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Religious Parties and the Politics
of Civil Liberties
Religious Parties
and the Politics
of Civil Liberties
V I N E E TA YA DAV
1
3
Oxford University Press is a department of the University of Oxford. It furthers
the University’s objective of excellence in research, scholarship, and education
by publishing worldwide. Oxford is a registered trade mark of Oxford University
Press in the UK and certain other countries.
DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780197545362.001.0001
1 3 5 7 9 8 6 4 2
Printed by Integrated Books International, United States of America
Dedicated in thanks to the peaceful warriors, both religious and secular,
who fight for the dignity and rights of everyone, every day
Contents
List of Illustrations ix
Acknowledgments xiii
1. Introduction 1
2. Religious Parties and Religious Organizations: The Fruits of
Partnership 30
3. Religious Parties, Religious Organizations, and the Decline
of Civil Liberties 67
4. The Institutionalization of Religious Organizations in
Muslim-Majority Countries: Statistical Evidence 97
5. Civil Liberties in Muslim-Majority Countries: Statistical Evidence 141
6. The Fall of an Icon: Institutionalization of Religious
Organizations in Turkey 173
7. Resilience and Decline: Religious Parties, Religious
Organizations, and Institutionalization in Pakistan 206
8. The Fall of an Icon: The Decline in Civil Liberties in Turkey 244
9. Resilience and Decline: Civil Liberties in Pakistan 273
10. Conclusion: Summary and Implications for Future Research 302
Appendix 321
References 325
Index 365
Illustrations
Tables
Figures
I feel that you count me among your friends. Finally, to the people who bore the
brunt of the good and bad associated with this project, my husband Bumba and
my son Reyhan, go the biggest thanks! This was a marathon that I could not have
completed without both of you. Hopefully, the COVID crisis ends soon so we
can take that well-earned, fabulous vacation (hopefully not to Disney World)!
Vineeta Yadav
July 30, 2020
1
Introduction
1 See, for example, Madeley 2011; Kurzman and Naqvi 2015; Kuperus 2013; van der Vyver and
Religious Parties and the Politics of Civil Liberties. Vineeta Yadav, Oxford University Press (2021).
© Oxford University Press. DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780197545362.003.0001
2 Religious Parties and the Politics of Civil Liberties
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Year
included religious parties, this share rose to 35% between 2000 and 2016. What
these numbers unequivocally show is that religious parties have become an in-
creasingly popular mode of mobilization among religious elites and voters in
MMCs. Does this rise suggest that MMCs with religious parties are inevitably
headed into a future of illiberal rights and liberties? This is the question that
this book seeks to address.
Skeptics point to examples such as those cited above to answer yes to this ques-
tion (Pipes Dec. 11, 2012; Ali Feb. 28, 2011; Tibi 2008). Optimists argue that par-
ticipation in electoral politics teaches and incentivizes religious political parties
to moderate their orthodox positions regarding the role of religion in society and
state, including their opposition to liberal civil liberties and their advocacy of
Introduction 3
religiously defined civil liberties.2 They point to examples such as the Ennahda
Party’s support for a 2017 bill recognizing marriage between non-Muslim men
and Muslim women in Tunisia (BBC, Sep. 15, 2017), the Jamiat Ulema-e-Islam-
Fazlur’s support for a bill protecting the rights of women working outside the
home in mixed-gender settings in 2010 in Pakistan (Weiss 2014), and the will-
ingness of Algeria’s religious Movement for National Reform (MRN) party to
place women at the top of its electoral lists during elections (Driessen 2014: 182)
as illustrating such moderation. A study examining how support for legal
equality for religious minorities and women evolved in the party manifestos of
83 religious parties in MMCs over time found that these parties did not follow a
single trajectory of increased or decreased support for equality (Kurzman and
Naqvi 2015: 104–106). Instead, confounding both pessimists and predictions of
moderation, parties adopted very different strategies across countries and across
time within the same country in liberal and illiberal directions.
