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Communication
Theory for Humans
COMMUNICATORS IN
A MEDIATED WORLD
NEIL O’BOYLE
Communication Theory for Humans
“In contrast to most academic work, which is a pain to read, Neil O’Boyle’s book is
clear, engaging, lucid and quite often funny. It deals with complex topics in a thoughtful
manner but, at the same time, doesn’t take itself or its subject matter too seriously.
Perhaps most importantly of all, it may actually get undergraduates to read something!”
—Dr Michael Skey, Senior Lecturer in Communication and Media, School of Social
Sciences and Humanities, Loughborough University, UK
“This book provides students with an introduction to the foundational texts in com-
munication theory and human interaction. While many textbooks exist on this subject,
what distinguishes Neil O’Boyle’s book is its innovative structure with chapters organ-
ised around six core concepts, including ‘authors’, ‘influencers’, and ‘produsers’. With
an emphasis on real life examples, O’Boyle helps theory come alive, aided by his deeply
engaging and personal writing style. This will be a valuable text for students and teach-
ers alike.”
—Dr Anamik Saha, Senior Lecturer in Media and Communications,
Goldsmiths University, UK
Neil O’Boyle
Communication Theory
for Humans
Communicators in a Mediated World
Neil O’Boyle
Dublin City University
Dublin, Ireland
This Palgrave Macmillan imprint is published by the registered company Springer Nature
Switzerland AG.
The registered company address is: Gewerbestrasse 11, 6330 Cham, Switzerland
For my mother and father
Preface
vii
viii PREFACE
References
Berger, C. R. (1991) ‘Communication Theories and Other Curios’, Communication
Monographs 58(1): 101–113.
Floyd, K. (2014) ‘Humans Are People, Too: Nurturing an Appreciation for Nature in
Communication Research’, Review of Communication Research 2(1): 1–29.
Jenkins, H., Peters-Lazaro, G. and Shresthova, S. (eds) (2020) Popular Culture and the
Civic Imagination. New York: New York University Press.
Liep, J. (2001) Locating Cultural Creativity. London: Pluto Press.
Acknowledgements
Every book is a collective endeavour and this one is no different. First off, my
sincere thanks to Lauriane Piette at Palgrave and Immy Higgins at Springer
Nature for their incredible patience, guidance, and support throughout the
entire process. I also wish to sincerely thank the reviewers of the book for their
encouragement and invaluable suggestions, and for very generously providing
endorsements. They are (in alphabetical order!): Anamik Saha, Bethany Klein,
and Michael Skey. Special thanks also to Jeff Pooley for his very kind
endorsement.
I wish to express my gratitude to my colleagues at the School of
Communications, Dublin City University, for their friendship and intellectual
hospitality over the past thirteen years. My sincere thanks also to my students
for their passion, wisdom, and attendance. (Most pedagogical discussion nowa-
days centres on ‘in-class engagement’ but such discussion is rather moot if
nobody turns up in the first place).
Finally, sincere thanks to my family. I am eternally grateful to my amazing
wife Miriam and to my wonderful sons Ronan and Eoin for their love, support,
and incredible patience. I also apologise profusely to them for my incessant
tapping on the keyboard at all hours, for my mood swings and pacing, and for
my irritatingly loud ‘self-talk’. Thanks also to my brothers Will, Frank, Rob,
and Eamonn for their constant support. Lastly, my heartfelt thanks to my
mother and father for always being there for me and for helping me in more
ways than they will ever know. This book is dedicated with love to them.
xi
Contents
1 Introduction 1
7 Produsers:
New Media Audiences and the Paradoxes of
Participatory Culture153
8 Concluding Thoughts183
Index205
xiii
List of Figures
xv
CHAPTER 1
Introduction
1
Relatedly, in their recent book Changing News Use: Unchanged News Experiences? (2021),
Irene Costera Meijer and Tim Groot Kormelink argue that while practices around news consump-
tion are evolving and diversifying—for example, in addition to reading, watching, and listening, we
now also scroll, tag, check, and sometimes actively avoid news—‘many underlying patterns of news
experience—how people appreciate news—are surprisingly durable’ (p.2). Indeed, James Carey
(2009: 17) similarly observes that ‘news changes little and yet is intrinsically satisfying; it performs
few functions yet is habitually consumed’.
