The "Third" United Nations: How a

Knowledge Ecology Helps the UN Think

Tatiana Carayannis And Thomas G.
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 OUP CORRECTED AUTOPAGE PROOFS – FINAL, 6/1/2021, SPi

The “Third” United Nations

OUP CORRECTED AUTOPAGE PROOFS – FINAL, 6/1/2021, SPi
 OUP CORRECTED AUTOPAGE PROOFS – FINAL, 6/1/2021, SPi

The “Third” United

Nations
How a Knowledge Ecology Helps
the UN Think

TATIANA CARAYANNIS
and
THOMAS G. WEISS

1
OUP CORRECTED AUTOPAGE PROOFS – FINAL, 6/1/2021, SPi

3
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It furthers the University’s objective of excellence in research, scholarship,
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© Tatiana Carayannis and Thomas G. Weiss 2021
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First Edition published in 2021
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 OUP CORRECTED AUTOPAGE PROOFS – FINAL, 6/1/2021, SPi

About the Authors

Tatiana Carayannis is director of the Social Science Research Council’s Conflict

Prevention and Peace Forum (CPPF), Understanding Violent Conflict (UVC) pro-
gram, and China-Africa Knowledge Project. She has a visiting appointment at the
London School of Economics and Political Science’s Africa Centre and Department of
International Development, where she also serves as a research director for the Centre
for Public Authority and International Development (CPAID). Until recently, she
convened the DRC Affinity Group, a small brain trust of leading Congo scholars and
analysts. She has been building bridges between researchers and policy practitioners
for two decades. A scholar of international organization and Central Africa, particu-
larly the DRC, her research focuses on conflict prevention, the networked dynamics of
violence, UN peacekeeping and preventive diplomacy, evidenced-based policymaking,
and the agenda-setting role of UN human rights and development ideas. She has
conducted extensive field work in Central Africa, and has written and lectured widely
on these issues. Her books include UN Voices: The Struggle for Development and Social
Justice (co-authored with Thomas G. Weiss et al., 2005) and Making Sense of the
Central African Republic (co-edited with Louisa Lombard, 2015). Current book pro-
jects include Pioneers of Peacekeeping: ONUC 1960–1964 and Anatomy of Rebellion: JP
Bemba and the Mouvement de Libération du Congo. Carayannis holds a PhD and MA
in political science from The City University of New York Graduate Center and New
York University. She grew up in Central and West Africa and pre-pandemic could
usually be found on an airplane.
Thomas G. Weiss is fighting valiantly against senior moments and creaking joints as
Presidential Professor of Political Science at the Graduate Center of the City University
of New York and Director Emeritus of the Ralph Bunche Institute for International
Studies. He is also Distinguished Fellow, Global Governance, at the Chicago Council
on Global Affairs, and Eminent International Scholar at Kyung Hee University, Korea.
He was a 2016 Andrew Carnegie Fellow and a past president of the International
Studies Association (2009–10) as well as the recipient of its “2016 Distinguished IO
Scholar Award.” Other recent posts included Research Professor at SOAS, University
of London (2012–15); Chair of the Academic Council on the UN System (2006–9);
editor of Global Governance (2000–5); and Research Director of the International
Commission on Intervention and State Sovereignty (2000–1). He has written exten-
sively about multilateral approaches to international peace and security, humanitarian
action, and sustainable development. His latest single-authored books are Would the
World Be Better without the UN? (2018); What’s Wrong with the United Nations and
How to Fix It (2016); Humanitarian Intervention: Ideas in Action (2016); Governing
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x   

the World? Addressing “Problems without Passports” (2014); Global Governance: Why?
What? Whither? (2013); Humanitarian Business (2013); and Thinking about Global
Governance: People and Ideas Matter (2011). He is also most recently the editor of
Routledge Handbook on the UN and Development (2021, with Stephen Browne), the
second edition of The Oxford Handbook on the United Nations (2018, with Sam Daws),
and the second edition of International Organization and Global Governance (2018,
with Rorden Wilkinson).
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List of Figures, Tables, and Box

Figures
1.1 Interactions among the Three United Nations 20
1.2 Historical overview of the number of IGOs and INGOs, 1909–2017 31
1.3 Parent TNCs and foreign affiliates, World Investment Report 1992–2009 32

Tables
2.1 Number and ratio of INGOs and IGOs founded by decade, 1900–2019 42
4.1 Number of think tanks by region, 2018 104

