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The Welfare State
System and Common
Security
A Global Vision for a Common
Future
b. v i v e k a n a n da n
for e wor d by j. p. ro os
The Welfare State System and Common Security
Also by B. Vivekanandan

AS THE MIND UNFOLDS: Issues and Personalities (editor)

BUILDING ON SOLIDARITY: Social Democracy and the New
Millennium (editor)
CONTEMPORARY SOCIALISM: An analysis (co-editor)
CONTEMPORARY EUROPE AND SOUTH ASIA (co-editor)
ECHOES IN PARLIAMENT: Madhu Dandavate’s Speeches,
1970–1990 (editor)
GLOBAL VISIONS OF OLOF PALME, BRUNO KREISKY AND WILLY
BRANDT: International Peace and Security, Cooperation and Development
INDIA LOOKS AHEAD: Jayaprakash Narayan Memorial Lectures,
1990–2001 (editor)
INDIA TODAY: Issues Before the Nation (co-editor)
IN RETROSPECT: Reflections on Select Issues in World Politics, 1975–2000
INTERNATIONAL AND NATIONAL POLITICS: Some Selected Essays
INTERNATIONAL CONCERNS OF EUROPEAN SOCIAL DEMOCRATS
PATHFINDERS: Social Democrats of Scandinavia
PROFESSOR M.S. RAJAN: An Outstanding Educationist and
Institution Builder
THE ISSUES OF OUR TIMES (editor)
THE MODERN COMMONWEALTH
THE SHRINKING CIRCLE: The Commonwealth in British Foreign Policy,
1945–1974
WELFARE STATE SYSTEM AND COMMON SECURITY: A Global
Vision for Common Future
WELFARE STATE SYSTEM IN SCANDINAVIA: Lessons for India
WELFARE STATES AND THE FUTURE (co-editor)
WHY SOCIAL DEMOCRACY: Essays by Prof. B. Vivekanandan
 B. Vivekanandan

The Welfare State

System and Common
Security
A Global Vision for a Common Future

Foreword by J.P. Roos

B. Vivekanandan
Jawaharlal Nehru University
New Delhi, India

ISBN 978-3-031-05221-7    ISBN 978-3-031-05222-4 (eBook)

https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-05222-4
© The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s), under exclusive licence to Springer
Nature Switzerland AG 2022
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 To
PROFESSOR (DR) NIMMI KURIAN
Centre for Policy Research, New Delhi
 Foreword

Professor B. Vivekanandan is a very fascinating and many-sided academic;

an Indian from Kerala, a former Chairman of the Centre for American and
West European Studies at Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi, who
has specialised also in the Nordic Welfare States, and especially the Swedish
variant. He has published several books on various themes around the
Welfare State and Social Democracy, most notably: Pathfinders: Social
Democrats of Scandinavia; Building on Solidarity: Social Democracy and
the New Millennium; Welfare States and the Future; International Concerns
of European Social Democrats; and Global Visions of Olof Palme, Bruno
Kreisky and Willy Brandt.
I was honoured to meet him when I participated in an important
International Seminar on ‘Welfare State Systems’ which he organised at
Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi, in April 2001. In the Seminar,
we formulated, and agreed on, a New Delhi Declaration on Global Welfare
State, where we propounded a view of the possibility of a global perspec-
tive for the welfare state. In a sense, this book is an extended version of our
Declaration, but not only that: it also propounds a combination of
Common Security and the Welfare State. I am very happy that Professor
Vivekanandan took up the challenge and he is eminently qualified for the
task, both coming from India and being very well acquainted with the
Nordic Welfare State System. He has visited the Nordic countries several
times and knew well the iconic figures of the European Social Democracy—
Olof Palme, Bruno Kreisky, Willy Brandt and Kalevi Sorsa. Thus, the book

