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Cultivating Democracy
M O D E R N S OU T H A SIA
Ashutosh Varshney, Series Editor
Pradeep Chhibber, Associate Series Editor
Editorial Board
Kaushik Basu (Cornell)
Sarah Besky (Cornell)
Jennifer Bussell (Berkeley)
Veena Das (Johns Hopkins)
Patrick Heller (Brown)
Niraja Gopal Jayal (Jawaharlal Nehru University)
Devesh Kapur (Johns Hopkins)
Atul Kohli (Princeton)
Pratap Bhanu Mehta (Ashoka University)
Shandana Khan Mohmand (University of Sussex)
Ashley Tellis (Carnegie Endowment for International Peace)
Steven Wilkinson (Yale)
M U K U L I KA BA N E R J E E
1
3
Oxford University Press is a department of the University of Oxford. It furthers
the University’s objective of excellence in research, scholarship, and education
by publishing worldwide. Oxford is a registered trade mark of Oxford University
Press in the UK and certain other countries.
DOI: 10.1093/oso/9780197601860.001.0001
1 3 5 7 9 8 6 4 2
Paperback printed by LSC communications, United States of America
Hardback printed by Bridgeport National Bindery, Inc., United States of America
For
Julian
Like the sailor, the citizen is a member of a community. Now, sailors
have different functions, for one of them is a rower, another a pilot,
and a third a lookout man, a fourth is described by some similar
term; and while the precise definition of each individual’s virtue
applies exclusively to him, there is, at the same time, a common def-
inition applicable to them all. For they have, all of them, a common
object which is safety in navigation. Similarly, one citizen differs
from another, but the salvation of the community is the common
business of them all. This community is the Constitution; the virtue
of the citizen must therefore be relative to the constitution of which
he is a member.
—Aristotle on the “General Notion of
the Virtue of Citizen” in Politics
Preface xi
Acknowledgments 199
Notes 205
Bibliography 219
Index 229
Preface
This book was completed in the middle of a pandemic that revealed the fragility
of held certainties. An invisible virus about which science knew little, took lives
across the world forcing a halt in activities that we had come to take for granted
such as travel, classroom teaching, and hugging friends. In a few weeks it also
became clear that the degree of devastation in each national context depended
on its quality of political leadership. Some countries did better than others and
discernable patterns emerged. Democracies did not do better, as they had done
in the previous century, in managing famines for instance. In fact, the worst-
performing countries were all democracies, India among them. This has focused
our attention on reexamining whether the twentieth-century certainty that de-
mocracy was the best-among-worst solutions of political arrangements still held
true. Research and writings produced through the pandemic drew attention to
the democratic cultures in a variety of national contexts and showed that formal
democratic procedures did not necessarily create what was required in such
times, namely a democracy of spirit of civic commitment and trust in govern-
ment. These had to be cultivated and nurtured alongside the formal structures.
The recent turn in formal democracies to polarized opinions and trust in strong
men who wasted no time striving for consensus and relied instead on inflam-
matory and partisan utterances, did not facilitate forging a collective response
to such a challenge.1 The democratic spirit was thus constantly under threat and
needed to be continually regenerated.
Meanwhile, medical experts pointed out that greater civic engagement was
pivotal to a successful public health campaign to manage the virus. The political
lesson of the pandemic therefore was that democracies could only succeed in
tackling a crisis when its citizens were active and engaged, which is the theme of
this book.
As the world’s largest institutional democracy, India requires critical atten-
tion especially as it was among the world’s top three countries adversely affected
by Covid-19. As the initial panic of the disease ebbed, the lack of investment in
public health infrastructure that could be expected from an accountable and re-
sponsive elected government was revealed. Instead, what was introduced were a
slew of laws and surveillance techniques designed to curb democratic freedoms
in the guise of epidemiological measures. The pandemic has been disastrous for
democratic freedoms.
xii Preface
analyse electoral data and go beyond them to show that over and above changes
in the party system, India is experiencing changes in its political system. Merely
analysing the results of the last General Election as an outcome of a recent
transformation of the party system or as a re-enactment of the previous elec-
tion, is both insufficient and, to an extent, misleading. Such analysis obfuscates
the changes in the BJP’s mobilization strategies and, more importantly, the
transformation of India’s political institutions under BJP rule between the
two elections but even more so since the May 2019 verdict. Indeed, the 2019
elections may appear retrospectively as the moment when history accelerated.