Box
4.1 The functions of knowledge brokers 107
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List of Abbreviations

A4P Action for Peacekeeping

AGE Advisory Group of Experts on Peacebuilding
AI Amnesty International
AI artificial intelligence
AMISOM African Union Mission in Somalia
APMBC Anti-Personnel Mine Ban Convention
ASEAN Association of Southeast Asian Nations
AU African Union
BRI Belt and Road Initiative [China]
BRICS Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa [Group of]
CAR Central African Republic
CARICOM Caribbean Community
CCA Common Country Assessment
CDP Committee on Development Policy (previously Planning)
CEDAW Convention on the Elimination of all forms of Discrimination against
Women
CGPCS Contact Group for Piracy off the Coast of Somalia
CHR Commission on Human Rights
CIC Center for International Cooperation
CICC Coalition for the International Criminal Court
CIS Commonwealth of Independent States
CMC Cluster Munition Coalition
CONGO Conference of Non-governmental Organizations in Consultative
Relationship with the United Nations
COP Conference of Parties
CPPF Conflict Prevention and Peace Forum
CRASH Centre de Réflexion sur l’Action et les Savoirs Humanitaires
CSD Commission on Sustainable Development
CSR corporate social responsibility
DAC Development Assistance Committee [of the OECD]
DaO Delivering as One
DCAF Geneva Centre for Security Sector Governance
DESA Department of Economic and Social Affairs
DHA Department of Humanitarian Affairs
DHF Dag Hammarskjöld Foundation
DPA Department of Political Affairs
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DPET Department of Policy, Education, and Training

DPI Department of Public Information
DPKO Department of Peacekeeping Operations
DPO Department of Peace Operations
DPPA Department of Political and Peacebuilding Affairs
DRC Democratic Republic of the Congo
ECA Economic Commission for Africa
ECLA[C] Economic Commission for Latin America [and the Caribbean, after
1984]
ECOSOC Economic and Social Council
ECOWAS Economic Community of West African States
ECPS Executive Committee on Peace and Security
EEZ Exclusive Economic Zone
EISAS Electronic Information and Strategic Analysis unit in the Secretariat
EOSG Executive Office of the Secretary-General
ERC Emergency Relief Coordinator
ESCAP Economic and Social Commission for Asia and the Pacific
EU European Union
FAO Food and Agriculture Organization
FDI foreign direct investment
FIFA Fédération Internationale de Football Association
G-7/G-8 Group of Seven/Group of Eight
G-20 Group of 20
G-77 Group of 77
GATT General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade
GAVI Global Alliance for Vaccines and Immunization
GCC Gulf Cooperation Council
GCRP Geneva Centre for Security Policy
GDP gross domestic product
GDPR General Data Protection Regulation
GEF Global Environment Facility
GHGs greenhouse gases
GIS geographic information system
GNI gross national income
GNP gross national product
GONGO government-organized NGO
GWOT Global War on Terror
HD (Centre for) Humanitarian Dialogue
HDI Human Development Index
HI Handicap International
HIPPO High-level Independent Panel on UN Peace Operations
HIV/AIDS human immunodeficiency virus/acquired immune deficiency
syndrome
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HLP High-level Panel

HLPF High-level Political Forum
HPG Humanitarian Policy Group
HRC Human Rights Council
HRI Humanitarian Responses Index
HRuF Human Rights up Front
HRW Human Rights Watch
IAEA International Atomic Energy Agency
IASC Inter-Agency Standing Committee
IBRD International Bank for Reconstruction and Development [World Bank]
IBSA India, Brazil, South Africa [Group of]
ICANN Internet Corporation for Assigned Names and Numbers
ICAO International Civil Aviation Organization
ICBL International Campaign to Ban Landmines
ICC International Criminal Court
ICG International Crisis Group (or Crisis Group)
ICISS International Commission on Intervention and State Sovereignty
ICJ International Court of Justice
ICM International Commission on Multilateralism
ICRC International Committee of the Red Cross
ICTR International Criminal Tribunal for Rwanda
ICTY International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia
IDP internally displaced person
IFAD International Fund for Agricultural Development
IFRC International Federation of the Red Cross and Red Crescent Societies
IGO intergovernmental organization
IHL international humanitarian law
IHR International Health Regulations
IL international law
ILC International Law Commission
ILO International Labour Organization
IMF International Monetary Fund
IMO International Maritime Organization
INGO international non-governmental organization
IO international organization
IPCC Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change
IPE International Political Economy
IPI International Peace Institute (previously International Peace Academy)
IR International Relations
IRC International Rescue Committee
IRO International Refugee Organization
ITU International Telecommunications Union
IUCN International Union for the Conservation of Nature
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LGBTQ lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, and queer