vii
viii FOREWORD

covers both the origins of the Welfare State, its present situation and its
future, besides the facets of the Common Security System and its
ramifications.
As Professor Vivekanandan points out, the idea of ‘One World’, and
humanity’s indivisibility, is embedded in the world thought. The earliest
record of it has been found in thousands of years old Indian Upanishads,
which spoke about Advaita (indivisibility of the humanity) and Vasudhaiva
Kudumbakom (Earth is a family), long before the Swedish statesman, Per
Albin Hansson, articulated, in the early 1930s, his Folkhemmet (People’s
Home) for building up a Welfare State in Sweden, and, equally, long
before Wendell Willkie articulated his concept of ‘One World’ in 1943.
They envisaged a world system, in which equality and humanism perme-
ated and enveloped all countries, cultures and Continents. This is Professor
Vivekanandan’s great dream, too.
The book presents the Welfare State System as the best system for the
world in the future. The System’s ‘best’ ranking would become unassail-
able when it gets fortified by the Common Security System, as enunciated
by Olof Palme. The vision is that when universal, institutional Welfare
State Systems in the world get synchronised with the Common Security
System, it would invariably humanise the mechanism of security and social
transformation in the world, since peace and prosperity would reign
supreme everywhere. Human development world over will be at its zenith,
and all parts of the world would become equally delightful living places. It
would make cross-country migrations, in search of better living condi-
tions, redundant and would place humanity on the pedestal of Common
Future. It would also make military build-ups, and military alliances, for
national security unnecessary.
Common Security is one of the two strong and mutually reinforcing
components of the peace structure which this book presents for ensuring
a peaceful ‘Common Future’ and well-being of the humanity; the other
component of it being the Welfare State System. Common Security
System, as an external component of a complementary security architec-
ture, can easily form an integral part of an internal Welfare State System of
countries. The gigantic resources the Common Security System would
invariably release, in real terms, in every country can transform the world
into a peaceful and prosperous Common Home of all peoples. But the
world statesmanship has not yet put such an integrated system in place,
except in one region of northern Europe.
 FOREWORD ix

Thus, the Welfare State in Vivekanandan’s book is very much a Nordic

and European affair. He does discuss critically the European Union from
the welfare state perspective (the EU is not a social, but economic union),
and he presents an interesting parallel. The great origin story of the EU is
that it was a peace project to prevent potential wars between the European
nations, notably Germany and France, which is somewhat questionable.
Professor Vivekanandan proposes that the Welfare State does indeed have
a real peace dimension. I am satisfied that the connection of welfare state
and peace is much stronger than that of the EU and peace, if we look at
recent actions—or rather, inaction—of the EU in the various crises that
have plagued Europe and the world.
However, Professor Vivekanandan does not restrict his overview only
to Europe and the Nordic countries. He offers an extensive view of the
development of the Canadian Welfare State System also. Here he discusses
obstructions to the welfare state and strategies adopted to bring it down.
He analyses convincingly not only the open attempts at dismantling but
also the stealth attacks against the Welfare State in the guise of privatisa-
tion programmes. Unfortunately, this is not only true in Canada but also
in the Nordic countries. He describes Finland as an example partly from
this perspective. So he discusses extensively the effects of the 1990 eco-
nomic crisis on the Finnish Welfare State, as well as the impact of the
European Union, which Finland joined in 1995.
At present, there is great uncertainty about the future of the Welfare
State System. There are the Thatcher-Trump style proponents of an
extreme version of capitalism where the state and especially taxes and
social protection are seen as pure evil; there are those who believe that the
only way to ‘save’ the Welfare State is to cut it down completely, privatise
and incentivise it, leaving only a small part of the system intact; there are
those who think that only privatisation and reorganisation can make the
Welfare State work; and finally there are those who think that the solution
lies in the regeneration of the old basic principles of the Welfare State, with
more democracy, more solidarity and more self-organisation. In this
framework, Professor Vivekanandan is a great optimist who believes that
the classic Welfare State System will prevail, also in countries like India.
For him, the Welfare State System is a peace structure at the national
level which engenders peace, cooperation, harmony and solidarity in soci-
ety. Common Security is another complementary peace structure at the
global level, which also engenders peace, cooperation, harmony and
x FOREWORD

solidarity. The peace dividends of their joint operation at global level are
incalculable. A union of the Welfare State System and the Common
Security System would guarantee peace and prosperity in the world, since
they tend to humanise the mechanism of national security and social jus-
tice in the world. Indeed, the establishment of the Welfare State System in
all parts of the world would form a firm foundation for stable domestic
peace everywhere. With the Common Security System as the bedrock
of peace and cooperation in the World, solidarity approach would become
a natural phenomenon. In the environment, discussion and negotiated
settlement would become natural methods to resolve all contentious issues
in the world.
I fervently hope that he is right, but it would have been interesting to
see Professor Vivekanandan confront the enemies of the Welfare State
more directly. Now he propounds mainly the positive aspects of the
Welfare State System and believes that they will necessarily prevail. I hope
so, from the bottom of my heart.
Taken together, Professor Vivekanandan’s book is a formidable
volume which seeks a radical reorganisation of the global system for
attaining lasting peace, prosperity and happiness in the world. It calls
for attuning the system to the Common Future of mankind, anchored
in the Welfare State System and Common Security. With his deep
knowledge of the flaws in the contemporary international system,
which he acquired through his scholarly research and wide travel dur-
ing the last several decades, Professor Vivekanandan is pointing the
way for attaining enduring peace and prosperity for mankind through
the synchronisation of two positive contemporary streams—the
Welfare State System and the Common Security System.
The book underlines also that, for the well-being of the humanity, it is
high time to rescue the global security system from the clutches of the
deterrence doctrine and place it under a sustainable Common Security
doctrine, befitting the present epoch of the human civilisation. It would
transform the Earth into an arena of peace and cooperation. Refreshingly,
the volume contains a quest for finding peaceful solutions to all conten-
tious issues in the world, besides a reiteration of the imperative need of
de-escalating confrontations in the world, through negotiations and coop-
eration among the political leaderships across the world.
As the world is becoming more globalised, it is imperative that people’s
welfare and global security are also placed in a more positive frame which
ensures equal sharing of the total welfare in the world.
 FOREWORD xi