(Jaffrelot and Verniers 2020: 2)
This accelerated history delivered three key changes—and each of these re-
defined, and threatened, the Indian republic. And each of these was met with
protests from citizen groups who wished to re-claim the republic, organizing
under the banner of “We, the people of India.” On August 5, 2019, the state of
Jammu and Kashmir (the only Muslim majority state in the country) was di-
vided into three parts and turned into Union Territories controlled directly by
the central government. Past and current elected representatives of the state as-
sembly were placed under house arrest, and the human rights of the entire pop-
ulation in Kashmir were taken away. Second, in November, the Supreme Court
passed a judgement allowing the construction of a temple to Ram on the site
where a sixteenth-century mosque used to stand. The mosque had been razed to
the ground by thousands of young men on December 6, 1992. These two moves
confirmed the Hindu majoritarian agenda of the new government and a political
system that was committed to keeping India’s 200-million-strong Muslim pop-
ulation as second-class citizens. This was confirmed by a further comprehensive
move in December 2019, when the Indian parliament passed an amendment to
the Citizenship Act that gave state functionaries discretionary powers to exclude
Muslims from citizenship of India. In the weeks following each of these moves,
the country witnessed widespread protests as they violated the basic structure
of the Indian constitution which was secular in spirit. The scale and nature of
the protests varied across India and overseas but everywhere, remarkably, there
xiv Preface
were mass recitations of the Preamble to the Indian constitution, that began with
the words “We the People of India, solemnly resolve to give ourselves. . . .” These
were the words all Indians dimly remembered from the frontispiece of their
government-issue school textbooks and in wishing to give voice to their col-
lective protest against the actions of a democratically elected government, they
recalled those foundational words of the Indian constitution.
These seemed especially poignant during my most recent visit to my research
site, the villages of Madanpur and Chishti that are the setting for this study, in
September 2019 to attend the Islamic festival of Muharram.2 This time, the fa-
mous stick-fighting contest of the last day, while robust as ever, was heart-
breaking. As always, teams of young men from the neighboring villages gathered
in a small clearing in Madanpur to show off their skills in wielding long bamboo
poles (lathi khela), and for their team “uniforms” they had chosen imitations of
the Indian cricket team’s strip and they sang the song “Sarey jahaan sey achcha
Hindustan hamara” (Our country is the best in the world) as their final anthem.
The sight of young Muslim men and boys celebrating the nation and their attach-
ment to it at a time when each of them was hopelessly vulnerable to random acts
of public lynching and to laws that reduced them to second-class citizenship, was
deeply desolate.
And yet, while India’s credibility as a democracy is in jeopardy in the middle
of a pandemic, the protests against the Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA) and
their afterlife provide small glimmers of hope. For when the anti-CAA protests
were abruptly halted by the pandemic, in a display of civic virtue the same citizen
groups that had protested to preserve India’s republic seamlessly transformed
themselves into groups that untiringly provided food and care for the most vul-
nerable citizens and migrant workers whom the government appeared to have
utterly forgotten while announcing the abrupt lockdown. As Yogendra Yadav has
observed ‘mass mobilization and popular resistance outside the electoral arena
are going to be prerequisites for any effective reversal of the hegemonic power’
(Yadav 2020: xxxi). These gestures by ordinary Indians serve as a reminder that
it is this sense of civic duty performed by citizens and their commitment to the
collective good that are essential to the cultivation of democracy. In the pages to
follow, we will explore the vital necessity of these republican values in creating a
democratic culture in the sovereign, democratic Republic of India.
*
1
The Event and Democracy
In April 2019, ahead of the fourteenth national elections in India, a visit to the
villages I call Madanpur and Chishti revealed new developments. The Comrade,
who had dominated all politics in these villages for decades, had passed away,
key actors of the rival Trinamool Congress were missing, and young men rode
through the village on motorcycles on which fluttered little red flags that said
“Jai Shri Ram” (Victory to Lord Ram). Lord Hanuman was being enthusiastically
worshipped after clay idols of this deity had mysteriously appeared under trees
and on highways from where they had been retrieved and small shrines had been
built for them. The Hindu majoritarian Bhartiya Janata Party (BJP) which, de-
spite its national dominance, had yet to make a significant electoral presence in
West Bengal, mobilized support around the fairs and feasts held at these shrines.
