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Title Pages
Receptions of Newman
Frederick D. Aquino and Benjamin J. King
Title Pages
(p.i) Receptions of Newman
(p.iv)
Impression: 1
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Title Pages
ISBN 978–0–19–968758–9
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Dedication
Receptions of Newman
Frederick D. Aquino and Benjamin J. King
Dedication
(p.v) To Frank Turner and Basil Mitchell
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Abbreviations
Receptions of Newman
Frederick D. Aquino and Benjamin J. King
(p.ix) Abbreviations
Unless otherwise stated below, we use the uniform edition of Newman’s works
begun in 1868, reprinted by Longmans from 1886, and currently online at
<http://newmanreader.org>.
Apo.
Apologia pro vita sua, ed. Martin Svaglic (Oxford: Clarendon Press,
1967)
Ari.
The Arians of the Fourth Century
Ath. i, ii
Select Treatises of St Athanasius in Controversy with the Arians
Dev.
An Essay on the Development of Christian Doctrine, 1st edn (London:
James Toovey, 1845)
Dev. (1878)
An Essay on the Development of Christian Doctrine, rev. edn (London:
Basil Montagu Pickering, 1878)
Diff. i, ii
Certain Difficulties Felt by Anglicans in Catholic Teaching
EH i, ii
Essays Critical and Historical
GA (1887)
An Essay in Aid of a Grammar of Assent, ed. Nicholas Lash (Notre
Dame, IN: University of Notre Dame Press, 1979)
Idea
The Idea of a University
Jfc.
Lectures on the Doctrine of Justification
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Abbreviations
LD i—xxxii
The Letters and Diaries of John Henry Newman, ed. Charles Stephen
Dessain et al. (London and Oxford: Thomas Nelson and Clarendon
Press, 1961–2008)
Mix.
Discourses Addressed to Mixed Congregations
ODNB
Oxford Dictionary of National Biography
PS i–viii
Parochial and Plain Sermons noted by vol./sermon number, not page
number
US
Fifteen Sermons Preached before the University of Oxford
Ward i, ii
Wilfrid Ward, The Life of John Henry Cardinal Newman, 2 vols
(London: Longmans, 1912)
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Notes on Contributors
Receptions of Newman
Frederick D. Aquino and Benjamin J. King
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Notes on Contributors
(p.xii)
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Introduction
Receptions of Newman
Frederick D. Aquino and Benjamin J. King
Introduction
Frederick D. Aquino
Benjamin J. King
Was John Henry Newman an agnostic? Such a question seems implausible to ask
of one who is recognized as a saint today. But in the last decade of his life, the
question was so intensely debated that the octogenarian cardinal went into print
to defend his Christian beliefs. He appended a note to his famous Essay in Aid of
a Grammar of Assent1 (one of three major works to be discussed in the present
volume) clarifying the difference between atheism and Catholicism, and wrote
articles on the subject of faith and reason.2 Newman had, of course, been
pondering this subject throughout his life—as an Evangelical-turned-liberal
Anglican clergyman at Oxford University, as a leader of the Oxford Movement, as
a Roman Catholic convert, and finally as a cardinal.
(p.2) There are a number of reasons why divisions over Newman’s agnosticism
are a good example with which to begin Receptions of Newman. First, Newman’s
writings on matters of faith continue to inform the study of theology, philosophy,
and history today. The contributors to this volume come from these three
disciplines and are well equipped to analyse the receptions of Newman by
theologians, philosophers, and historians. Second, divisions over agnosticism
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Introduction
show the contradictory ways in which Newman’s readers have understood him,
during and after his lifetime. Third, by beginning this introduction with one
example among the many subjects on which Newman wrote, the editors want to
be clear from the start that this volume is not an exhaustive account of the
reception of his work, but rather a group of studies of certain receptions. For
instance, there are few non-Anglophone receptions in what follows, with the
major exception of a chapter on France that does not cover all French receptions
of Newman; and while the reception of three of his major works is discussed in
detail below, his most popular work (Apologia pro vita sua) receives less direct
attention.5
The plural in the title is important. These studies look from different
perspectives at the different readers of Newman who work in different
disciplines. There is deliberately no uniform voice among the contributors, just
as there is no uniform reception of Newman among those they study. Finally,
there is no single use of the term ‘reception’ by the contributors, who agreed
when we met in Sewanee, Tennessee, in March 2013 that we would use it in the
general sense of an interpretation, recognizing that interpretation requires
readers to bring their specific training and questions to the text at hand. Some
chapters clarify how people from different disciplines and perspectives have
read (or misread) Newman’s works (King, Parker/Shea, Aquino, McInroy, Barr,
and Lattier). Others explain how people have remembered and responded to
Newman’s life and ideas (Nockles and Beaumont). Still others engage
(constructively) Newman’s and his interpreters’ thought (Sullivan, Abraham, and
O’Regan). There is no ‘common measure’ of Newman in this book.