Despite the heated academic and policy debates about the impact of religious
parties on civil liberties, religious parties are surprisingly absent in studies exam-
ining civil liberties in the civil liberties literature. These studies instead have tried
to explain changes in civil liberties in MMCs by analyzing their political and ec-
onomic structures and the nature of their international ties.3 Thus, the question
of how religious parties affect de facto civil liberties in MMCs remains an open
one. In this book, I address this puzzle by building on insights from research on
special interest group politics to examine the relationship between religious in-
terest groups and religious parties, the conditions that strengthen and weaken
their relationships, and the impact of this relationship on the policies and actions
religious parties adopt regarding civil liberties in MMCs.
Religious organizations in MMCs have been the subject of numerous in-
sightful and valuable studies.4 These studies have largely analyzed religious or-
ganizations (hereafter ROs) in the theoretical context of their role as members
of larger Islamic social movements. This theoretical lens has been useful for
understanding outcomes affected by the actions taken by the movement as a
whole, particularly in opposition to government policies. However, while dif-
ferent religious parties and ROs may be allies in pushing for a state and society
based on religious beliefs and preferences, they are often rivals when it comes to
attracting voters, followers, donors, and state patronage (Brown and Hamzawy
2010; Hefner 2011; Werenfels 2014; Pew 2016). In addition to these institutional
2 See Schwedler 2011, 2013; Mecham and Hwang 2014; and Brocker and Künkler 2013 for recent
2007; Fish 2011; Conrad 2011; Dabashi 2012; Bradley 2012; Kubicek 2014; Møller and Skaaning
2014; Miller 2015.
4 This is an extensive and rich literature. For some recent examples see Cesari 2018; Hamid 2014;
interests, ROs often have competing policy visions, including on the correct
conceptualization of religiously defined civil liberties and the acceptability of
compromising them to accommodate more liberal civil liberties (Brown and
Hamzaway 2010; Hefner 2011; An-Na’im 2011; Werenfels 2014; Hamid 2014;
Dunn 2015). As scholars note, the social movement perspective provides less
theoretical leverage in understanding how competition and alliances between
members of the same social movement can affect their tactics and the policy
outcomes they are mobilizing for (Diani 1992; Della Porta and Diani 2006;
McAdam and Tarrow 2013; Mair 2013; Hunter, Kriesi, and Lorenzini 2018). This
is particularly true when the movement includes entities who are in government
as well as in opposition (McAdam and Tarrow 2013; Mair 2013; Hunter, Kriesi,
and Lorenzini 2018). Fortunately, this is precisely what theories of special in-
terest groups focus on.
A rich literature on special interest groups tells us that organized interests
deploy their organizational resources using inside and outside lobbying tactics
to seek out and influence political actors capable of influencing state patronage
and policies in their favor.5 Analyzing religious interest groups in particular,
scholars find that lobbying by churches in Western, Eastern, and Central Europe
(Grzymala-Busse 2015; Braun-Poppelaars and Hanegraff 2011; Warner 2000),
Africa (Kuperus 2013; van der Vyver and Green 2008; Ward 2013), and Latin
America (Htun 2009; Hagopian 2009) and by professional religious lobbies in the
United States (Adkins et al. 2013; Herzke 2010; Heaney 2010; Yamane 2005) is
common and can influence government policies significantly. Given the promi-
nence of implementing religiously defined civil liberties in the beliefs and policy
agendas of ROs in MMCs, we would expect that the capacity of organized reli-
gious interest groups to influence religious parties and the susceptibility of reli-
gious parties to such lobbying could potentially influence the policy positions that
religious parties adopt on policies important to religious groups. This book builds
on insights from the special interest lobbying literature to systematically analyze
(a) how particular political and economic conditions influence the strength of the
relationship between religious political parties and religious interest groups in a
country and (b) the conditions under which interactions between these two sets
of religious actors lead to declines in the civil liberties of its citizens. By doing so, it
contributes directly to research on political parties, special interest lobbying, civil
liberties, and the moderation of religious parties.