Traveling across the state of West Bengal, this trend seemed widespread as it be-
came evident that new fissures were opening up, primary among them being the
one between generations. Restless and impatient young men, desperate for a new
politics that they could call their own, and one that was different from the ri-
valry of Trinamool and the Left Front that had consumed their parents’ lives, had
turned to the masculinized politics of the BJP in the hope that it would fill that
void. Many of them were educated but emasculated by the dearth of employment
opportunities and in the run up to the elections filled their free time by mobi-
lizing crowds to worship Hanuman and disseminated messages from WhatsApp
forwards received on their smartphones. Hanuman was a lesser-known deity in
Bengal, but his muscular frame and devotion to the god Rama was familiar and
his worship presented the perfect pretext to rally support for “their” party. The
BJP had itself first come to dominate national politics through its mobilization
of public support for a temple to Lord Ram to be built on the very site where a
sixteenth-century mosque had stood. In December 1992, thousands of restless
young men, not dissimilar to the ones roaming the Bengal countryside now, had
torn down the mosque, aided with not much more than the most basic tools of
hammers and ropes. In the tense and febrile atmosphere of the 2019 elections and
the dominance of the workers of Trinamool Congress, the slogan “Jai Shri Ram”
and Hanuman worship became secret codes for a nascent support base to express
their admiration for the Prime Minister Narendra Modi and his Hindu majori-
tarian agenda. The strategy seemed to work, and in May 2019 the BJP, which had
previously won just two out of forty-two national seats in West Bengal, now won
2 Cultivating Democracy
eighteen and captured 40 percent of the vote share to emerge as a top contender
for the first time. The state elections for the government in West Bengal in 2021
were only two years away, and victory seemed within reach. Time would reveal
that despite their confidence ahead of the elections in April 2021, the BJP did not
win and was instead routed by Trinamool Congress and retained power with an
overwhelming victory.
The state of West Bengal has always presented something of a conundrum to
analysts of Indian electoral politics. It holds the record for the longest elected
communist government from 1977 to 2011, which ended after a successful
challenge from the new Trinamool Congress party, led by the maverick female
politician Mamata Banerjee. Mamata herself defied wider South Asian trends
of female political leadership by forging an entirely self-made political career
without any male relatives or mentors, unlike all her female peers across the re-
gion. But after two terms as chief minister, her own political survival was at stake
in 2021 as she faced the challenge of the BJP after its phenomenal performance
in the 2019 national elections. The new conundrum is to explain the rise of BJP
(which lost the 2021 election but gained seats) and whether its success can be
explained by its ability to tap into a nascent Hindu majoritarian opinion as well
as lower caste mobilization in the West Bengal electorate—both of which had
been held in abeyance by prior political parties.
The analysis presented in this book suggests that big electoral stories such as
the kind West Bengal has seen can be truly understood through the study of mi-
nute changes on the ground. The period covered in this book is the fifteen years
between 1998 and 2013 that saw the routing of the seemingly invincible Left
Front by a new political party a decade into the new century. As we will see, un-
derstanding a dramatic electoral story comes from a textured study of not simply
elections but also the non-electoral temporalities that interleave it. An ordinary
village serves as the perfect setting for such a microscopic examination, for it
reveals the actions of individuals, the changing alliances of partisanship, the eth-
ical resources that nourish social action, and the ways in which democracy and
citizenship are constituted in the everyday.
*
In May 2011, as I alighted at the familiar bus stop by the villages of Madanpur and
Chishti ahead of the West Bengal State Assembly elections, a surprise greeted
me. Strung across the main village lanes were green and orange posters of the
political party Trinamool Congress, unimaginable even a few years ago. The very
first time I had visited these two villages in March 1998, and in the years that
followed, the dominance of the communist parties had been so overwhelming
that even the name of any rival party could only be mentioned in terrified whis-
pers, if at all. To see the flags of the rivals occupying the landscape now made for
The Event and Democracy 3
texture of the horizontal relationship between citizen and citizen. Together, they
defined India’s new political identity, in which Indians who had been hitherto
subjects of a colonial government would become sovereign citizens with the
right to elect their representatives in government, and live in a society in which
they would be tied together through bonds of social citizenship and mutuality.
The constitution adopted in January 1950 held a promise to create a political
democracy of institutions and procedures, alongside a democracy in social life.
This was an aspirational vision given the grim reality of caste and inequality in
Indian political and social life at the time of independence, but a constitutional
commitment to the need for a profound transformation was made. Thus, sev-
enty years later, any assessment of Indian democracy needs to attend to its record
both as a political and an institutional democracy, as well as its capacity for cre-
ating democracy in society for a republic of fraternity.