2
The first academic paper I always assign my theory classes to read is Howard Becker’s ‘Becoming
a Marijuana User’. This paper was published way back in 1953 and yet it remains one of the best
examples of ‘applied’ symbolic interactionism. We will briefly examine this paper in Chapter 2;
however, I mention it here simply because it offers an excellent example of how scholarly works can
act as catalysts for our imagination. For example, Carter and Fuller (2016: 938) observe that ‘to
this day, when students read ‘Becoming a Marijuana User’ they realise how creative one can be as
a researcher; Becker was instrumental in inspiring scholars to dare to examine unique, taboo, and
esoteric phenomena not studied by others’.
1 INTRODUCTION 3
that scholarly theories consist of rules and principles that have been tested by
experience. Of course, this should not be taken to suggest that they are always
correct. Likewise, it is important to remember that every theory is partial,
which is to say that in focusing on some things it invariably overlooks or disre-
gards others.
A number of metaphors and analogies have been put forward to explain
how theories work. They are ‘tools’ to help us build explanations; they are
‘bridges’ that lead to fuller understandings of phenomena. Littlejohn and Foss
(2011) liken theories to guidebooks, which is a particularly helpful way of
thinking about them. Guidebooks, such as those published by Lonely Planet or
Rough Guides, are valuable sources of information and can tell us much about
the interesting things to see and do when visiting particular places. But guide-
books also leave out a great deal about the culture and history of places, and
they generally contain little or no information about regions or locales that are
unpopular with tourists. Theories can be thought about in much the same way:
they will be of considerable use to us so long as we don’t fool ourselves into
thinking that they describe and explain everything.
Communication Studies
Communication studies as an academic discipline or field originated in the
United States in the mid-twentieth century, which makes it relatively ‘young’
in historical terms. In fact, Pooley (2021: 143) points out that ‘until the
1940s, no such thing as communication research’ even existed. Moreover, at
that time and for a number of years after, the term ‘communication theory’
was mostly used in the context of electrical engineering (Craig and Muller
2007: xiv). Like other academic disciplines, communication studies has a
number of founding myths and origin stories, however, Pooley and Park
(2008: 1) argue in their landmark volume, The History of Media and
Communication Research: Contested Memories, that on the whole ‘there is very
little history of mass communication research’. Wilbur Schramm (mentioned
above) was one of the first to self-identify as a communications scholar and in
the post-World War II era he helped to establish a number of important com-
munication institutes, such as those at the University of Illinois at Urbana-
Champaign and Stanford University. During those early years and for much of
the twentieth century, mediated communication—or more precisely, mass-
mediated communication (e.g., newspapers, radio, television, etc.)—was the
primary ‘stuff’ of communication studies, though research on interpersonal
communication was also carried out by scholars specialising in linguistics and
social psychology. In fact, Berger argues that from the start, communication
studies was really a ‘melange of disciplines’ (1991: 103). He points out, for
example, that the nascent field was shaped initially by social behaviourism and
sociology (discussed in Chap. 2), but also by political science and psychology,
and later by British cultural studies. Like Berger, Silvio Waisbord argues that
communication studies has always been an eclectic and fragmented patchwork
4 N. O’BOYLE
Communication has a very simple problem: The closeness of its object to every-
body’s reality and experience makes everybody a self-proclaimed “expert.” People
say, “Because I watch a lot of television (be it as a politician, a spokesperson,
spindoctor, or just a parent), I have at least as much to say as a researcher in this
field.” This problem does not apply to a physicist or a neurologist. But it happens
to us, and it sometimes makes it hard to defend research against common wisdom
or claims from interested parties. (Donsbach 2006: 445)
3
As Pooley (2016: xii) humorously puts it, ‘“communication”, as an organized academic enter-
prise, was jerrybuilt atop a motley cluster of barely compatible, legitimacy-starved skills-training
traditions’.
