I inquired about the Esquiline and in exchange I received continu-
ous interrogations about China and its people. In this curiosity I noticed
an intensifying desire to understand this distant “other,” ever more pres-
ent in Rome. Toward the end of the first decade of the 2000s, I perceived
a drastic change in perspectives and attitudes: less curious, more biased.
Since my college years, I never lived in Rome again, and this distance
increased the questions I had about the remaking of Rome, about the
transformation of the city and its people amid interactions with other pop-
ulations. I was then an immigrant myself and questions of identity and
emplacement had become my daily bread.
Today in Rome it is not uncommon to hear phrases like the one Flavia
told me: “I could not find an apple slicer anywhere, then I went to the
Cinese (Chinese) and of course I found it.” She continued “It is a cinesata,7
but it costed only one euro.” The use of the noun and adjective Chinese
has become a synonym for going to the store of last resort, a store that
sells a jumble of low-quality (and, in people’s mind, most probably toxic)

6
Sisti, Enrico, “I magazzini MAS, le macerie del Titanic di Piazza Vittorio a Roma [The
MAS warehouse, the debris of the Titanic of Piazza Vittorio in Rome]” La Repubblica
March 21, 2021, accessed in May, 2021.
7
Proper of the Chinese store, which implies made in China, with cheap and unsafe materi-
als, by workers in poor working conditions.
4 V. RAVAGNOLI

kitchen supplies, Christmas decorations, home appliances, school materi-

als, and “dangerous” children’s toys. Ordinary conversations related to
the Chinese express a mix of derisory dislike and preoccupied contempt,
but in the end, everybody buys in those stores because Chinese prices are
unbeatable, especially in times of financial crisis. Thus, in the last two
decades it has become common practice to state that one is going to the
grocery store (alimentari), the bread store (forno), the hardware store
(ferramenta), or the Chinese. Chinese stores are now established every-
where in Rome, but they first appeared in great numbers in the Esquiline,
which became the contested area that is at the heart of this research.
In the second decade of the twenty-first century, similar confining clas-
sifications have been applied to a new group of migrants increasingly pres-
ent in Rome: the Bangladeshis. They are referred to as Bangla and have
little stores around Rome, reminiscent of small American 7/11s. These
sell small amounts of vegetables, wine, juice, milk, and a few selections of
home supplies and cleaning items. In a city where stores close for lunch
from 1 pm to 4 pm and even the larger supermarkets shut their doors at 8
o’clock at night, these small convenience stores, managed mostly by peo-
ple from Bangladesh, are lifesavers. When migrants from Bangladesh
started opening their stores, they did not concentrate in one neighbor-
hood, but spread their activities consistently all over the city. This strategy
helped their image as they were never perceived by natives as an invading
horde slowly taking over Roman spaces. This happened instead to Chinese
migrants in the Esquiline. Bangladeshi stores are appreciated and there is
even a smart phone application to locate the least expensive and closest to
you Bangla. This app is called Bangla di Roma (Bangladeshis of Rome)
and the description in the Apple Store says, “Their service is needed for
the survival of a wide section of the population (especially students),
whose lives happen at different hours with respect to normal citizens and
whose pockets are almost always empty.”8
Besides the Chinese and the Bangladeshis, there are the Pakistanis, the
Moroccans, the Senegalese, the Romanians, the Filipinos, among many
others. Each ethnic group is associated with a type of store or a specific
profession. I have often had conversations in Italy where to “call a
Romanian” meant to hire somebody that would renovate a room in your
apartment, to “find a Ukrainian” meant to hire someone to take care of
the elders in your family; to “ask your Filipino” meant to ask your cleaning