A republic is not merely the absence of monarchy but the presence of an ac-
tive citizen body that through vigorous participation in public affairs safeguards
the freedom and security of the individual and also, crucially, of the republic as
a whole. Aristotle’s definition of a citizen, presented as an epigraph to this book,
states: “One citizen differs from another, but the salvation of the community is
the common business of them all.” Such a notion is premised on the idea that cit-
izenship is a collective activity that requires effective and continual engagement
by each rights-bearing individual. The term had a long history of usage associated
broadly under the concept of “republicanism” and the intellectual trajectory of
the term in Europe intertwined with that in India through Ambedkar’s thought
and culminated in his proposal as Chair of the constitution drafting committee,
on the adoption of the word “republic” to describe independent India. His insist-
ence on including both the words—“democratic” and “republic”—drew atten-
tion to the distinction within the role of the citizen across the two concepts. The
term democracy indicated the relationship of the citizen to the state and by the
middle of the twentieth century had come to represent a procedural form of lib-
eralism which established a legal framework of rules of just and equal treatment
of citizens. Within a political democracy, therefore, citizens had rights and could
make claims on the state. But such a procedural form of democracy did not em-
phasize the horizontal relationship a citizen had with other citizens, and it was to
this aspect of citizenship that Ambedkar wished to draw attention and institu-
tionalize with the use of the word “republic.”
In the case of India, this was an important delineation because here, pro-
cedural democracy had to bear “the burden” of counteracting the everyday
order of the caste system and its social inequalities (Mehta 2009). The formal
proclamations of political equality in a democracy—“one person, one vote”—
would remain meaningless, according to Ambedkar, if they were passively left
to the law of procedure. Instead, such a goal of equality could only be achieved
The Event and Democracy 5
when active and vigilant citizens sought to ensure that “each vote also had equal
value.” Without this, there could be no “social democracy” as Ambedkar de-
fined it—that is, a democracy in society too that was based on genuine fraternity
within the citizenry. The republican idea of active citizenship that would actively
strive toward its creation was therefore essential for a wholesome and genuine
democracy in India.
This book examines the relationship of formal political democracy and
the cultivation of active citizenship in one particular setting: the villages of
Madanpur and Chishti in the state of West Bengal.
On the face of it, the setting chosen here presented some of the worst
conditions for its cultivation—it was rural, communist, and mostly Muslim.
The village as a site of social action was, from the very start, characterized as a
“den of vice” by Ambedkar, and Marx’s view of French peasants as potatoes in
a sack—that is, a mere aggregate of isolated entities unsuitable for any solidary
action—has remained remarkably persistent.1 In addition, formal communist
ideology self-avowedly rejected any form of democratically elected governments
as “bourgeois democracy” that concealed the vested interests of the capitalist
classes, rather than voters. Beyond that, the concept of the international Muslim
community of ummah had always existed in tension with the imagination of
a national democracy. Thus, to explore the culture of democracy in a location
where these three elements determined the social and political context may seem
incongruous.
But as this book will show, a deep anthropological engagement with the
people in these villages and a “receptivity to the events in the world,” as Veena
Das puts it, to the nature of the village, communism as it existed in reality, and
the practices rather than theology of Islam in a South Asian context challenges
any pre-existing biases, as each of these elements offered unexpected possibili-
ties (Das 2015: 217). Cultivating Democracy thereby presents an anthropological
analysis of the social imaginaries of an agrarian village society and its relation-
ship to democratic values. Forms of life and ideas about how to live together
compose the agrarian setting of a village, creating affective solidarities across dif-
ferent regimes of labor, caste, and religious affiliations to sustain and reproduce
a community over time. Given intractable social differences, these forms require
cultivation as ways of living together have to be continuously created, assessed,
revised, and re-created to make social life possible. This process of cultivation, as
we shall see, occurs in all aspects of life, whether in work arrangements, religious
rituals, neighborliness, and marriage rules and generates the social imaginaries
that orient people’s action, creating desirable values for an ethical and mean-
ingful life. The term social imaginaries is borrowed from Charles Taylor as “the
ways in which people imagine their social existence—how they fit together with
others and how things go on between them and their fellows, the expectations
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CHAPTER V.
LADY SARAH’S RECOGNITION
Rhoda, with her eyes fixed on the scarred hand, did not see either of
the faces turned towards her, did not catch the quick look exchanged
between Jack Rotherfield and Lady Sarah, or note their rapid loss of
colour.
It was quite a long time before anybody spoke. Then Lady Sarah,
crossing the room slowly and with apparent carelessness, asked:
“What’s the matter?”
Rhoda looked up, but there was a mist before her eyes; she said
nothing, but rose unsteadily from her chair and took a couple of
steps toward the window.
She was stopped, however, before she reached it, and found Lady
Sarah’s hand within her arm.
“Don’t go away, Miss Pembury. Tell me, are you ill? What is it?”
The light bright voice was unchanged. But Rhoda, still breathing
heavily, though the mist seemed to be clearing away, glanced quickly
at her, and perceived that she was still of a deadly pallor.