MAG Mines Advisory Group
MI Medico International
MDG Millennium Development Goal
MINUSTAH United Nations Stabilisation Mission in Haiti
MONUSCO Mission de l’Organisation des Nations-Unies pour la Stabilisation en
Republique Démocratique du Congo
MPTFO Multi-Partner Trust Fund Office
MSF Médecins Sans Frontières [Doctors without Borders]
NAACP National Association for the Advancement of Colored Peoples
NAM Non-Aligned Movement
NATO North Atlantic Treaty Organization
NGO non-governmental organization
NIEO New International Economic Order
NRA National Rifle Association (US)
OAS Organization of American States
OCHA Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs
ODA official development assistance
OECD Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development
OHCHR Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights
OPCW Organization for the Prohibition of Chemical Weapons
OPEC Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries
OSCE Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe
OWG Open Working Group
Oxfam Oxford Committee for Famine Relief
P-5 permanent five members of the Security Council
PBC Peacebuilding Commission
PBF Peacebuilding Fund
PBSO Peacebuilding Support Office
PCIJ Permanent Court of International Justice
PHR Physicians for Human Rights
PMD Policy and Mediation Division
PoC protection of civilians
R2P responsibility to protect
RC resident coordinator
REF Research in Excellence Framework (UK)
RMR Regional Monthly Review
RwP Responsibility while Protecting
SCO Shanghai Cooperation Organisation
SCR Security Council Report
SDG Sustainable Development Goal
SEA sexual exploitation and abuse
SGBV sexual and gender-based violence
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SIPRI Swedish International Peace Research Institute

SNA System of National Accounts
SRSG special representative of the Secretary-General
SSRC Social Science Research Council
SWIFT Society for Worldwide Interbank Financial Telecommunication
TAN transnational advocacy network
TCC troop-contributing country
TNC transnational corporation
UK United Kingdom of Great Britain and Northern Ireland
UDHR Universal Declaration of Human Rights
UN United Nations
UNCED United Nations Conference on Environment and Development
UNCHE United Nations Conference on the Human Environment
UNCHS United Nations Centre for Human Settlements [Habitat]
UNCIO United Nations Conference on International Organization
UNCT United Nations Country Team
UNCTAD United Nations Conference on Trade and Development
UNCTC United Nations Centre on Transnational Corporations
UNDP United Nations Development Programme
UNEF United Nations Emergency Force
UNEP United Nations Environment Programme
UNESCO United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization
UNFCCC United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change
UNFPA United Nations Population Fund
UNGC United Nations Global Compact
UNHCR [Office of the] United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees
UNICEF United Nations Children’s Fund
UNIDO United Nations Industrial Development Organization
UNIFEM United Nations Development Fund for Women
UNIHP United Nations Intellectual History Project
UNITAR United Nations Institute for Training and Research
UNMOGIP United Nations Military Observer Group in India and Pakistan
UNOG United Nations Office in Geneva
UNRISD United Nations Research Institute for Social Development
UNSC United Nations Statistical Commission
UNSO United Nations Statistical Office
UNU United Nations University
UNU-CPR UNU Centre for Policy Research
UPU Universal Postal Union
US United States of America
USSR Union of Soviet Socialist Republics
VVAF Vietnam Veterans of America Foundation
WEF World Economic Forum
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WFM-IGP World Federalist Movement’s Institute for Global Policy

WFP World Food Programme
WHO World Health Organization
WIPO World Intellectual Property Organization
WMD weapons of mass destruction
WMO World Meteorological Organization
WTO World Trade Organization
WWF World Wildlife Fund [World Wide Fund for Nature]
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Introduction