8
Apple Store IT, accessed on October 2013. The author’s translation.
 1 INTRODUCTION 5

lady (or often guy) for something; to “check at the Senegalese” meant to
look for counterfeit imitations of designer bags and other accessories.
Thus, belonging to an ethnic group comes with a variety of applied
meanings that potentially shape your identity and the relations you will
entertain in loco. Therefore, when a migrant who moves to Rome tries to
develop a social identity in the new environment, he will be screened
through lenses made of classifications based on what his ethnic group is
most known for, does best, or is reputed most useful (or dangerous) by
the host society.
Starting with the late 1980s, the social landscape of Rome became
more heterogeneous. Then, with an increase of intra-ethnic relations,
identities started to be captured by over-simplifications with the risk of
becoming collectively accepted labels. This rudimentary understanding of
ethnicity is a commonly used measure for bare definitions of identity.
Labels become often unmediated identifications affixed without the
encounters and the communications that knowledge of your neighbor
would ideally require, transforming a social process in a one-way “other-
ization.” Under these conditions, essentialized identities come to the fore
as predominant signifiers of someone else’s identity. Identities are much
more complicated categories than single labels; and yet, categorizations
like Bangla of Rome, charged with both utilitarian appreciation and sarcas-
tic judgments, ultimately do have an impact on the ethnicization process
and the formation of social identities of migrants, albeit partial they may be.
Therefore, the catalyst of this research has been the simple inquiry to
understand the formation and development of the “Roman Chinatown.”
Such location remains imagined, without exact physical borders; however,
debated and popularized by mass media and political discourses. In such
discourses, economic, political, social, and cultural traits converge all
together, ultimately shaping the process of ethnicization of Chinese
migrants in Rome, which becomes a tangible reality.
This research poses one overarching question about this experienced
and at the same time ephemeral state of affairs: “What factors do influence
Chinese migrants’ perceptions of their identity and their position as ethnic
Chinese within the Italian society?” To answer this question, the book
traces the history of arrival and emplacement of Chinese migrants in Rome
during the twentieth and early twenty-first century.
As in every story of migration, the emplacement process happens trans-
nationally and locally in both sending and receiving societies. Hence, this
book explores the global and local processes behind labeling, which shape
6 V. RAVAGNOLI

individual and collective identities. It looks at the history of Chinese

migration to Rome by focusing on the arrival and emplacement of Chinese
migrants and investigates the formation of Chinese ethnic identity in
Rome across and beyond national boundaries; that is, it examines migrants’
ethnicization (the process of becoming aware of one’s own ethnicity) in
Rome.9 Ethnicization is never a one way and one-dimensional process;
rather, it is transnational, global, and local at the same time.

Methodology
European research and publications on Chinese migrations increased dur-
ing the 1990s, when the phenomenon was more clearly manifesting itself
in society. In Italy, the early scholars engaged on the topic were mostly
sinologists. They possessed the necessary skills to pursue fieldwork with
migrant communities and produced descriptive works based on local
experiences from a variety of different disciplines (e.g., Chinese migrants
in Turin, in Prato, in Milan and their economic activities and social
characteristics).10
In the 2000s, migrations to Europe became a commonly studied topic
in the social sciences. Therefore, theoretical approaches developed in the
United States since the 1930s surfaced in European studies of migrations,
which developed around discourses of assimilation, integration, transna-
tionalism, localism, globalization, and multiculturalism. Social scientists
intervened in major debates by the typical use of case studies and pro-
duced works on China and Chinese migrations in specific cities (London,

9
Reference to “ethnicity” In The Blackwell Dictionary of Sociology, by Allan G. Johnson.
2nd ed. Blackwell Publishers, 2000. Ethnicity is a concept created to refer to a shared culture
and a way of life, which creates an ethnic collectivity. The term was basically absent in social
studies before the 1970s, but it is an important concept to study the formation of “subcul-
tures in complex societies.” https://ezproxyemc.flo.org/login?url=https://search.credore-
ference.com/content/entry/bksoc/ethnicity/0?institutionId=1968.
10
See for instance: Colombo, M. Wenzhou-Firenze: identità, imprese e modalità di insedia-
mento dei cinesi in Toscana (Firenze Pontecorboli Editore, 1995); Ceccagno, A. Ed. Il caso
delle comunità cinesi in Italia. Comunicazione Interculturale e Istituzioni (Roma: Armando
Editore, 1997); Farina, P. Cina a Milano: famiglie, ambienti e lavori della popolazione cinese
a Milano (Milano: Abitare Segesta, 1997); Francesco Carchedi and Marica Ferri “The
Chinese presence in Italy: dimensions and structural characteristics,” in The Chinese in
Europe, eds. Gregor Benton and Frank N. Pieke (London: Macmillan, 1998).
 1 INTRODUCTION 7