“Let me go,” whispered the girl. “I—I’m not well—I—I feel faint.”
“I’ll take you into the garden. Jack, bring out a chair, and find a
sunshade.”
Rhoda shuddered at the name, and looked round. Jack Rotherfield
was pale also, although he tried to carry it off in an unconcerned
manner. Rhoda would have escaped, but she was firmly held, and
made to sit in the verandah, while her companions stood one on
each side of her.
Rhoda had noticed, without being sufficiently herself to take in the
significance of the fact, that there had been a short colloquy between
them. Now Lady Sarah suddenly seized Jack’s right hand, and
holding it close under Rhoda’s face, said:
“This was what shocked you, wasn’t it? The mark on his poor
hand? I’ll tell you all about it.”
Rhoda bowed her head. She knew that she was going to hear a
trumped-up story, but she had to listen. What the real truth was as to
Jack Rotherfield’s connection with the tragedy that took place at the
Mill-house ten years before she did not yet know, but that it was not
what she was going to hear she was quite sure.
“Do you remember—I’m awfully sorry to have to remind you of it,
for it’s an unpleasant subject, but I must—Do you remember the
night you went away from here all those years ago?”
“Yes,” said Rhoda below her breath.
“And do you know that, on that very night, the poor butler,
Langton, was found lying dead in the drawing-room?”
Rhoda bowed her head.
“Well, the next day the place was in a dreadful state, everybody
excited and half-crazy. We were all following out the track of the
burglar who had got in and murdered the poor man. And standing by
the drawing-room window, with Sir Robert and me, Jack, opening it
quickly, thrust his hand through the glass, and cut it right open. I
fainted. Coming so soon after the ghastly discovery we had made, it
made me quite ill. Sir Robert carried me to the sofa, and the doctor,
who was in the house with the police, bound up Jack’s hand first,
and then came up and attended to me, and then mama took me
home!”
Rhoda bowed her head in silence. Lady Sarah waited for some
sort of an apology for her behaviour, but she made none. After rather
a long pause, during which Rhoda suddenly looked up and
perceived a stealthy interchange of looks of alarm between the other
two, she got up and murmured something about going back to Caryl.
“Not yet,” said Lady Sarah, “you are not well enough yet to be
teased by the boy. Sit still, and I will bring your tea out to you. Jack,
fetch Miss Pembury’s cup, and mine too, there’s a good boy. And
then go and ask Sir Robert if he will come and have some too.”
Jack hesitated, but she gave him another look, and he obeyed.
Within five minutes Rhoda was sitting with her tea-cup in her hand,
Lady Sarah was beside her, and Jack was returning along the
terrace with Sir Robert.
When she was alone with the other lady, Rhoda seized the
opportunity to say:
“I’m sorry I cried out as I did, but——”
She could not go on, and after a pause, Lady Sarah finished her
sentence for her.
“The sight of a scar or wound distresses you. I understand. Some
people are very sensitive to anything like that. But it’s not really
painful now, you know. At the moment it happened I thought it must
be, for it looked so dreadful. But even then I think perhaps I suffered
more at the sight of the wound than Jack did himself.”
“Yes.”
Lady Sarah turned quickly to her husband, who was now in sight.
“Bertie,” she said, “Tell Miss Pembury how Jack cut his hand.”
Rhoda rose quickly from her chair.
“Oh, no,” she said hastily, “I don’t want to hear any more, really.”
But Lady Sarah insisted.
“You must,” she said, with peremptoriness, which betrayed the
importance she attached to the apparently small matter.
Sir Robert was not at all pleased at his wife’s question, recalling
an episode in his life which he would fain have forgotten.
“He put his hand through a window,” he said briefly, “and the mark
shows still, as I dare say you have noticed, Miss Pembury.”
Rhoda said “Yes” under her breath, but there was still upon her
face a dazed look of incredulity which irritated Lady Sarah.
The girl took the first opportunity of escaping upstairs, but she was
in no state to amuse little Caryl, so she hastened to her own room,
locked herself in, and sitting down, breathless and trembling, on a
chair near the window, gave herself up to her distress, her doubts
and her fears.
What did it mean? What could it mean but one thing?
There stood out clearly in her recollection the remembrance of the
terrible night of her escape from the Mill-house, and the sight of the
moonlight streaming on the hand with the red wound across it. That
the hand she had seen that night was the hand of Jack Rotherfield
she was quite sure. Her impression of the red mark she had seen
that night was so strong, that nothing would have shaken her in this
conviction. True, it was difficult to understand the story she had just
heard, and wholly impossible to believe that Sir Robert was not