Think tanks, knowledge brokers, and epistemic communities are phenomena

that have entered both the academic and policy lexicons, but their intellectual
role remains marginal to analyses of such intergovernmental organizations
(IGOs) as the United Nations (UN). Recent texts on the UN, of course, discuss
non-state actors,¹ but the bulk of analytical attention has concentrated on
nefarious non-state actors in violent conflicts and the difficulties in the UN’s
response to threats to peace and security. In addition, the essential operational
role of non-governmental organizations (NGOs) in development and humani-
tarian action has also been a topic for research, including an edited volume by
one of us that is still in print and cited despite having appeared a quarter-
century ago.²
The emphasis here, in contrast, is upon the dynamics and processes of ideas
and norms and, more particularly still, upon the impact of a subset of non-
state actors on how the UN thinks, and how we think about the UN. The
recognition of the essential role of scholars, think tanks, civil society, the for-
profit private sector, and other non-state actors on UN thinking required
adding a “Third UN” to our analytical toolkit in order to move beyond the
binary concept of a United Nations composed of member states whose
directives are carried out by international civil servants. In short; we needed
to capture accurately the politics of knowledge and norm production that
shape those directives and the ideas and narratives that drive them.
In one of the early classic textbooks, Inis Claude dubbed member states the
“First UN,” and he called the executive heads and their staffs in international
secretariats the “Second UN.” His two-fold distinction, between the world
organization as an intergovernmental arena and as an autonomous actor,³
provided the lenses through which analysts of the UN have traditionally
peered. However, our research, and especially the in-depth oral history inter-
views⁴ that we conducted over a decade for the United Nations Intellectual
History Project (UNIHP), pointed to another dimension. Ideas are one of the
UN’s most important legacies; they have made a substantial contribution to
human progress. However, in order to explain their origins and refinement,

The “Third” United Nations: How a Knowledge Ecology Helps the UN Think. Tatiana Carayannis and Thomas G. Weiss,
Oxford University Press (2021). © Tatiana Carayannis and Thomas G. Weiss.
DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780198855859.003.0001
OUP CORRECTED AUTOPAGE PROOFS – FINAL, 28/12/2020, SPi

2  “  ” 

their application and impact, we required a better understanding of the

intellectual firepower from outside the First UN and the Second UN.⁵
We first spelled out the “Third UN” in 2009—together with Richard Jolly—
in the journal Global Governance.⁶ Many colleagues have, over the years, cited
that piece on what amounts to an “additional” UN as insightful. As we write in
2020, a quick Google search has references to it in the first several hits. Many
of the same colleagues also asked why we had not fleshed out the concept, to
make it reflect our improved understanding of the way that ideas and norms
flourish or fall flat. This book responds to those queries. Helping the UN to
think, our sub-title, is especially pressing as we finalize these pages.
A pandemic strikes and the global economy implodes. Politicians, pundits,
and people are looking for answers, but the world organization is largely
missing in action. If past is prelude, the most creative and imaginative
rethinking of the contemporary bases for international cooperation will eman-
ate from the Third United Nations.
The next section briefly parses it to provide the basis for the following
chapters. Readers may have noticed that our original argument appeared in a
journal whose title, Global Governance, reflects the move away from the older
notion of states and their creations in the form of IGOs as the only substantial
pillars of world order. We explain that evolution in the following section
before briefly summarizing the book.

The Third UN: What Is It and Why Is It Important?

We begin with a definition. The Third UN is the ecology of supportive non-

state actors—intellectuals, scholars, consultants, think tanks, NGOs, the for-
profit private sector, and the media—that interacts with the intergovernmental
machinery of the First UN and the Second UN to formulate and refine ideas
and decision-making at key junctures in policy processes. Some advocate for
particular ideas, others help analyze or operationalize their testing and imple-
mentation; many thus help the UN “think.” This book fills a gap in under-
standing the impact of non-state actors. It is essential to note that our use of
this term connotes those working toward knowledge and normative advances
for the realization of the values underlying the UN Charter—that is, we are
clearly not talking about armed belligerents and criminals. We nonetheless
keep in mind the counsel of James O. C. Jonah, who noted that uniform
categories of “saints” or “sinners” are not airtight—at least for someone who
had attempted to coordinate non-state inputs in Somalia as the UN special
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 3