Milan, Prato, Turin, Amsterdam).11 These contributed to clarify the time-

frame of Chinese arrivals and to describe the areas where migrants estab-
lished themselves. In addition, they analyzed demographics and migratory
patterns followed by Chinese migrants, described common economic
activities they pursued, and listed business niches migrants employed to
emplace in European cities.12
Nevertheless, until recently this literature remained focused on the
receiving countries’ perspectives, Italy, or other European states. My
research attempts to fill this gap, bridging communities, following
migrants’ networks beyond national borders and through interactions and
communication. Therefore, by building on the early studies, I will discuss

11
Li, Minghuan. We Need Two Worlds: Chinese Immigrant Associations in a Western Society.
Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press, 1999; Pieke, F. and Hein Mallee, Internal and
International Migration. Chinese Perspectives (Surrey: Curzon Press, 1999); Weber, Maria, Il
miracolo cinese. Perchè bisogna prendere la Cina sul serio (Bologna: Il Mulino, 2001);
Renzo Rastrelli, “L’immigrazione a Prato fra società, istituzioni ed economia”—
“Immigration in Prato between Society, Institutions and Economy” in Migranti a Prato. Il
distretto tessile multietnico—Migrants in Prato. The Multiethnic textile district, ed. Antonella
Ceccagno (Milano: FrancoAngeli, 2003); Christiansen, F. Chinatown, Europe: An explora-
tion of overseas Chinese identity in the 1990s. London and New York: Routledge Curzon, 2003.
12
Luigi Tomba, “Looking Away from the Black Box: Economy and Organization in the
Making of a Chinese Identity in Italy,” in Flemming Christiansen and Ulf Hedetoft (Eds.),
The Politics of Multiple Belonging; Ethnicity and Nationalism in Europe and East Asia,
(Aldershot: Ashgate Publishing Ltd., 2004); Santangelo, A. and Valeria Varriano, Dal
Zhejiang alla Campania. Alcuni aspetti dell’immigrazione cinese (Roma: Nuova Cultura,
2006); Thunø, Mette, Beyond Chinatown. New Chinese Migrations and the Global Expansion
of China (Copenhagen: NIAS Press, 2007); Daniele Cologna, “Il caso Sarpi e la diversifica-
zione dell’imprenditoria cinese” in et al. Un Dragone nel Po. La Cina in Piemonte tra
Percezione e Realta—“The Sarpi Case and the Diversification of Chinese Entrepreneurship”
in A Dragon in the Po River. China in Piedmont between Perception and Reality, eds. Cima,
R. and Dancelli M. (Torino: Edizioni dell’Orso. 2008); Cecchini, Rossella, Lanterne amiche.
Immigrazione cinese e mediazione interculturale a Reggio Emilia (Reggio Emilia: Edizioni
Diabasis, 2009; Luigi Berzano et al., Cinesi a Torino. La Crescita di un Arcipelago—Chinese
in Turin. Growth of an Archipelago, (Bologna: Il Mulino, 2010); Chang, Angela, “20th
Century Chinese Migration to Italy: The Chinese Diaspora Presence within European
International Migration” History Compass Issue 2, (October 2012); Bianchi, C. Il Drago e il
Biscione (Pavia: Ibis, 2012); Berti, F. Pedone V. and Andrea Valzania Vendere e comprare.
Processi di mobilità sociale dei cinesi a Prato (Pisa: Pacini Editore, 2013); Chen, Calvin P.,
“Made in Italy (by the Chinese): Migration and the Rebirth of Textiles and Apparel,” Journal
of Modern Italian Studies, v. 20, n. 1 (January 2015), 111–126; Zhang, Gaoheng, Migration
and Media. Debating Chinese Migration to Italy, 1992–2012 (Toronto: University of Toronto
Press, 2019).
8 V. RAVAGNOLI