1 INTRODUCTION 5
and impoverished people around the world, ‘it remains an everyday experience,
indirectly, directly or structurally’ (Constantinou et al. 2008: 5/6). Equally, it
is important to acknowledge that the pace and nature of technological change
depend entirely on the geographical context (Curran et al. 2016) and that
despite significant progress, a ‘digital divide’ remains globally. This term high-
lights that although the internet is technically available worldwide, there remain
significant differences both between and within countries in respect of access,
skills, and levels of usage. At a minimum, we can think of a first- and second-
level digital divide: the first comes down to material access, while the second
concerns the extent to which individuals are equipped to use digital technolo-
gies (Hargittai 2002). Such debates also bring to light differences in media
ecosystems. For example, in some countries, indigenous language media and
older, more traditional forms, such as community radio and newspapers, con-
tinue to play a vital role in information-sharing and bottom-up participation,
though their future survival is far from guaranteed. For instance, Salawu (2015)
highlights that the future remains precarious for many local language newspa-
pers in sub-Saharan Africa.
It is important to note that something of a digital divide can be found in all
countries, including wealthy ones. Even in the United States—the birthplace of
Google, Apple, Microsoft, Amazon, and Facebook—internet connectivity
remains an issue for many people. For example, in his recent book Farm Fresh
Broadband: The Politics of Rural Connectivity (2021), Christopher Ali describes
the persistence of a rural-urban digital divide and the widespread lack of broad-
band in rural America. Likewise, in the United Kingdom, 10 per cent of the
adult population (5.3 million people) were classified as ‘internet non-users’ in
2018 (Office for National Statistics 2019). That said, the digital divide is much
more pronounced in poorer countries, which again reminds us that physical
places continue to matter in our increasingly mediated world. Couldry and
Hepp (2017: 78) argue that ‘locations of high media connectivity’ are privi-
leged in the present day, while Florida (2002) similarly argues that places with
advanced technological infrastructures and skilled, diverse workforces tend to
be the most economically successful. Unfortunately, many people across the
globe do not live in such places. As United Nations Deputy Secretary-General
Amina Mohammed starkly put it in April 2021, ‘Almost half the world’s popu-
lation, 3.7 billion people, the majority of them women, and most in developing
countries, are still offline’ (United Nations 2021). Indeed, even though it is
sometimes framed as a great ‘leveller’, the ongoing COVID-19 pandemic has
in fact deepened the isolation and inequality experienced by some people
(Sobande 2020).4
4
Relatedly, activists sometimes suffer the delusion that everyone is equally attentive to their
cause—or at least should be. But of course some people, such as those facing starvation, have little
concern for causes other than how to obtain food. As the humanist psychologist Abraham Maslow
once famously put it: ‘For the man who is extremely and dangerously hungry, no other interests
exist but food. He dreams food, he remembers food, he thinks about food, he emotes only about
food, he perceives only food and he wants only food’ (Maslow 1943: 374).
1 INTRODUCTION 7
Communicators
As the title suggests, our focus in this book is on embodied, symbol-using,
socially situated human communicators. Readers will appreciate (in being one
of them!) that humans communicate in numerous ways—with their words and
language, their posture, their tone of voice, their facial expressions, their move-
ment or stillness, their eye contact or avoidance, their silences, their clothes,
their hobbies and interests, and much more. Human bodies differ, personalities
differ, and moods differ from situation to situation. We are sometimes discern-
ing, sceptical, critical; at other times gullible, impressionable, manipulable.