Therefore, this impressive book, which puts forth practical political

ideas, valid for restructuring the world in a just manner, is of great signifi-
cance for the future well-being of the humanity. It is also about the bright
future of the Common Security and the Welfare State System and their
fundamental principles. It is a great basic text for all of us who believe in
the Welfare State and its potential. I wholeheartedly recommend it for
everybody, even those who do not readily believe in the bright future
Professor Vivekanandan portrays for us.

Professor Emeritus of Social Policy J. P. Roos

University of Helsinki
Helsinki, Finland
Former President of the European
Sociological Association
Paris, France
 Preface and Acknowledgements

This book is born out of a conviction that there is a fundamental flaw

in the structuring of the present-day world and that it needs a radical
restructuring to attain genuine peace, security and prosperity in the world.
The right way to attain them is to rebuild the world into a collective of the
Welfare State System, complemented, worldwide, by the Common
Security System.
The 1970s and 1980s witnessed the flowering of brilliant visionary
ideas in the minds of renowned social democrats like Willy Brandt, Bruno
Kreisky, Olof Palme, Michael Manley and Gro-Harlem Brundtland. Those
visionary ideas of them got firmed up in the form of Recommendations
of International Commissions/Committees which they chaired. Brandt
Commission Report on North-South Co-operation (1979), Palme
Commission Report on Common Security (1982), Global Challenge
Report of Michael Manley (1985), Brundtland Commission Report on
Our Common Future (1987) and the Kreisky Commission Report on
Employment Issues (1989) were the ones which articulated those vision-
ary ideas. All these ideas were advanced, primarily to pursue them, within
a larger framework of International Solidarity and Co-operation to estab-
lish a New International Economic Order (NIEO) and a fruitful North-­
South partnership. The general contention is that, if these constructive
and valid ideas were implemented in the right earnest, during the 1980s
itself, by now they would have led the world to become a collective of
greater equality, justice, welfare, security and peace. Such a consummation
would have saved the world from many contemporary problems, includ-
ing those of the refugees, xenophobia and chauvinism.

xiii
xiv PREFACE AND ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

But, the ascendancy of Conservative governments in some major devel-

oped countries, like the United States, Britain and Germany, in the 1980s
blocked the pursuit of any international solidarity project. President
Ronald Reagan, Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher and Chancellor
Helmut Kohl synchronised their opposition to the launching of any kind
of international solidarity project. With their lining up in the world scene
against all international solidarity projects, the Social Democratic Vision,
contained in the aforesaid reports, remained frozen since then. Their push
for free market solutions to human problems proved detrimental to the
solidarity approach embedded in the NIEO and the North-South partner-
ship. In that vein, the Cancun summit of 1981 was a futile exercise.
Although the vision, adumbrated the Reports of Commissions/
Committees, chaired by various social democratic leaders, remained dor-
mant since 1980s, the validity of the global political vision, it presented,
has never been lost. Subsequent regressive developments in the world—
like the neo-liberal globalisation, the yawning gap between the quality of
life in the rich and poor countries and their peoples in the world, the
alarming level of acquisition of arms in the world capable to destroy the
humanity many times over, the springing up of environmental problems,
like the climate change, global warming and the depletion of natural
resources in the world and so on—make it imperative to re-introduce the
vision envisaged by social democrats in the 1980s, emphasising the dyna-
mism it holds to ensure the security and welfare of everyone in the world
and to point the way of how to attain it.
Despite the fact that the solidarity approach formed the hub of debates
on the NIEO, North-South partnership, Common Security and so on, in
the 1980s, to ensure peace, human welfare and security, its non-­
implementation at that time has not diminished the validity of the vision
embedded in it. As the adverse effects of its non-implementation, in the
1980s, are becoming more and more stark today, than even before, time
has come to re-introduce that vision for implementation to ensure the
safety, security and welfare of the whole humanity. That constitutes a
prime objective of this book.
In this book, I have analysed and presented the Welfare State System as
the best universal system for the world in future. Its ‘best’ score becomes
indisputable when it is complemented by the Common Security System,
as enunciated and articulated by Olof Palme, former prime minister of
Sweden. The perspective has been developed from my several studies of
Welfare State Systems of Europe, America and Asia during the last
 PREFACE AND ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS xv