Chinese migrating populations from sending communities and in relation

with places of arrival. Below, I combine historical sources, anthropological
and sociological theories, and ethnographic methodologies to create a
comprehensive history of Chinese migrations to Italy around the guiding
question: “What factors do influence Chinese migrants’ perceptions of
their identity and their position as ethnic Chinese within the Italian
society?”
Therefore, to write a history of Chinese migration to Italy centered
around the formation of migrants’ ethnic identity (and their ethniciza-
tion), it is necessary to think about constraints, permissions, limits and
ways-out for each stage of the migratory experience. Therefore, this work
tries to develop simultaneously on different levels of analysis by following
a glocal approach, where reverberances of international relations and poli-
cies can be found in the local environments of both host and sending
societies.
The term glocal is a neologism that received much criticism within the
humanities and social sciences. Scholars have linked the first use of the
term to a translation of the Japanese agricultural practice of dochakuka,
adapting farming techniques to local conditions.13 Edgington and Hayter
explain that this style became the revisited Japanese business practice of
“global localization” used by big corporations like SONY.14 Roudometof,
paraphrasing Thornton, argues that “From a neo- or post-Marxist or criti-
cal perspective, the concept itself can be easily identified with the interests
of corporate elites as an instrument designed to co-opt the local into the
circuits of global capitalism. So, it is hardly surprising that the glocal is cast
in a negative light: glocalization ‘serves capitalist globalization by natural-
izing it, rendering it acceptable by rendering it numbingly familiar’.”15
Roudometof disagreed with this negative view of the glocal and dem-
onstrated that the word’s genealogy remains uncertified as there are other

13
Tullock, S. (1991) Oxford Dictionary of New Words (Oxford: Oxford University Press),
p, 134, cited in Roudometof, V. (2015) “The Glocal and Global Studies” Globalizations,
12:5, p. 775.
14
Edgington, D.W., and Hayter, R. (2012) “Glocalization” and regional headquarters:
Japanese electronics firms in the ASEAN region. Annals of the Association of American
Geographers, 103:3, 647–668 cited in Roudometof, V. (2015) “The Glocal and Global
Studies” Globalizations, 12:5, p. 775.
15
Thornton, W. H. (2000), Mapping the ‘glocal’ village: The political limits of ‘glocaliza-
tion’. Continuum, 14(1), p. 82, cited in Roudometof, V. (2015) “The Glocal and Global
Studies” Globalizations, 12:5, p. 779.
 1 INTRODUCTION 9

examples of the concept and term used for more socially acceptable mat-
ters. For instance, he explains that glocal can be found in practices “more
in tune with ecological efforts to connect the global and the local in order
to create awareness and enhance rethinking of frames of actions” as in the
public utilization of the term by Germany’s Councilor at the 1990 Global
Change Exhibition in Bonn.
In addition, according to Roudometof, the major themes that shape
global studies such as globalization, hybridization, Americanization, trans-
nationalization are often used as synonyms of glocalization, obfuscating
the value of the concept and consequently the literature that makes good
use of it. Those themes tend to be built on the binary perspective of local-­
global, whereas the first is the depository of all communal and social con-
cerns, while the second is interpreted as the manipulative supplier of
corporate or transnational capitalism.16 In this fix dichotomy, the explana-
tory power of glocal remains rather unconvincing.
Then, how can we use glocal studies constructively? In questioning
what does “global studies” mean altogether, Pieterse’s answers resonate
with the historical analysis of Chinese migrations and emplacement in
Rome that I am trying to organize here. He states: “‘Glocalization’ offers
the possibility of a ‘multilevel approach’ that allows for a study of the
interactions between multiple scales, macro, meso and micro.”17 To attain
this multilevel approach, I am fore and foremost inspired by Carlo
Ginzburg’s influential micro history, The Cheese and the Worms, where the
author drew on the oral testimonies of Menocchio, a northern Italian
miller who lived at the end of the sixteenth century and recorded his ideas
during his trial with the Inquisition, which executed him in 1599.
Ginzburg, by using Menocchio’s record, a commoner’s thoughts about
religious and judicial systems during the Renaissance, can reveal where
Menocchio’s ideas intersect with the opinions of the elite (the judges) and
how they shape the social system of the time. Hence, Ginzburg argues for
a “circularity” (a reciprocal impact of elite and commoners’ thinking) of
influences between popular and elite culture, both contributing to the
making of history. Building on Ginzburg and following an inductive tra-
jectory, I try to go beyond Ginzburg’s micro history and present a micro
history within a macro history framework aware of what occurs at the