representative and then in Sierra Leone as a government minister: “Not all of

them are solid. Some of them are outright ‘crooks,’ sorry to say, . . .
[G]overnments are raising questions—and I know we did in Sierra Leone—
about the accountability of NGOs in terms of how they run their show.”⁷
We note two significant developments since our earlier framing of the Third
UN. One, for-profit actors, especially in the digital technology sector, play a far
larger role today than during the UN’s earliest years. While the private sector
has always had an over-sized impact on the global economy, it was margin-
alized until recently in UN circles because of its perceived negative impact—
certainly in ideological terms, in the Socialist bloc and much of the Global
South. Hence, their relatively marginal role for UN politics compared with
other members of the category has changed abruptly in the twenty-first
century. It shapes how the UN works, thinks, and the global challenges that
it faces.
Two, the media—print, electronic, and more recently social—is a more
important factor for the dissemination of ideas and the battle for primacy
than for the creation of new ideas and norms. Historically, the media have
been less frequent participants than other members of the Third UN because
they typically (other than occasionally a creative journalist) “do not help the
UN think,” or formulate and refine ideas. In addition to shaping the way that
all three UNs operate, the emergence of new technologies and digital media is
giving greater prominence to these actors in the Third UN.
Analyses of world politics increasingly acknowledge the extent to which the
stage is crowded with a variety of actors. Nonetheless, the point of departure
for this book reflects the fact that the most-used adjective in our related
disciplinary fields of work can be misleading. International relations (IR),
international law (IL), international organization (IO), and international
political economy (IPE) are the major components of our research and
teaching. Yet, the Latin root “natio” (birth) no longer makes sense because
state-centric perspectives in a globalizing world ignore movements across
borders of peoples, information, capital, ideas, and technologies. Scholars
and practitioners formerly used “nation-state,” which is misleading as nations
and states are different. Legally speaking, where there is a state, there is a
nation. However, there are several peoples—some born within a territory but
others born elsewhere who have moved—within virtually every state; more-
over, many significant peoples (for example, the Kurds and Palestinians) are
without a nation-state.
Sovereignty remains the predominant characteristic of world politics.
Indeed, in many ways with the emergence of new nationalisms and populisms,
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4  “  ” 

state sovereignty is back with a vengeance. At the same time, it is not what it
used to be. Analyses of world politics acknowledge the extent to which the
stage is crowded with a variety of actors, which is why “global governance”
emerged in the late twentieth century as the term of art to conceptualize the
UN, other IGOs, multilateral cooperation, and public-private partnerships.⁸
This realization is fundamental for those who concentrate on only two
United Nations, the one composed of member states and the second one
of secretariats with international civil servants—recruited on the basis of
their nationality—who work for the states that determine agendas and
(sometimes) pay the bills. We have long pointed to another UN, which is
composed of non-state actors closely associated with the organization and its
activities but not formally part of it. Despite the growth in analyses attempt-
ing to understand the relationships between non-state actors and IGOs,
this “other” or “Third” UN is poorly understood, often ignored, and nor-
mally discounted.
The United Nations is an intergovernmental organization whose 193 mem-
bers are states. UN analysts are typically students of IR, IL, IO, and IPE. They
begin with the building block of the Peace of Westphalia that essentially ended
European religious wars in 1648. They also have long accepted that the world
is divided into territorial states. Prior to Westphalia, dynastic empires, city-
states, feudalistic orders, clans and tribes, churches, and a variety of other
public authorities organized people into groupings for identity and problem-
solving. The territorial state emerged as the basic unit of social organization
from about the middle of the fifteenth to the middle of the seventeenth
century, first in Europe and then elsewhere. It commanded primary loyalty
and was responsible for order, and eventually for justice and prosperity within
a state’s territorial boundaries. European rulers found the institution of the
state useful and perpetuated its image; ironically, politically aware persons
outside the West adopted the notion to resist domination by those same
colonial powers. With decolonization, the number of states has grown, as
has the rigidity of the attachment to sacrosanct sovereignty by young and old
states alike.
Despite the persistence of clan, ethnic, and religious identities and a pattern
of inconsistencies that Stephen Krasner famously called “organized hypoc-
risy,”⁹ most of those exercising power have promoted the perception that the
basic political-legal unit of world politics was and should remain the territorial
state. The basis for sovereignty is an administrative apparatus with a supposed
monopoly on the legitimate use of force over a specific geographical area with
a stable population.
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 5