three-and-a-half decades and of how the system in general performed, as

an agent of change, in a co-operative setting in the Scandinavian region,
and also the change it effected in the psychology of the people there from
a self-centred mould to one of peace, compassion, social responsibility,
mutual respect and solidarity. The vision is that when institutional, univer-
sal Welfare State Systems in the world work in unison with the Common
Security System, it would produce marvellous results for humanity as a
whole, since peace and prosperity would reign supreme under it. It would
make military build-ups and military alliances for national security unnec-
essary. Human development will be at its apex and all parts of the world
would become equally liveable places. It would place humanity in a lofty
frame of Common Future and make people’s migration from one country
to another, in search of better living conditions, unnecessary. It will also
mark the end of the xenophobia-based politics everywhere.
In the book, I have used terms ‘Scandinavia’ and ‘Nordic’ interchange-
ably keeping in view the overlapping in their connotations. At times, I
have used them together with an oblique mark in between (Scandinavian/
Nordic).
The creation of a compassionate, prosperous and contented world soci-
ety, free from wars and conflicts, is the objective that permeates this book.
Common good of humanity is the goal. In such a new society, there will
be no centre or periphery. All will be at the same level. All would get a fair
share of the bounty of the Earth equally and equitably. The perspective is
that since all communities in the planet are interdependent, they must
work together in a spirit of solidarity. Peace and welfare of all people is a
profound concern. It underlines that international cooperation and a soli-
darity approach are a moral imperative, as well as a political, social and
economic necessity. All humanity must fairly share the bounty of the world.
This study analyses the dynamics of the benefits flowing from the inter-
twined edifice of the Welfare State System and Common Security. It may
be seen that there is a profound complementarity between the Welfare
State System and the Common Security System enunciated by Olof Palme,
since they reinforce each other as stable peace structures. And, it is envis-
aged to create a new society based on equality and equity and to usher in
an era of peace and prosperity in the world. Therefore, it is imperative that
due attention is paid to this complementarity and to its impact on the
long-term welfare of humanity in a frame of common future. Moreover, a
Welfare State System, enjoined by the Common Security System, will
mark the unfolding of a new type of international relations based on the
xvi PREFACE AND ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

unity of humanity’s mutual needs and aspirations. Its sense of direction

would be the unity of the human conditions. It will make the planet Earth
a small place comprising only neighbourhoods. How a development like
global warming instantly envelops whole humanity would testify its valid-
ity. It will also expose the insanity of annually spending about $2 trillion
for a constantly bulging arms garbage in the world under the garb of
deterrence doctrine and impel leaderships to discontinue that policy and
approach. Indeed, it would make one to concede that humanity is one and
inseparable—as the Indian Upanishads have proclaimed thousands of
years ago.
Prevention of another war in the world is an objective pursued in this
book, by way of forestalling the growth of aggressive nationalism. If the
Serbian nationalism, coupled with Austrian intransigence ignited the First
World War, the aggressive nationalism of Adolf Hitler and Benito Mussolini
ignited the Second World War. But it reached full circle, when those who
pursued aggressive nationalism, and ignited world wars, had disgraceful
endings. After exterminating six million people in gas chambers, Hitler
had ended his own life in a bunker. The dead body of his Italian counter-
part, Benito Mussolini, was found hanging upside down on a wayside in
Milan. The lesson to be learnt from these disastrous developments is that
we should do everything possible to prevent the rise of aggressive nation-
alism in future anywhere in the world. This book is pointing the way to
forestall its rise.
A void in the Palme Commission Report is that it spoke more about
organising Common Security as a universal external policy approach,
without suggesting a universal domestic system for all countries, which
would complement and keep countries on that path only. This book fills
that void by bringing forth a universal Welfare State System to comple-
ment and sustain a Common Security System in the world. People every-
where should live in dignity and peace, that they should lead a life worth
living. A blend of Welfare State System internally and Common Security
System externally would ensure it globally.
The vision contained in this book is not fanciful. It is realistic, because
of its practical potential for attaining international solidarity, based on
cooperation, for the welfare of all. An objective of this book is to help the
formulation of public policies. The author believes that we are living in an
era of great opportunity to change the course of history, peacefully, by
responding constructively to various challenges today, in the light of var-
ied experiences humanity has passed through hitherto. Therefore, the
 PREFACE AND ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS xvii