Roudometof, V. (2015) “The Glocal and Global Studies” Globalizations, 12:5, p. 781.
16

Pieterse, J. N. (2013) “What is Global Studies” Globalizations, 10:4, p. 11, cited in

17

Roudometof, V. (2015) “The Glocal and Global Studies” Globalizations, 12:5, p. 781.
10 V. RAVAGNOLI

meso level. Thus, I hope to contribute to the understanding of the

­building of Chinese ethnic identity in Rome as a consequence of the “glo-
cal circularity” of ideas and perceptions about place, culture, and societies
that shape the process of ethnicization.
Sociologist Glick Schiller suggests not to use “ethnic groups” as units
of analysis. She argues that they circumscribe research within the confines
of methodological nationalism and “believe[s] that international migra-
tion warrants investigation because it is fundamentally problematic for the
cohesion of the ‘host society,’”18 and contributes to anti-immigration
public moods and policies.
Alternative interpretations have emerged among urban geographers,
who have argued for a more global approach to migration, especially con-
sidering urban centers that are reshaped by a globalized economy; they
discuss migrants not as “ethnics” but rather as active agents in the restruc-
turing of capital and rescaling of global cities.19 The concept of scale is
indeed useful to organize research founded at the intersection between
local, national, and global systems. For instance, Ceccagno in her latest
work on Chinese in Prato’s fast fashion industry, City Making and Global
Labor Regimes, applies the notion of migrants as “scale-makers” as sug-
gested by Glick Schiller and develops a multi-scalar analysis of the pro-
cesses that “weave together to create the peculiar history of Prato, a city at
the same time battered by global shifts and where a new structure of
opportunities has emerged.”20
Ceccagno concentrates on labor and labor mobility with an approach
that Kloosterman defined as “mixed embeddedness,”21 when agency is
combined with structure, and argues that by bypassing “the ‘ethnic’
approach” she is able to “unveil the mechanisms of a working regime were
only co-nationals are employed and show that they are linked to the global
18
Glick Schiller, Nina (2012) “Migration and Development Without Methodological
Nationalism. Toward Global Perspective on Migration” in Migration in the 21st century.
Political Economy and Ethnography, Eds. Barber, P. G. and Winnie Lem, (New York:
Routledge), p. 39.
19
Glick Schiller, Nina (2012) “Migration and Development Without Methodological
Nationalism. Toward Global Perspective on Migration” in Migration in the 21st century.
Political Economy and Ethnography, Eds. Barber, P. G. and Winnie Lem, (New York:
Routledge), p. 41.
20
Ceccagno, Antonella (2017) City Making and Global Labor Regimes. Chinese Immigrants
and Italy’s Fast Fashion Industry (Switzerland: Palgrave Macmillan), p. 12.
21
Ceccagno, Antonella (2017) City Making and Global Labor Regimes. Chinese Immigrants
and Italy’s Fast Fashion Industry (Switzerland: Palgrave Macmillan), p. 16.
 1 INTRODUCTION 11