That the only bona fide UN members are territorial states (with the exception
of the Vatican) is the point of departure for an analytical puzzle about what
constitutes the United Nations. Some examples should help the reader under-
stand why we came up with the analytical tool of the Third UN. Numerous
non-territorial players in issue-specific global governance are more influential
than many territorial states: the International Committee of the Red Cross
(ICRC) for the laws of war and humanitarian principles; the Fédération
Internationale de Football Association (or FIFA, its familiar abbreviation)
for the world’s most popular sport (football or soccer); and the Internet
Corporation for Assigned Names and Numbers (also better known by its
acronym, ICANN) for the internet. Similarly, corporations have come
together to participate in the development of governance systems either at
the urging of international organizations, such as the UN’s Global Compact, or
in shared recognition of the need for new systems of coordination, such
as the Society for Worldwide Interbank Financial Telecommunication
(SWIFT). Moody’s Investors Service and Standard & Poor’s Ratings Group
render judgments that are authoritative enough to cause market responses.
Individual experts serving on the Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change
(IPCC) or eminent persons on other panels and commissions have altered
narratives and public policy. The global significance of non-traditional actors
like Facebook and the need for new governance systems for digital space was
explicit in UN Secretary-General António Guterres’ 2018 appointment of a
High-Level Panel on Digital Cooperation.
It is hard to imagine contemporary world politics without non-state
actors—indeed, their activities and influence on politics and the world econ-
omy often dwarf those of many small countries. That said, geo-political power
is reflected in the UN’s state-based, institutional structures, ranging from the
veto-wielding permanent five members of the Security Council (P-5) to the
leverage of the largest contributors to the budget. As we see, the history of
the Third UN resembles that of the First UN and the Second UN in lacking
diversity—that is, it is more white, male, and elitist than the globe’s popula-
tion, or even the vast bulk of member states.
The Third UN’s roles include research, policy analysis, idea mongering,
advocacy, and public education. Its various components put forward new
information and ideas, push for alternative policies, and mobilize public
opinion around UN deliberations and projects. They also can impede pro-
gress, by deploying the same methods; the polarization that afflicts geo-
political dynamics and left-right, secular-religious societal battles are also
reflected across the Third UN’s ever-changing network of networks that
OUP CORRECTED AUTOPAGE PROOFS – FINAL, 28/12/2020, SPi

6  “  ” 

helps the UN “think.” Some Third UN actors advocate for particular ideas,
while others help analyze or operationalize their testing and implementation.
Participation varies with issues and geographic focus as well as timing.
At any given time, any of these non-state actors can be a member of the
Third UN. There are no barriers to entry or exit, and no permanent
membership.
Some critics might regard our perspectives as rather orthodox and as
extensions of the status quo.¹⁰ However, many non-state actors such as
informed scholars, practitioners, and activists have had a distinct value-
added within intergovernmental contexts to push out intellectual and policy
envelopes, to venture beyond what passes for conventional wisdom. These
actors of the Third UN are independent of but provide essential inputs
into Claude’s other two United Nations. They do not necessarily foster
progressive values and actions—the National Rifle Association and many
transnational corporations (TNCs), for instance, pursue agendas that
may distort the pursuit of the UN’s human rights or environmental norms.
What is impossible to ignore, however, is that such “outside-insiders” or
“inside-outsiders” are integral, today and tomorrow, to the world body.
What once may have seemed marginal is now central for world politics and
multilateralism.
In addition, the relationships often are more complicated than they appear.
Michael Doyle, who was a professor at Princeton and Columbia Universities
before joining the UN Secretariat in New York and rejoined the academy after
leaving, agreed: “If you want genuinely fresh ideas, you’ve got to go outside the
system altogether. You have to go to commissions, panels, academics and
NGOs, and a few governments—mostly academics and NGOs.” Just Faaland,
who spent most of his career at the Norwegian development institute in
Bergen but often interacted with the UN system, also emphasized the rele-
vance of injecting outside intellectual grist: “The UN would be a much poorer
organization if it hadn’t been for . . . consultancies and other ways of mobiliz-
ing the outside world.”¹¹
Social scientists are taught to ask, “So what?” The following pages demon-
strate four ways that ideas and norms make a difference:

• They change the way that issues are perceived.

• They redefine state and non-state interests and goals, setting agendas for
action.
• They mobilize coalitions to press for action.
• They become embedded in institutions.
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Metadata

Titel: De
Nederlandsche
stads- en dorp-
beschrijver; III.
deel
Auteur: Lieve van Info
Ollefen (1749– https://viaf.org/viaf/54397564/
1816)
Aanmaakdatum 2023-11-18
bestand: 12:32:18 UTC
Taal: Nederlands
(Spelling De
Vries-Te Winkel)
Oorspronkelijke 1795
uitgiftedatum:

Codering
Dit boek is weergegeven in oorspronkelijke schrijfwijze. Afgebroken
woorden aan het einde van de regel zijn stilzwijgend hersteld.
Kennelijke zetfouten in het origineel zijn verbeterd. Deze
verbeteringen zijn aangegeven in de colofon aan het einde van dit
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2023-08-25 Begonnen.