proposals made in this book are aimed to become programmes of state

policies of all governments in the world. Hence, this book is targeted to
draw the attention of policy makers, academics and the discerning general
public who are interested in the subject all over the world.
My tryst with Scandinavian/Nordic countries since 1985 and various
studies I made on them and their people were a great inspiration for writ-
ing this book. Indeed, Scandinavia has been the springboard of great via-
ble ideas in support of the One World concept and has been their testing
ground during the last 100 years. I infer that this is because of the secure
environment this region has provided to its people, by its novel and salu-
tary move to construct Welfare State Systems in all countries of the region.
As a result, talented and socially conscious people in the region began to
position their future in global terms. The Norwegian prime minister and
an international stateswoman, Gro-Harlem Brundtland, presented a
Scientific Report on The Common Future of humanity. And, the Swedish
prime minister and an international statesman, Olof Palme, presented a
Scientific Report stipulating Common Security for the whole world. A
prime minister of Finland and a world statesman, Kalevi Sorsa, led the
drive for global disarmament, through the Socialist International
Disarmament Advisory Council. And they are lodestars from Scandinavia.
Their contributions to the development of a global vision have been
explained in my earlier books: Pathfinders: Social Democrats of Scandinavia
(New Delhi & Bombay, Somaiya, 1991); International Concerns of
European Social Democrats (London & New York, Macmillan and St.
Martin’s, 1997); and Global Visions of Olof Palme, Bruno Kreisky and Willy
Brandt: International Peace and Security, Co-operation and Development
(London & New York, Palgrave Macmillan, 2016).
This book has been written with the help of a large body of material I
have collected during my many visits to various European countries,
Canada, Australia and the United States. Besides, I held interviews and
discussions with many well-informed persons on the subject on various
occasions. The two international seminars I organised at Jawaharlal Nehru
University, New Delhi, on ‘Social Democracy in the Newly Emerging
Global Order’ (1995) and on the ‘Welfare State Systems’ (2001), with
expert participants from all over the world, have also provided me with
opportunities to discuss with them on the subject. The papers presented
at these seminars have been published under the titles, Building on
Solidarity: Social Democracy and the New Millennium (New Delhi,
Lancer’s Books, 2000), edited by me, and the Welfare States and the
xviii PREFACE AND ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

Future (London & New York, Palgrave Macmillan, 2005), edited by me

and Professor Nimmi Kurian.
My study of the Welfare State System in Sweden has been made during
my repeated visits to that country since 1985. Similarly, my studies on the
Welfare State Systems in Canada and Finland have been made during my
visiting professorships in the Carleton University, Canada, and in the
Helsinki University, Finland, respectively. I am grateful to the Department
of Social Policy, Helsinki University, and to the Institute of Political
Economy, Carleton University, for enabling me to undertake these stud-
ies. Similarly I am grateful to the Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi;
Friedrich Ebert Stiftung, Bonn; Indo-European Research Foundation,
New Delhi; the Swedish Institute, Stockholm; the Shastri Indo-Canadian
Institute in New Delhi and Calgary (Canada); and the Helsinki University,
Finland; for funding my visits to Sweden, Canada and Finland for under-
taking these studies. The chapter on the Nordic Welfare States is a revised
version of my plenary presentation at the 5th Annual Conference of the
European Sociology Association held in Helsinki. The chapter on Finland
is an updated reformatted version of my article which appeared in
International Studies, New Delhi, in 2011. The chapter on Canada is a
slightly improved version of my paper included earlier in my edited vol-
ume Welfare States and the Future, published by Palgrave Macmillan,
London, in 2005.
I have used many libraries for writing this book. I am thankful to the
staff of various libraries which I have used, during my visits for the pur-
pose, for their cooperation and assistance. In this connection, I would like
to specially thank the staff of the libraries of the Swedish Labour Movement,
of the Research Department of the Swedish Social Democratic Party and
of the Olof Palme International Centre, all in Stockholm; the library of
the Uppsala University, Uppsala; the Library of the Department of Social
Policy, Helsinki University, Helsinki; and the Library of the Institute of
Political Economy, Carleton University, Ottawa, Canada, besides the
Library of the Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi.
During the course of my visits abroad for the purpose, I held many
interviews and discussions on the subject, with a large number of eminent
personalities and experts on the subject. In this context, I would like to
record my profound gratitude to Mr Kalevi Sorsa, former prime minister
of Finland; Prof. J.P. Roos, Department of Social Policy, University of
Helsinki; Mr Sten Andersen, former Swedish Foreign Minister; Mr Sverker
 PREFACE AND ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS xix