capital transformations and the ability of the supply chains to find ever
newer ways of generating profit.”
Nevertheless, Ceccagno does not disregard the ethnicization process
altogether, yet she situates it in the framework of global production and
local labor dynamics. This framework criticizes neoliberal theories that
analyze migrations as functions of the laws of the market. Against these
backdrops, migrants’ lives are examined as corollary of labor and produc-
tion, flows of capital and capital reproduction, flexible accumulation, and
overall, under the impersonal umbrella of economic hierarchies and global
power struggles. In this way, Ceccagno aims to divert the attention from
the reifying discussions on ethnic communities and ethnocultural
differences.
Anthropologist Elizabeth Krause, in her latest work on Chinese
migrants living and working in the Italian industrial district of Prato,22
conceptualized a mode of investigation that she defined as encounter eth-
nography (an analysis of locality revolved around different sites for encoun-
ters: structural, genealogical, and fieldwork) to capture the many
dimensions of the migration process of Chinese coming to Italy and to
avoid methodological nationalism. The latter segregates migration issues
within the borders of nation-states, and Glick Schiller urged “migration
scholarship to move away from binary divisions of foreigner and natives,
which is legitimated through the adoption of the nation-state as the unit
of both study and analysis, [and which] leaves no conceptual space to
address questions of the global restructuring of region and locality that
serves as the nexus of migrant incorporation and transnational connection
and to which migrants contribute in ways that may rescale cities.”23
Therefore, Krause follows Glick Schiller’s suggestion not to center research
on the ethnic group, but rather to develop a “locality analysis” of a global
power paradigm [which] places migrants and natives in the same concep-
tual framework.24 Hence, she writes about Chinese migrants in Italy as a
function of global and neoliberal capitalism and wishes to move beyond

22
Krause, Elizabeth (2018) Tight Knight. Global Families and the Social Life of Fast Fashion
(Chicago: Chicago University Press).
23
Glick Schiller, Nina (2012) “Migration and Development Without Methodological
Nationalism. Toward Global Perspective on Migration” in Migration in the 21st century.
Political Economy and Ethnography, Eds. Barber, P. G. and Winnie Lem (New York:
Routledge), p. 47.
24
Glick Schiller, Nina (2012) “Migration and Development Without Methodological
Nationalism. Toward Global Perspective on Migration” in Migration in the 21st century.
12 V. RAVAGNOLI

the two-dimensional perspective of world system; that is, one explained

through culture or the other analyzed through economic lens. This meth-
odology—“locality analysis” through ethnographic encounters—allows for
scalar movements across levels of analysis. To avoid the risk of falling into
schemes of methodological nationalism, I also employ ethnographic
research to study the interactions of individual actors from different
collectivities.
In sum, I use glocal here outside the structures of business and eco-
nomics that have obscured the concept, but more as a “sophisticated ver-
sion of globalization.”25 Khondker explains that the concept of glocal is
more dynamic than just “global” as it is able to incorporate elements that
can be controversial, like ethnicity, and yet crucial for migration studies.
I do wish to move away from the “ethnic” analysis criticized by Glick-­
Schiller, which emphasizes the binary division of “us” versus “them” and
that stresses hierarchy and power within a nation-state. However, I remain
convinced that the process of ethnicization is at the core of migrants’ pro-
cesses of encounters with the host society and emplacement in it. Therefore,
ethnicity cannot be bypassed while tracing the history of Chinese migra-
tion to Rome, especially not when recording oral history of migrants
within a historical bottom-up perspective.
In the vitality of the glocal approach, I see the possibility to be critically
reconciled with the use of “ethnicity” as a flexible identifier. Beneficial ele-
ments of the glocal approach are: the awareness that diversity is the essence
of social life and that differences can never be completely erased; “that
history and culture operate autonomously to offer a sense of uniqueness
to the experiences of groups (whether cultures, societies or nations), and
that glocalization removes the fear that globalization resembles a tidal
wave erasing all differences; finally, that glocalization does not promise a
world free from conflict but offers a more historically grounded and prag-
matic worldview.”26 Khondker’s glocal framework is the optimal back-
ground to reevaluate the use of “ethnicity” and all its composite derivations
when studying migrations.