I first argue that nongovernmental da ‘wa organizations and Sufi orders with
a country-wide presence led by nationally prominent leaders are the religious
interest groups of analytical interest in MMCs. To address the first question,
5 For recent overviews of the lobbying literature see Herzke 2010; Hojnacki et al. 2012; Lowery
I consider when and how religious parties that see these ROs as valuable po-
tential political allies are able to strengthen these organizations. I argue that
when (i) religious parties are present in the legislature as a highly concentrated
religious-party bloc and (ii) an inflationary crisis creates a serious political threat
for non-religious parties, religious parties are able to effectively champion ROs as
agents who can mitigate the political impact of this economic crisis and convince
other parties to adopt policies that strengthen ROs. These policies allow ROs to
increase their material assets and social reach by strengthening their presence
in the education and welfare sectors and expanding it into the commercial and
media sectors, a process I label the socioeconomic institutionalization (SEI) of
ROs. Absent one or both of these conditions, non-religious parties prevent poli-
cies favorable to ROs from being passed, thus preventing ROs from gaining such
organizational reach and strength.
High SEI transforms these ROs into formidable political players with valu-
able political resources, but, I argue, this can prove a mixed blessing for religious
parties. While religious parties benefit from the resources and support of highly
institutionalized ROs during elections, they also face the threat of the consid-
erable political damage highly institutionalized ROs can inflict on them should
they choose to deviate from the shared religiously inspired policy agenda that
motivated ROs to support them in the first place. For this reason, I argue, when
religious parties do well in elections and join the government, their ability to
moderate their policy positions on civil liberties in order to broaden their pop-
ular appeal, to legislate, and to govern with non-religious allies will depend
on whether or not they face highly institutionalized ROs. If they do, they will
choose not to moderate and de facto civil liberties will decline. Conversely, if
they don’t face highly institutionalized ROs, religious parties will prefer to mod-
erate, and civil liberties will not decline due to their ascent to office. Thus, only
when religious parties win office and are operating in the political context of
highly institutionalized ROs should we expect to see a decline in de facto civil
liberties.
I test these arguments by combining “large-N” time-series cross section
(TSCS) statistical analyses of all 49 MMCs from 1970 to 2016 with an in-depth
comparative case study of two carefully selected countries—Turkey and Pakistan.
For the large-N empirical analysis, I construct and analyze a novel data set that
builds on primary and secondary sources to code new data on religious parties
in government, the legislative concentration of these parties and an original
measure of the SEI of nongovernmental, national-level ROs for this entire set of
countries. For the case study chapters, I use open-ended interviews with political
party leaders and ROs, among others, along with original within-country surveys
of politicians from religious and non-religious parties in Turkey and Pakistan
to analyze politicians’ preferences on civil liberties and their responsiveness to
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Gerrit staan. Z’n afgeknaagd, smerig vest stak boven z’n pilow
clownig-gelapte, zakkerige broek uit, met drie knoopen-open-naar-
voren, en z’n groenige rots-kale jekker bobbelde losjes over z’n
lange blauwe kiel. Z’n smoezelig vuil-geel gezichtsvel, stond over
den heelen vergrijsden kop tot diep in de halskuil gebarsten van
scherpe groefjes en zwartige rimpels. En z’n groezelige
stoppelbaard haardotte verwaarloosd over ’t heele gelaat als was ie
ingewreven met turfmolm. Als ’n gekerfde lijnden nijdig de barsten
en ruitrimpels over ’t vel-geel van kaken en knevel-zware brauwen
gromden donker-dreigend boven kleine flauw-grijze oogjes.