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Bladzijde Bron Verbetering Bewerkingsafstand

IV, 4, 16,
3, 16, 2,
2, 8, 10,
3, 3, 8,
16, 16, 8 [Niet in bron] . 1
V eders elders 1
VII, 18, 3,
2, 2, 1, 4,
6, 10, 9 [Niet in bron] , 1
IX vier-en negentig vier-en-negentig 1
IX, 4 [Niet in bron] - 1
X, 13, 12 [Niet in bron] „ 1
XII [Niet in bron] : 1
XV Sicht Sticht 1
6 zjin zijn 2
8, 9, 2,
14 , [Verwijderd] 1
11 Huitzitten Huiszitten 1
14 Keizersgaft Keizersgraft 1
19, 15, 8,
2, 5, 16,
1, 4 , . 1
19 [Niet in bron] ’s 3
26 de die 1
28 te ze 1
35 tegenwêer tegenweêr 2/0
36, 36 . 1
1, 1 ’d d’ 2
1 reedsbijna reeds bijna 1
5 geemenlijk gemeenlijk 2
5 vee veel 1
6 Histerie Historie 1
10, 10 baterijen batterijen 1
10 twaafponder twaalfponder 1
11, 11 Collonel Colonel 1
13 leewen leeuwen 1
15 Patriooten Patriotten 1
15 zie ( (zie 3
15 gegenomd genoemd 3
16 Elisabethts Elisabeths 1
16, 4, 4,
7, 7 . , 1
3, 14 - 1
6 geteiteisterd geteisterd 3
6 merktenen merktekenen 2
1 Ambachtsheerlijk Ambachtsheerlijkheid 4
2 aangenam aangenaam 1
7 Seretarij Secretarij 1
10 geappropieerd geapproprieerd 1
15 Collonels Colonels 1
2 Lutersch Luthersch 1
8 erhalven derhalven 1
1 ? , 1
9 Amsterveen Amstelveen 1
9, 16 . [Verwijderd] 1
13 warmoesstraat Warmoesstraat 1
15 Cavharin Catharina 2
16 baterij batterij 1
16 bezorgen de bezorgende 1
2 naaamlijk naamlijk 1
5 ligggen liggen 1
6 geplaast geplaatst 1
6 voor Voor 1
9, 12 Ontewaaler Outewaaler 1
12 ; : 1
14 innudatie inundatie 2
14 Mathys Matthys 1
1 Anstelland Amstelland 1
4 toortjen torentjen 3
7 Postorij Pastorij 1
11 [Niet in bron] van 4
16 was waren 3
20 niette enstaande niettegenstaande 1
20 Ouder Amstel Ouder-Amstel 1
2 Narden Naarden 1
11 oerde voerde 1
11 waar uit waaruit 1
12 duurden duurde 1
13 detachemet detachement 1
14 maaktte maakte 1
14 eenvouwig eenvoudig 1
14 wierde wierden 1
14, 15 gekwest gekwetst 1
14 gekwesten gekwetsten 1
15 Pruissich Pruissisch 1
15 barsten barstten 1
15, 15 barste barstte 1
15 zettede zetteden 1
15 gekwesten gewetsten 2
15 eischten eischte 1
15 Battailion Battaillon 1
3 ) [Verwijderd] 1
7 . : 1
10 rijd rijdt 1
15 zuiderzee Zuiderzee 1
3 Eersteliijk Eerstelijk 1
1 naa naar 1
1 als sal 2
2 derzelve derzelver 1
3 to tot 1
4 suijdellijksten suijdelijksten 1
8 gtoote groote 1
8 ” [Verwijderd] 1
8 t’ ’t 2
3 onvertsaagheid onversaagdheid 2
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16 ; [Verwijderd] 1
4 Muider slot Muiderslot 1
12 Abbama Abbema 1
7 bloienden bloeienden 1
5, 5 Weesper-kerspel Weesper-Kerspel 1
9 welden welken 1
2 innundatiën inundatiën 1
3 Weespers-karspel Weesper-Kerspel 3
3 Weesper kerspel Weesper-Kerspel 2
5 Weessp Weesp 1
6 een eens 1
10 Armeesters Armmeesters 1
11 Oud Loosdrecht Oud-Loosdrecht 1
12 Mijnde Mijnden 1
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