Most of us are consumers, viewers, readers, listeners, lurkers, and users; many
of us are also fans, hobbyists, and creators. Some of us are influencers and some
are trolls; a few are media moguls and a few are changemakers. Some, such as
the climate activist Greta Thunberg, have become famous ‘global communica-
tors’ (Hautea et al. 2021: 2) while the majority of us live out our lives known
mainly to family, friends, colleagues, and acquaintances. And yet all human
communicators, no matter how lowly—no matter if they spend their days beg-
ging, picking fruit, washing dishes, breaking stones, or sweeping floors—have
some communicative power, and in this book we will explore some of the
diverse forms this can take. Each chapter uses a single concept—actors, narra-
tors, members, performers, influencers, and produsers—to explore key ideas,
theories, and thinkers. Altering our vantage point in this way enables us to
think about communicators (including ourselves) through different conceptual
prisms. Each concept offers a unique, though related, way of thinking about
interacting selves and the wider groups and networks to which they belong,
and each chapter deliberately includes a mix of early and recent studies to
enable readers to historically locate concepts and trace their evolution.5 Media
are central to this discussion, but it is important to reiterate that human com-
municators—and how they communicate, relate, and make meaning in their
lives—are our primary concern.
This book weaves together a number of different theories and perspectives
on communication; however, it advances from a view of human beings as inter-
active and reflexive meaning-makers. Though commonplace nowadays, such a
view is still relatively recent when considered in terms of the long history of
humankind, and its wide endorsement owes much to a theoretical perspective
associated mainly with sociology but which has also had a profound influence
on the field of communication studies generally: symbolic interactionism.
Symbolic interactionism, which we examine in the next chapter, emerged in
the early to mid-twentieth century in the writings of scholars such as George
Herbert Mead and Herbert Blumer and was largely a response to what were
perceived as serious shortcomings in the dominant theoretical perspectives of
5
Rob Stones (2008: 5) rightly argues that older theories ‘can be very helpful in the analysis of
new societal features, just as new ways of seeing things can provide fresh insights not only into new
societal features but also into long-standing and/or historical societal features’.
8 N. O’BOYLE
the day. In particular, these scholars took issue with psychology’s tendency to
explain human behaviour in terms of attitudes, drives, and conscious and
unconscious motives, and sociology’s tendency to explain it in terms of social
position, social status, and social roles. In both cases, argued symbolic interac-
tionists, ‘the meanings of things for the human beings who are acting are either
bypassed or swallowed up in the factors used to account for their behaviour’
(Blumer, 1998[1969]: 3). Consequently, scholars working in this tradition
espouse a view of human beings as first and foremost social animals and argue
that meanings arise primarily through their communicative interactions. As
already noted, this view has gained considerable ground and over the course of
the twentieth century the formerly sharp demarcations between traditional
sociology, psychology, and interactionist perspectives softened considerably. Of
course, this is not to suggest that disciplinary boundaries have evaporated but
rather simply that many contemporary scholars are reluctant to narrowly label
their work.
In this book readers will encounter a range of theories about, and approaches
to, the study of communication, but at all times the primary focus will be on
human communicators. It is fitting therefore that we begin with symbolic
interactionism. Nevertheless, it is equally important to emphasise that none of
the theories described in the chapters that follow are simple ‘offshoots’ of this
general perspective; indeed, few of the thinkers we will encounter can be
labelled narrowly as symbolic interactionists. (This includes Erving Goffman,
whom we will meet in Chap. 5 and whose work has long been associated with
the perspective.) Likewise, as described in the next chapter, symbolic interac-
tionism has also been challenged and critiqued in various ways. Despite all of
this, we can say with confidence that many of the thinkers we encounter in this
book have at one point or another acknowledged an intellectual and theoretical
debt to scholars such as George Herbert Mead and Herbert Blumer, and there-
fore it is perhaps reasonable to suggest that something of a symbolic interac-
tionist thread weaves its way through all of the chapters that follow.6
6
Though we give his work scant attention in this book, it is important to add that James Carey’s
(2009) ‘cultural approach’ to communication was also heavily inspired by the Chicago School of
symbolic interactionism. For Carey, ‘the most viable though still inadequate tradition of social
thought on communication comes from those colleagues and descendants of Dewey in the
Chicago School: from Mead and Cooley through Robert Park and on to Erving Goffman’
(2009: 19).