Aström, Olof Palme’s Cabinet Secretary; Dr Klaus Eklund, Olof Palme’s

Economic Adviser; Mr Jan Eliasson, Olof Palme’s Special Assistant; Dr
Gudmund Larsson, Director L.O. Research Department, Stockholm; Mr
Pierre Schori, Under Secretary, Foreign Affairs, Sweden; Mr Jan Erik
Norling, Trade Unionist, Stockholm; Dr Klaus Misgeld, Labour Movement
Archives and Library, Stockholm; Mr Sven Eric Söder and Mr Roger
Hällhag, SDP functionaries, Stockholm; Prof. B. Gustafsson, Uppsala
University, Uppsala; Mr Gunnar Stenarv, International Secretary of the
Swedish SDP; Mr Enn Kokk, Swedish SDP’s Programme Commission
Secretary, Stockholm; Mr Gunnar Fredriksson, Editor, Aftonbladet,
Stockholm; Mr Pentti Vänäinen, former Secretary General, Socialist
International, London; Mr Kari Tapiola, International Secretary, SAK,
Helsinki; Mr Jouko Elo, International Secretary, Finnish SDP; Ms
Marianne Laxen and Ms Tuula Hatainen, former General Secretaries of
the Finnish Social Democratic Women, Helsinki; Ms Ulpu Iivari, General
Secretary, Finnish SDP, Helsinki; Ms Helena Laukko, Executive Director,
International Solidarity Foundation, Helsinki; Mr Heikki Räisänen,
Research Director, VATT, Helsinki; Dr Jukka Pekkarinen, Director,
Ministry of Finance, Helsinki; Mr, Markku Jääskeläinen, European
Secretary, SAK, Finland; Dr Mikko Kautto, Stakes, Helsinki; Mr Antti
Suvanto, Head of Economic Department, Bank of Finland; Ms Maria
Kaisa Aula, Centre Party MP, Finland; Professor Risto Eräsaari, Department
of Social Policy, University of Helsinki; Ms Kaci Kullman Five, Deputy
Chairman, Norwegian Conservative Party, and later, Chairperson of the
Nobel Prize Committee, Oslo; Prof. Wallace Clement, Director, Institute
of Political Economy, Carleton University, Ottawa, Canada; Prof.
V. Subramaniam, Distinguished Professor, Carleton University, Ottawa;
Joanne Roulston, Policy Adviser, National Council for Welfare, Canada;
Mr Gills Seguin, a senior official in the Ministry of Human Resource
Development in Ottawa, Canada; and Dr Juho Saari, Ministerial Adviser,
Ministry of Social Affairs and Health, Finland, Helsinki. I am grateful to
all these eminent persons for granting me interviews with them and for
sparing their valuable time for meeting me and for sharing their thoughts
with me on various issues examined in this book.
My special thanks are due to Professor J.P. Roos, Professor Emeritus,
Helsinki University, Finland, who has honoured this book with his scintil-
lating ‘Foreword’.
xx PREFACE AND ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

I am thankful also to Professor D. Maya, former Principal, University

College, Trivandrum, for going through the manuscript of this book and
for making editorial changes in it. In addition, I am thankful to Ms
A. Rajalekshmi for efficiently typing out this manuscript.
I am grateful to my publisher, Palgrave Macmillan, London, for
publishing this book in the most elegant way. Also, I am grateful to Ms
Sarah Roughley, Editorial Director, and to Mr Nicholas Barclay, Mr
Madison Allums and Mr Stewart Beale, Senior Commissioning Editors,
Palgrave Macmillan, London, for their excellent support.
And, finally, my profound gratitude to my wife Vimala, and daughters
Nimmi and Jayashree, who have repeatedly suffered my absence while I
was on my research visits abroad for writing this book.

New Delhi, India B. Vivekanandan

29 September 2021
 Contents

1 The Perspective  1

2 Swedish Welfare State Model 35

3 Welfare State System in Finland 63

4 Welfare State System in Canada119

5 Common Security163

6 Scandinavian/Nordic
 Welfare States: An Approximate
International Peace and Security Model189

7 The Way Ahead207

Bibliography245

Index251

xxi
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 255. Simplex commendatio non obligat. Mere
recommendation will not render a man liable.
Where a purchaser is satisfied without express warranty, a mere
representation of the quality by the seller will not entitle him to
recover, unless he can show the same to have been fraudulently
made. (See Chandelor v. Lopus, 1 Sm. L. C. p. 54, and Max. No. 28.)

256. Socius mei socii, socius meus non est. The partner of
my partner is not necessarily my partner.
257. Statuta pro publico commodo late interpretantur.
Statutes passed for the public good should be construed literally.
258. Sublata causâ, tollitur effectus. The cause being gone,
the effect also ceases.
This is a fact applicable alike to law as to physics.

259. Summum jus, summa injuria. Where the law is most

strictly administered, it sometimes causes the greatest wrong.
It frequently happens that a plaintiff or defendant loses his case,
although morally in the right, on account of some technicality which
has not been observed.

* 260. Suppressio veri suggestio est falsi. Withholding the

truth suggests falsehood.
(See also Max. No. 98.)

261. Testamentum omne morte consummatur. Every will

is perfected by death.
A will speaks from the time of death only. (See Max. No. 189.)