Zwaar dofklankte z’n stem, als baste ’t geluid uit z’n neusgaten òp
met ’n brom-nasalen nadreun. [8]
Hassel uit z’n hoog rug-krommige lengte keek bar neer op den
sjofelen daglooner, die zoo plots zich kwam opdringen. Zonder
antwoord van Hassel af te wachten nasaalde z’n stem dreunend
weer uit z’n platten polypen-neus:
Nou ook bij ouë Gerrit.… niks!.… alleen kon ie nog vragen of ie
iemand wist, die ’m wat aardbei-mandjes wou laten vlechten. Maar
lieve heer.… wà’ kon hij uitvoere mi’ s’n bevende hande.… Vroeger
sestig, sevetig op ’n dag, nou geen tien.… wa’ kon ie hale.… vaif
sent.… En boompies make.… nee dat gong heelegoàr nie.… da
bukke.… da bukke.… ure achter malkaer.… de tieme rondvlechte.…
en stoan mi s’n poote op de boompies, gebukt.… nee, dan was ie
zoo roar in z’n ouë dop.… of d’r al moar bloed noar z’n hangende
kop droaide.… Verlede jaar hattie ’t prebeerd.. Maar bòns, was ie
tege den muur gesmakt, duizelig en tollerig en z’n stuut voelde ie
gebroke.… Wa hadde se’n pret had, ’t jonge goed.… nee, nee da
gong nie.… sou ie maor nie eens mee ankomme.… da gong nie.…
En dan.… se [13]woue ’m nie eens hewwe.… da jonge goed was ’m
de baas, da speelsche tuig.
Wà nou, wà’ nou, joeg ’t, jammer-knaagde ’t in ’m. Was ’t moar t’ met
somer.… moar lieve Heer!.… December.… begin December.…
goeie God.… wà’ mos da na-toe!—van wà’ nou vrete.…
De ouë Bolk had eerst nog voor zich heengekeken, stug, met
oogengraagte, de kalme zekere spithouwen van Dirk in z’n hei
bestarend,.… met jaloersche lust den kerel daar te verdringen.…
want dà kon ie, as de beste.… Maar toen inéén had ouë Gerrit ’m
aan ’t verstand gebracht dat ie gosommooglik ies veur ’m hat, dat ie
alleen die paar roe hat diep te spitte—miskien in ’t veurjaor, tegen
Moart, as de grond nie nog te hard was.…
—Hoho!.… Bolkie, schraapte de Ouë eruit, je skiet of’r, je bin nie
f’rtuunelik.… ’t spait me duuf’ls daa’k segge mot.… tug is ’t puur
woar.… je skiet of’r.… d’r is op heede van alderlei volk te veul.… j’
bin te veul.… d’r is nies.. puur nies omhande.… ’t wort allegoar
dàan, allegoar deur hullie.… verjenne.… ’t spait me.… huu!.. huu.…
—Wa skeel je.… oud k’nijn! giftte ie met halve stem woedend.…
—Aa’s je nou d’rs de vaifde steek ommekeert Dirk, je zie nou water
hee?.… teemde goeig ouë Gerrit.
Nooit had ouë Bolk kinderen gehad; geen jongen, geen meid; z’n
grootste, stille smart.… En zóó maar grienbalke [16]kon ie as se d’r
van begonne.… nou weer die lamme kerel, had ie ze moar.…
—Bars jai, gromde Bolk, met tranen van windkou in z’n oogen,.…
godskristes.… koebeeste,.… ha’k moar koot’rs..
Weer kwam er schrei-droefnis in z’n stem, die stil, voor hem alleen
uit weende z’n smart.
Bolk draaide zich nijdig om, met z’n rug naar Piet. Dirk zwoegde
door, spraakloos.—Rondom was grauwer, late middag-somberte
over de velden aan ’t verdroeven.… Op akkerverten, hier en daar,
was drukker beweeg van spitters dan in ochtend, silhouettig, zwart-
vagelijk toch, in het wazig winterdroeve grijs-grauw. De lucht dromde
zwaarder van regenwolken, en windstooten loeiden op, bulderend
rondgierend in dollendans, op de leege wijdte van ’t bronzen land.
Schimmiger uit alle hemelhoeken woei áán, scheemrige wolkenjacht.
aansliertend, wijd-alom, in reuze-donkering naar horizon, grauwiger
opgeblaas van vale wolkenkoppen, monsterlijk verwrongen met àl
droeviger schemerschijn op angst-looien wolk-gezichten. En stiller
nu, in roerlooze effenheid stonden de donkere erfjes en achteruitjes
van Bikkerstraat, vertriestend vaal, in barren grijns.
—Hep je bai Neelis de Borstel niks.… niks te hakke?.…, informeerde
schuintjes, nog eens de Ouë, onverschillig toch [17]voor ’t antwoord,
kijkend met gretigheid naar Dirk, die weer zwaar-zwellend in kracht,
door panderige aardplaten heen moest bonken.