1 INTRODUCTION 9
important to reiterate for readers that this book is not intended as a standalone
text but rather has been designed to be read alongside other books and articles.
One of my goals has been to make it as accessible, free-flowing, and engaging as
possible; however, I have also tried to ensure that the theoretical scaffolding is
built clearly and consistently, and that the core concepts are thoroughly
explained. Where necessary for explanatory purposes—and in the interests of
faithfully representing their ideas—I cite the actual words of key thinkers
(though I have also been careful not to clutter the text with endless quotes and
citations).
While we are on the subject of language, it is important to draw the reader’s
attention to the gendered nature of some of the words and terms used in earlier
chapters, especially in scholarly works dating from the early and mid-twentieth
century—a time when male/masculine pronouns were the default. For exam-
ple, in the following passage, in which he describes the inseparability of indi-
vidual and collective selves, Mead writes, ‘The individual possesses a self only
in relation to the selves of the other members of his social group; and the
structure of his self expresses or reflects the general behaviour pattern of this
social group to which he belongs, just as does the structure of the self of every
other individual belonging to this social group’ (2015[1934]: 164, my empha-
sis). Some readers may be uncomfortable with these pronouns, but it is impor-
tant to remember that their use does not invalidate the arguments being made
but simply reflects the historical context in which they were written. That said,
it is vital that we pay attention to language. Indeed, Jeff Pooley (2021: 139)
sensibly suggests that historians of communication should ‘linger more delib-
erately, more patiently, on the words that past scholars actually used’—advice
that should also be heeded by students of communication, in my opinion.
As already explained, this book charts a communicator-centred course
through human communication and draws mainly on the work of media and
communication scholars as well as other social scientists. However, some read-
ers may wish to ‘read around’ the subject and perhaps look more closely at the
contributions of psychologists, linguists, biologists, and other specialists. For
example, in the Preface I noted that Kory Floyd (2014) has criticised the com-
munication studies field for ignoring the contributions of biologists. Floyd also
argues that much communication theory is ‘needlessly anthropocentric’ (p.1)
in the sense that it gives human explanations for behaviours (e.g., aggression,
fear, and arousal) that are not uniquely human. Indeed, it is worth noting, as
the naturalist Simon Barnes (2018) points out, that humans and animals com-
municate in lots of similar ways (e.g., by using sounds, gestures, movements,
etc.) and that they also communicate with each other. For example, dogs will
bark, scratch doors, and run around in circles when they need to ‘relieve’ them-
selves. A more celebrated example involved a chimpanzee named Washoe who
famously learned American sign language in the 1960s.7 We do not have space
7
It is worth adding here that in 2021 the Swedish scholars Susanne Schotz, Joost van de Weijer,
and Robert Eklund were awarded the prestigious Ig-Nobel prize for biology for their research on
‘cat-human communication’.
Another random document with
no related content on Scribd:
pleasant stir, and the insects began to chirp in low tones as if not
quite sure the night was coming.
“What a delightful day! Though I have not done half the things that
I meant to,” said Miss Lucy as they were nearing home. “We were to
look over those Russian views this afternoon, and I was to show you
my sketches. It is all Winthrop’s fault. We shall have to take the day
over again, Fanny.”
“I cannot say that I am sorry I came, having a high regard for the
truth. But then I am going; and the world will still last;” he returned.
“That must be our comfort.”
“I wish you and your sister would come over soon, not merely to
tea, but to spend a good long afternoon;” said Miss Churchill. “And I
have a basket of flowers to send home with you.”
“Does Miss Endicott go alone?” Winthrop asked.
“In the carriage—unless you should have the politeness to
accompany her,” answered Miss Churchill rather inconsequently.
“With pleasure—if Aunt Lucy can spare me.”
“I shall march straight to bed, you saucy boy.”