262. Testes ponderantur, non numerantur. Witnesses are

weighed (considered at their proper worth), not numbered.
 The evidence of one credible witness counts for more than that of
any number who cannot be relied upon.

263. Testis nemo in suâ causâ esse potest. No one can be a

witness on his own behalf.
This rule applies to criminal charges, and its effect is continually
being modified by legislation. The opinion of those best qualified to
judge, differs whether or not all accused persons should not be
competent witnesses.

264. Traditio loqui facit chartam. The delivery of a deed

makes it effectual.
The delivery of a deed is equally important with the signing and
sealing. Both the delivery and sealing are performed at the present
day, by placing the finger on the seal and repeating the words, “I
deliver this as my act and deed.” A delivery may be either absolute or
conditional. (See Steph. Comm. I. Cap. XVII., and Max. No. 124.)

265. Ubi eadem ratio, ibi eadem lex; et de similibus idem

est judicium. Where there is the same reason, there is the
same law; and concerning things similar, the judgment is
similar.
(See Max. No. 111.)

* 266. Ubi jus ibi remedium. There is no wrong without a

remedy, or, Where there is a legal right there is a remedy.
An action will lie for an injury although no actual damage be
sustained, as in the case of Ashby v. White (temp. 2 Anne, 1704, 14
State Trials, 695), where it was decided that an action lay against a
returning officer for refusing to admit the vote of a duly qualified
elector, although the persons for whom he tendered his votes were
elected. There may be a “damnum absque injuriâ” (loss without a
wrongful act) for which no action will lie. Thus no action will lie
against one’s neighbour, who builds on his own land a mill, whereby
the profits of one’s own mill (built on adjoining property) are
diminished, although in the case put considerable loss may result.
This maxim formed the root of all equitable decisions, and was the
basis upon which the Court of Chancery originally acted, when
interfering with Courts of Law, or in supplying remedies for those
wrongs which the latter failed to redress.

267. Ubi nullum matrimonium, ibi nulla dos. Where there

is no marriage, there is no dower.
A woman, in order to be entitled to dower on the death of her
husband, must have been his actual wife at the time of his decease:
there must have been no dissolution of the marriage. The law as to
dower is now governed by 3 & 4 Will. IV. c. 105. (See Steph. Comm. I.
p. 169.)

268. Unum est tacere, aliud celare. To be silent or to conceal

are two different things.
A party to a contract is not bound to disclose latent defects, but he
must not fraudulently conceal, or the contract will be voidable. The
rule as to defects that are patent to all is otherwise.

269. Unumquodque dissolvitur eodem modo quo

colligatum est. Every obligation can only be dissolved in the
same manner as it was created.
Thus a deed can only be revoked by deed, and not by a simple
written instrument. This, of course, subject to the ruling of Courts of
competent jurisdiction.

270. Utile per inutile non vitiatur. That which is useful is not
vitiated by that which is useless.
Where the meaning of any document is clear, its effect is not
marred or upset by the insertion therein of superfluous and
meaningless words.
 271. Valeat quantum valere potest. Let it stand as far as
possible. Let it pass for what it is worth.
(See Max. No. 211.)

* 272. Verba chartarum fortius accipiuntur contra

proferentem. Words of deeds or grants are to be taken most
strongly against the grantor.
Thus, a rent of 10s. granted by tenants in common is several, and
the grantee will have 10s. from each: aliter if a rent of 10s. be
reserved. This principle does not apply to a grant by the Crown at the
suit of the grantee. Nor must such a rule of construction be followed
till all others fail, for the law supposes that a person will not use
language to his own detriment. (See Chitty on Contracts, 16th ed. p.
113, and Maxs. Nos. 18 and 207.)

* 273. Verba debent intelligi cum effectu, ut res magis

valeat quam pereat. Words ought to be understood with
effect, that a thing may rather be preserved than destroyed.
(See Roe v. Tranmarr, 2 Sm. L. C. 506.) This rule is closely allied
to Benignae faciendae sunt interpretationes chartarum ut res magis
valeat quam pereat. (The construction of deeds shall be made
liberally that the subject-matter may rather prevail than perish.)
Construction must in all cases be reasonable, liberal, and favourable.
(See Chitty on Contracts, 16th ed. p. 97, and Maxs. Nos. 26, 78, 145,
and 275.)

* 274. Verba generalia restringuntur ad habilitatem rei

vel aptitudinem personae. General words must be narrowed
either to the nature of the subject-matter or to the capability of
the person.
Such words must be understood with reference to the estate which
is in the grantor at the time of the grant. Thus a bill of sale which
purported to assign to R. “all the household goods and furniture of
every kind and description in a certain house, and more particularly
mentioned and set forth in an inventory or schedule of even date
therewith,” was held to apply only to the goods specified in the
inventory which did not comprise all the goods in the house. In
construing a statute general words must not be extended unduly.
(See Chitty on Contracts, 16th ed. p. 102, and Max. No. 88.)