Political Economy and Ethnography, Eds. Barber, P. G. and Winnie Lem, (New York:
Routledge), p. 46.
25
Khondker, H. H. (2005), “Globalisation to glocalization: A conceptual exploration.
Intellectual Discourse,” 13(2), 181–199, cited in Roudometof, V. (2015) “The Glocal and
Global Studies” Globalizations, 12:5, p. 777.
26
Khondker, H. H. (2005), “Globalisation to glocalization: A conceptual exploration.
Intellectual Discourse,” 13(2), 181–199, cited in Note 2 in Roudometof, V. (2015) “The
Glocal and Global Studies” Globalizations, 12:5, p. 784.
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Mexico, Franciscanos y quejas de Indios. MS. 1672. folio.
Mexico, Gaceta del Gobierno Supremo. Mexico, 1826 et seq.
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Mexico, Historia de la Revolucion de Mexico contra la Dictadura
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Mexico, Hostilities by (29 Cong. 1st. Sess. House Ex. Doc. 196).
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Mexico, Important official Documents, n.pl., n.d.
Mexico in 1842. New York, 1842.
Mexico, Indemnities, Convention of Jan. 30, 1843 (28 Cong. 2d
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Mexico, Indicacion del orígen de los estravios del Cong. Mex.
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Mexico, Informacion sobre el tumulto. In Doc. Hist. Mex., serie ii.,
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Mexico, Informe (A very large number of reports by various
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Mexico, Iniciativa del Gobierno para la demarcacion de la linea de
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Mexico, Iniciativa que la Exma Junta Departamental hace al
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Mexico, Instruccion Provisional á que han de arreglarse las
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Mexico, Its present Government and its Political Parties.
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Mexico, Juicio Imparcial sobre los Acontecimientos en 1828-29.
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Mexico, La Intervencion Europea en Mexico. Filadelfia, 1859.
Mexico, La Intervencion y la Monarquía. Washington, 1862.
Mexico, La Ley. Toluca, 1871 et seq.
Mexico, Legislacion Mejicana, Coleccion completa de las Leyes
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Mexico, Ley decretada por el Congreso general estableciendo un
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Mexico, Ley de 4 de Nov. de 1848 sobre arreglo del ejército.
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Mexico, Ley de Presupuestos Generales de la República
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Mexico, Ley orgánica de la guardia de seguridad.
Mexico, Ley orgánica de la Guardia Nacional. Mexico, 1857.
Mexico, Ley para al arreglo de la Admin. de Justicia. Guadalajara,
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Mexico, Ley penal para los Desertores del Ejército. Mexico, 1839.
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Mexico, Ley que arregla las procedimientos Judiciales. La Paz,
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Mexico, Ley sobre derechos y observaciones parroquiales.
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Mexico, Ley sobre Libertad de Cultos. Mexico, 1861.
Mexico, Leyes á las que ha debido arreglarse la eleccion de los
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Mexico, Lista pormenorizada de los daños, etc. MS.
Mexico, Manifestacion de las actas de las discusiones, etc.
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Mexico, Manifestacion que hace al público la comision nombrada
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Mexico, Manifestacion que el Exmo Ayuntamiento hace al público,
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Mexico, Manifestacion que la Exma Junta Departamental de
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Mexico, Manifiesto de la Cámara de Diputados en la legislatura de
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Mexico, Manifiesto del Congreso General en el presente Año.
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Mexico, Manifiesto del Gobierno Constitucional á la Nacion.
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Mexico, Manifiesto del Supremo Tribunal de Guerra. n.pl., n.d.
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Mexico, Memoria de Plumages. In Pacheco and Cárdenas, Col.
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Mexico, Memorias (Regular Reports of the different government
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Mexico, Memorandum de los Negocios Pendientes entre Mexico y
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Mexico, Memorial de lo sucedido en la ciudad de Mexico desde el
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Mexico, Mensage del Presidente. [Cited by dates.]
Mexico, Merced de S. M. de las cosas arzobispales al Obispo D.
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Mexico, Noticia Histórica de Infantería. Mexico, 1840.
Mexico, Noticia Histórica de los Cuerpos de Caballería. Mexico,
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Mexico, Noticias de la ciudad. Mexico, 1855.