The ladies were helped out. Fanny thought she had better keep
right on. Miss Churchill brought a great basket of fragrance and
beauty, and said she would send the parcel over the next morning,
“that is if you are quite sure that you will not feel patronized,” she
whispered.
“No,” returned Fan frankly. “Rose and I will be most grateful.”
Lucy kissed her good by. Miss Churchill’s farewell was a little more
formal, but full of sweet cordiality. The coachman sprang up in his
seat and turned the horses slowly.
Mr. Churchill assisted Lucy up the steps. “What a pretty behaved
girl,” he said. “She is bright and pleasant without being bold or
underbred. And she enjoys everything so thoroughly.”
“She makes one feel young again. She fairly gives of her own
abundant youth.”
In the meanwhile the two rode home together. There was no
moon, but the stars were out by thousands, shining in all their glory.
They talked of the beauty of the night, of the improvements in the
town, and he asked what was going on in the way of entertainment.
This was how Fan came to mention the picnic, and Mr. Ogden was
interested in it immediately.
Nelly and the elders were sitting in the wide, airy hall with the lamp
in the back part, making a golden twilight within. Fan set her flowers
in the midst, and all the air was sweet.
Such a lovely day as it had been! The talk and visiting, the dinner
and tea, the two rides,—Miss Churchill and Miss Lucy—the kindly
messages to mamma,—the invitation to tea, and best of all, the
thought about papa’s sermon. Fan had a way of bringing something
home from every place for every body. It was as good as going
yourself.
“So papa, dear, it wasn’t my fascination altogether, but a little
pinch of your good seed. It springs up occasionally where you do not
expect it. And now tell me what you have been doing?”
Our day had proved one of the unsatisfactory days.
Mamma had gone out in the morning to make some calls, and
found Mrs. Day’s baby very sick. Edith started from her nap in
affright, and while I went down to soothe her, Stuart had tormented
my patient into a fit of passion, so that he had a headache and could
eat no dinner. Then there had been a steady stream of visitors all the
afternoon.
“I didn’t get much of your trimming done,” I said to Fan, “but the
picnic is not until Tuesday.”
“And I can work like a Trojan to-morrow. Oh! mamma and Rose,
there is something else—I hope you will think I have acted rightly
about it.”
Then followed an account of the gift.
“I do not see how you could well have done differently. Miss
Churchill was very kind and delicate.”
“Fan,” exclaimed papa as if waking out of a dream—“I think I do
see the good seed. But some things are best to let grow by
themselves. If you poke about the roots and snip off and tie up, you
don’t get half the bloom and beauty. People like the Churchills might
bring forth so much fruit. Perhaps it will come. The same God who
made the gourd, made the century plant. Mother, couldn’t we have a
quiet little hymn?”
It was a trick he had when there was any special thing on his
mind. Mamma’s soft playing seemed to smooth out the tangles.
We sang with her, and then kissed each other good night.
The next day was ever so much better. Mamma had talked to both
of the boys, and I think Louis did try to be patient and pleasant. Fan
came in and helped entertain him while we both sewed. The dresses
were sent with a note from Miss Churchill, and mamma thought them
extremely pretty. We finished Fan’s pique all but the button holes, by
night.
Just after tea Mrs. Day sent over. Mamma answered the summons
and staid until ten, then she came home to tell us that the poor little
life had gone out here, to blossom brighter elsewhere. She had
washed it and dressed it for the last time, with her tender hands.
Mrs. Downs had come to stay all night, for Mrs. Day was in violent
hysterics.
Early Sunday morning the baby was buried. Three little graves in a
row, and only Betty and Jem left. I stopped in Church just a moment
to give thanks on my knees that our little flock were all alive and well.
“I wonder how you can take such an interest in everybody?” Louis
said as I sat with him awhile that evening. “In one way your father
and mother have a duty towards all in the parish, but—I don’t know
as I can quite explain,—you seem to make their troubles and their
pleasures your very own. And some of the people must be—very
common, and quite ignorant—excuse me, but it is so all over the
world.”