—Wâ hakke?.… die raize, da’s louw, die hakke se omm’rs selfers
—Wa jonge kop.… de heule tait m’r gaintjes.… neegtien jaor t’met.…
—Nou, mag nie?.… wa ken main jou mikmak skeele.… mo’k nou al
griene, wa jou Dirk?
—’n Herberg, rejaal in anbouw, lolde Piet met ’n slag van pret op z’n
been,—d’r hang ’n droppel an je kokkert!.…
—Nou gaat-ie bai Ronk, f’rek, die stong, van morge t’met an seve
uur op ’t land.… f’rek, hai hep g’n hand veur ooge sien-en kenne,
hep sain noodig.…..
—Half seeve? vroeg ouë Gerrit ’n beetje ongeloovig.… wie hep saìn
sien?
—Wa sel ’t dan hier bloase hewwe, bibberde ouë Gerrit in elkaar
schokkerend van kou, dieper handen z’n broekzakken indringend,
opsjortend z’n kleeren, in nauwe kreukels om z’n lijf. En plots voelde
ie wat lekker ’t voor hem was, zoo vroeg, in winterkilte dat Piet de
koebeesten voerde. Donderemente wa’ koud kreeg ie ’t nou.…
Piet was weer zingend naar z’n hei gestapt.
In de woonkamer, aan den weg, zat vrouw Hassel, met ’r rug naar de
kachel, dof omgonsd in ’r ooren, vol van dreunslagen van bekken,
versuft toch, als sliep ze met oogen open. Achter haar stoeltje rookte
’t benauwd, lichtelijk in brandlucht. Bij ’t kamer-instappen zag ouë
Gerrit dadelijk dat haar schort aan ’t branden was, over de kachel te
drogen gehangen.
Met schrik-gezicht, draaide vrouw Hassel om, wild grijpend naar d’r
schort. Ze had ook even wel iets vreemds geroken, iets smeulerigs,
maar ’t was ’r weer door d’r hoofd gegaan, omdat ze niet begreep
wàt ’t kon zijn, heelemaal niet meer wetend dat ze d’r schort voor de
kachel had gehangen.
—Wa vergat ze leste taid tug alles en alles.… Hoe was ’t gods-in-d’r
leve mogelik. Nou had se d’r eige nog so gesait …. Nou dènk je d’r
an.… en nou, na ’n paar menuute allegoar rejaal vergete.…
vergete.… Tranen kreeg ze in ’r oogen. ’t Maakte ’r zoo bang, zoo
huilerig en zenuwachtig. Ze voelde wel onrustig dat er al ’n poos
lang wat mals met ’r gebeurde, in ’r kop vooral, maar ze kon niet
vatten wàt, wàt.
Ouë Gerrit was op z’n kousen door den stal heengesjokt, had even
naar z’n beesten gekeken, en was moe-huiverig op [23]z’n biezen
kaal-korten gemakstoel bij den kachel geschoven. Z’n jekker had ie
aangehouen en met ingezakt bovenlijf zat-ie zich behaag-zwaar te
schurken, zoekend naar meer broeiing en warmte. Toch voelde ie
zich brommerig op zijn wijf dat al ’n jaar lang temet alles vergat. En
dàn, dat huilen van ’r, dat nare drenzerige grienen, met halve smart-
zinnetjes er tusschen gekermd, waarvan ie niks begreep, dàt, dàt
maakte ’m helsch. F’r wa griende da waif tug?.… Wier se soo fèl
geslage?.… godskristus, wa g’luk da Guurtje d’r was, s’ maid van
twintig, sain eenige maid goddank. Versakrementeele, aa’s die d’r
nie was, krege temet de jonges nie eens d’r buik vol. Dan vergat se
te koke.… snôverjenne.… wa’ malle f’rduufeling tug.…
Wa wou dat mormel tug, die laileke trien?.… Wà sat se nou weer?
van de skrik te griene.… ja verdomd!.… op ’t achterend weer.…