Mexico, Noticias de Mexico y sus contornos. MS. folio.
Mexico, Observaciones generales sobre Caminos de Hierro.
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Mexico, Observaciones que hace el ejecutivo al Proyecto de
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Mexico, Observaciones sobre la Influencia del Comercio
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Mexico, Observaciones sobre las facultades del Congreso
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Mexico, Observaciones sobre reformas á las leyes
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Mexico, Observations on the origin and conduct of the war with.
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Mexico, Occupation by French troops. Message of the President,
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Mexico, Ordenanza de la division de la nobilísima ciudad de
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Mexico, Ordenanza de la renta del Tabaco, 24 de Agosto, 1846.
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Mexico, Ordenanza del ramo de carnes. Mexico, 1850.
Mexico, Ordenanza general de Aduanas Marítimas y fronterizas.
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Mexico, Ordenanza militar para el régimen, disciplina, etc., del
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Mexico, Ordenanza militar provisional que debe observar el
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Mexico, Ordenanzas de esta nobilíssima ciudad. Mexico, 1775.
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Mexico, Ordenanzas de la fiel executoria formadas por la ciudad
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Mexico, Ordenanzas para el régimen de los tenderos y tiendas de
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Mexico, Ordenanzas que se han de observar y guardar en la muy
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Mexico, Pamphlets. A Collection.
Mexico, Papeles Varios. A Collection.
Mexico, Papers relating to. Washington, 1866.
Mexico, Periódico Oficial. Mexico, 1863 et seq.
Mexico, Piezas Justificativas del Arreglo de la deuda Esterna de
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Mexico, Presupuesto del Ministerio de Guerra y Marina 1o Julio de
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Mexico, Presupuesto del Ministerio de Hacienda de 1o Jul. de
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Mexico, Presupuesto del Ministerio de Justicia, etc., del 1o de
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Mexico, Presupuesto del Ministerio de Relaciones, etc., 1849, 1o
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Mexico, Presupuesto de los gastos que en un mes. Mexico, 1850.
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Mexico, Proceso instructivo formado por la seccion del Gran
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Mexico, Puntos del parecer que el Señor Auditor de guerra, etc.,
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Mexico, Razon de los préstamos que ha negociado el Supremo
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Mexico, Reales Aranzeles de los ministros de la Real Audiencia.
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Mexico, Reflexiones importantes sobre la inconveniencia del
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Mexico, Reflexiones sobre el acuerdo del Senado, adopcion del
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Mexico, Reflexiones sobre el ramo de Alcabalas. Mexico, 1848.
Mexico, Reflexiones sobre la Independencia. Guadalajara, 1821.
Mexico, Reglamento de Aduanas Marítimas. Mexico, 1829. 4to.
Mexico, Reglamento de la casa de Moneda. Tlalpan, 1827.
Mexico, Reglamento de la Direccion de Colonizacion. Mexico,
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Mexico, Reglamento del Archivo general y público de la Nacion.
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Mexico, Reglamento del cuerpo de cosecheros de Tabaco.
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Mexico, Reglamento del Teatro de Mex. Ap. 11. 1786. [Mexico,
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Mexico, Reglamento é instruccion para los presidios. Mexico,
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Mexico, Reglamento general de la libertad de imprenta. Mexico,
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Mexico, Reglamento interino y Provisional para la Comisaria
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Mexico, Reglamento para el corso de particulares en la presente
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Mexico, Reglamento para el establecimiento de las colonias
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Mexico, Reglamento para el gobierno interior del Congreso
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Mexico, Reglamento para el Gobierno interior de la Suprema
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Mexico, Reglamento para el Gobierno interior de los tribunales
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Mexico, Reglamento para el gobierno interior y económico de la
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Mexico, Reglamento para el Supremo Tribunal de Justicia del
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