“Isn’t that the secret of true sympathy? If you were in great sorrow
and went to a friend, would you not like to have the comfort adapted
to your nature, and wants? The other would be asking for bread and
receiving a stone.”
“It is very good of course, really noble. But it would fret me to do
favors for people who did not interest me one bit. Now I can
understand your sister’s enjoying her day at the Churchills, even if
she was asked partly to entertain an invalid. They were refined,
agreeable people. But that she should give up going to ride with Miss
Fairlie yesterday afternoon, to make a bonnet for that woman who
lost her baby, and who wasn’t a bit thankful—”
“She was thankful,” I interposed.
“Stuart went with your sister, and he said she found fault because
it wasn’t the right shape, and because there was ribbon used instead
of crape. I should have smashed up the thing and thrown it into the
fire, and told her to suit herself.”
I laughed a little, the remark was so characteristic.
“We get used to people’s ways after a while,” I said. “Mrs. Day
never is quite satisfied. If a thing had only been a little different. And
very likely next week she will show the bonnet to some neighbor and
praise Fanny’s thoughtfulness and taste. You see no one happened
to think of a bonnet until it was pretty late.”
“But why could she not have been thankful on the spot? It was
ungracious, to say the least.”
“That is her way.”
“I’d get her out of it, or I wouldn’t do any favors for her.”
“I wonder if we are always thankful on the spot, and when the
favor doesn’t quite suit us?”
There was a silence of some moments, then he said in a low tone:
“Do you mean me, Miss Endicott?”
“No, I am not quite as impolite as that. I made my remark in a
general sense.”
“Suppose some one gave you an article that you did not want?”
“If it was from an equal, and I could decline it, granting that it was
perfectly useless, I should do so. But an inferior, or a poorer person,
who might have taken a great deal of pains, deserves more
consideration.”
“Is it not deceitful to allow them to think they have conferred a
benefit upon you?”
“I do not look at it in that light. This person intended a kindness,
and I take it at his or her appraisal. I am obliged for the labor and
love that went into it, the thought prompting it.”
“Oh,” after a silence.
“And doesn’t that make the good fellowship of the world? When
equals exchange small courtesies there is no special merit in it. No
self-sacrifice is required, no lifting up of any one, or no going down.
The world at large is no better or stronger for the example. It is when
we go out of ourselves, make our own patience and generosity and
sympathy larger, that we begin to enjoy the giving and doing.”
“But you can not really like poor, ignorant people?”
“Better sometimes than I can like rich, ignorant people. When you
walk along the roadside you enjoy the clover blooms, the common
daisies and mallows, and every flowering weed. The way gives you
its very best. These blossoms laugh and nod and twinkle in the glad
sunshine, and you are joyous with them. But if a friend who had a
large garden and gardeners in abundance asked you to come, and
took you through weedy grass-grown paths, and gathered for you a
bunch of field flowers, you would not feel so much obliged.”
“Why no.”
“It is the giving of one’s best. It may also mean the ability to
appreciate, when another gives of the best he has.”
“But can you like the work? Pardon me, but it has always seemed
to me a hint of a second or third rate mind when one can be happy
with such common pleasures. There, no doubt I have offended you.”
“If we were always looking for our own perfect satisfaction, it would
not be. But, ‘No man liveth to himself,’ only.”
“Miss Endicott, I don’t wonder you like my brother Stephen. After
all,” rather doubtfully, “isn’t there a good deal of cant preached?”
“Only believe. All the rest will be added,” I said hurriedly.
The church bell was ringing its middle peal. There was a long
pause then it took up a sweet and rather rapid jangle, subsiding into
the slow swells of tender melody. We always called it the middle peal
and began to get ready, as that gave us just time to go to church. I
rose now, and uttered a pleasant good night.
“Say a little prayer for me, if you don’t think I am too wicked;” he
murmured faintly, turning his face away.
How peculiar he was! When I thought him softening, he was
always sure to draw back into his shell again, and his confidences
invariably came unexpectedly. Then too, they puzzled me, I was not
fit to cope with them. They seemed to jar and jangle with the every
day smoothness of my own life.