* 275. Verba intentioni debent inservire. Words ought to be

made subservient to the intention—i.e., should be construed so
as to give effect to the intention—“ut res magis valeat quam
pereat.”
(Roe v. Tranmarr, 2 Sm. L. C. 506.) The rule laid down in this
maxim is one of the first and most important in the construction of
contracts, so that they may be enforced according to the sense in
which the parties mutually intended. Words and expressions are to
be understood in their plain, ordinary, and popular sense, unless
they may by custom of trade or the like have acquired a peculiar or
technical sense and meaning. The “golden rule” as regards Acts of
Parliament is that the words must be construed in their plain and
grammatical sense and as mentioned in the preceding paragraph.
(See Chitty on Contracts, 16th ed. p. 95, and Maxs. Nos. 26, 39, 122,
and 273.)

276. Verba relata in esse videntur. Words referred to are

deemed to be incorporated.
Where a father infeoff his son, to have and to hold to him and his
heirs, and the son then infeoff his father, purporting to do so only as
fully as his father infeoffed him, by this, the father has a fee simple.
On this same principle, existing but unattested papers, or
documents, may be incorporated in a will, if referred to in such a way
as to render their identity indisputable.

277. Veritas nominis tollit errorem demonstrationis.

Correctness in the name removes an error of demonstration.
In the construction of wills, this rule has frequently been acted on,
but it must be first shown that there is an error of demonstration;
until when the above maxim has, of course, no application. (See
Drake v. Drake, 8 House of Lords Cases, 172; also 2 Smith, L. C. p.
515.)

278. Vetustas pro lege semper habetur. An old custom is

ever regarded as law.
279. Via trita est tutissima. The beaten track is the safest.
This is a good and safe rule to follow, but has its “proving
exceptions” in the many originators, scientists, &c., of whom
England is so justly proud.

280. Vicarius non habet vicarium. A locum tenens (i.e.,

substitute) cannot appoint another in his stead.
(See Max. No. 55.)

* 281. Victus victori in expensis condemnandus est. The

loser must defray the costs of a successful litigant.
By the Judicature Acts, in the case of a trial by jury, costs follow
the event, unless the judge shall, for good cause, order otherwise, but
in all other cases, they are in the discretion of the Court. (See Steph.
Comm. III. p. 561.)

* 282. Vigilantibus et non dormientibus succurrunt jura

(or æquitas subvenit). Laws come to the help of the vigilant,
not of the sleepy (also written “equity assists the vigilant,” &c.).
Before relieving a party from a contract on the ground of fraud, it
must be shown to the Court that he exercised a due degree of caution
before entering into such contract. The misrepresentation must be
material, and the party claiming relief have been misled by it. It is
not essential that the person making the false statement should know
it to be such. The Statutes of Limitations are founded on the
principle that a dilatory claimant deserves no assistance. (See Chitty
on Contracts, 16th ed. p. 725, and Max. No. 127.)
 * 283. Volenti non fit injuria. No injury can be done to a
willing person.
If a person voluntarily consents to an injury, he must bear the loss.
A woman cannot herself support an action for seduction to which she
is a consenting party. Her parent or employer, however, may do so,
and is entitled to damages for loss of her service, the seduction in
such case being the cause, “per quod servitiam amisit.”

284. Voluntas, est justa sententia de eo quod quis post

mortem suam fieri velit. A will is an exact opinion or
determination concerning that which each one wishes to be
done after his death.
285. Voluntas in delictis, non exitus spectantur. In
criminal cases the intention and not the result is regarded.
(See Maxs. Nos. 9 and 116.)

286. Vox emissa volat, litera scripta manet. Word of mouth

flies away, things written remain.
The effect of a written contract cannot be varied in its terms by
parol evidence. (See Max. No. 143.)

* 287. Where one of two innocent parties must suffer by

the fraud of another, he who has enabled the fraud to be
committed must be the sufferer.
Thus, if A. on the strength of a representation by B., which is false,
signs a receipt, and C., on the faith of the receipt, completes a
purchase—here A. must suffer, and not C. (See French v. Hope, 56 L.
J. Ch. 363.)

* 288. Where there is equal equity the law must prevail.

That is, who is first in point of time.
(See Max. No. 220.)
PRINTED BY WILLIAM CLOWES AND SONS, LIMITED, LONDON AND
BECCLES.
 TRANSCRIBER’S NOTES
1. Silently corrected obvious typographical errors and
variations in spelling.
2. Retained archaic, non-standard, and uncertain spellings
as printed.
*** END OF THE PROJECT GUTENBERG EBOOK A COLLECTION
OF LATIN MAXIMS AND PHRASES LITERALLY TRANSLATED ***

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