Mr. Ogden was at church alone that evening, and though the
Maynard girls were there, walked home in our circle. I was going to
stay with Fannie, but Dick Fairlie was on the other side of her, and
George and Allie West swallowed me up in the narrow path.
“I am coming in to-morrow morning to tell you of the picnic plans,”
said Allie as we were about to separate.
“Can’t I come in the evening and hear?” asked Mr. Ogden. “Or am
I the man on the other side?”
“No indeed,” spoke up Allie, “we shall be glad to have you. I will
leave a special message.”
They were a little acquainted with him, having met him at the
Maynards the summer before. The young ladies of that family had
declined participating in the affair.
We heard all the plans on Monday morn. They were to go out to
Longmeadow in wagons and carriages, taking refreshments and
conveniences. There was just a nice party. “The kind of people who
harmonize,” said Miss West. “I never can endure Tom, Dick and
Harry—everybody and his wife.”
“Of course you wouldn’t want everybody in a small party,” I
returned.
“I wish you were going, Rose.”
“The Sunday School picnic comes the week after. I could not go to
both.”
“This will be ever so much nicer.”
“O, I am not sure. There will be more enjoyment at that, because
there will be so many more to enjoy everything.”
“Your way of thinking! Well, if I was a clergyman’s daughter I
should have to go I suppose. I am glad that I can choose my
pleasures. Fanny Endicott, if Mr. Ogden calls this evening give him
my compliments and a special invitation.”
Fan colored and made some laughing retort.
He did come over with a message from his aunts, asking us to tea
on Thursday evening if it was convenient. Then he wanted to know
about the picnic, and said that he might be expected, sure.
Dick and Kate came over for Fanny. Mrs. Fairlie was in the wagon
and leaned out to make some inquiries about Mr. Duncan. Stuart had
taken a knapsack and started on foot.
I went a few steps further on to fasten up a spray of clematis. Dick
followed.
“I don’t see why you couldn’t have gone too;” he said rather
crossly.
“Should I have added so very much?”
“I suppose that grand chap of the Churchills’ will be there?” he
went on without noticing my remark.
“Yes. He was invited by Allie West, you know.”
He snapped off a piece of honeysuckle. What was the matter with
him this morning?
Fan came down in her new pique dress, her broad sun hat
trimmed with light blue, and her white parasol lined with the same
tint. She was pretty and stylish enough for any lady’s daughter. Kate
was in a silvery, much be-ruffled poplin, and a jaunty round hat that
scarcely shaded her eyes.
Louis was considerably improved that day. He walked into the next
room, arranged some flowers that I brought him, and was quite
cheerful. He wanted very much to go down stairs, but mamma
thought he had better not, so he acquiesced pleasantly.
“If you are no worse to-morrow you may try it,” she promised.
Fan had a royal time, though she declared she was half tired to
death.
Up in our room she told me all the particulars.
“Everything was just lovely! Servants to do the work, make fires
and coffee, and spread tables, while we sat, or walked in the shade,
or rambled through the woods. We had the violins and quadrilles and
gallops and laughing, and may be a little flirting. It was absolutely
funny to see young Ogden.”
“Oh, Fan, I hope you didn’t—”
“My dear little grandmother, I am afraid I did, just the least bit. You
see Kate and Allie West tried so hard for Mr. Ogden, and he kept by
my side so easily. I had only to look. And Dick Fairlie was like a bear.
Something has vexed him.”
“I thought he was cross this morning. But, oh, Fan, I wouldn’t have
you do any thing to—to displease the Churchills.”
“And I wouldn’t, honestly Rose. This is nothing beyond summer
pastime. Why can’t we all be bright and nice and social? It is a
humbug to think of everybody’s falling in love. I don’t believe young
people would think of it, only some one is afraid and speaks before
the time, making a tangle of it all. I do not expect any one to fall in
love with me—at present.”
CHAPTER IX.