The Sewanee gathering and the present volume are the editors’ attempts to
bring together scholars of various disciplines and perspectives who want to
study Newman critically. This critical edge is not intended to cut off genuine
appreciation for our subject. On the contrary, the topic of receptions frequently
enables the contributors to uncover areas where Newman’s readers have
misunderstood him and in some cases to offer a better reading. But even when a
better reading is offered, we heed the warning of Michel de Certeau against
‘interpos[ing] a frontier between the text and its readers that can be crossed (p.
3) only if one has a passport delivered by these official interpreters, who
transform their own reading (which is also a legitimate one) into an orthodox
“literality” that makes other (equally legitimate) readings either heretical…or
insignificant’.6 From the beginning of this project, the editors have wanted to
challenge the category of ‘official’ interpretations of Newman. Therefore, one of
the first whom the editors invited to join our gathering was Frank Turner, who
still suffers from attempts to portray him as a ‘heretical’ reader of Newman. We
wanted those who disagreed with Turner to be in the same room as he. Turner
died before our gathering, but his contribution to the historical study of
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Introduction
Basil Mitchell is the other recently departed Newman interpreter to whom the
editors dedicate this volume. Mitchell drew attention to the philosophical side of
Newman’s writings, putting them in conversation with the analytic tradition. He
explored and developed lines of inquiry (brilliantly opened up by Newman)
about, for example, the cumulative nature of justifying religious belief, and the
role of personal judgement in forming and sustaining religious belief.7 He saw a
constructive, though not facile or uncritical, connection between Newman’s
context and his own, especially in terms of seeking ‘to analyse the nature of
reason and its relation to Christian Faith’.8
The fiery response to Frank Turner’s scholarship, in life and death, has shown
how passionately Newman is still defended. Turner’s historical work returned
the discussion to nineteenth-century questions about, for instance, Newman’s
agnosticism. But now the stakes are higher than when R. H. Hutton defended
Newman against T. H. Huxley, raised by the Roman Catholic Church’s case for
his sainthood. Some of our essays attempt to rescue Newman from opponents
then and now. Others seek to save him from his rescuers, clearing away the
misinterpretations so that Newman’s works may be encountered afresh. All the
essays show why Newman was so important in the past and continues to inform
the present.
Overview of Chapters
We divide the receptions of Newman into five parts, each of the first three
examining one of Newman’s most influential texts. Part I focuses on (p.4)
Protestant and Roman Catholic receptions of An Essay on the Development of
Christian Doctrine. Benjamin King shows in Chapter 1 that, initially, development
of doctrine was not a living option for British Protestants. Although it was still
criticized at the end of the nineteenth century, by then the Essay was
acknowledged to have anticipated developmentalism in the study of history and
science. By the early twentieth century, however, Newman had contributed to
making development an accepted opinion among many British Protestants. So it
is that (as Chapter 9 quotes) at the start of the twenty-first century, development
of doctrine could be seen as ‘obvious’ to Anglicans.
Kenneth Parker and C. Michael Shea claim in Chapter 2 that the Essay provided
a coherent argument that attracted sympathetic responses from many Roman
Catholics. Previous scholars have failed to acknowledge the early and
enthusiastic support that it received from Ultramontanes. It influenced the
dogmatic definitions of the Immaculate Conception (1854) and Papal Infallibility
(1870), and remained influential—though muted—into the twentieth century. The
theory of development was later instantiated in Vatican II documents and taught
by twenty-first-century popes.
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Introduction
Part III focuses on the reception of The Idea of a University. John Sullivan seeks
in Chapter 5 to clarify what Newman said concerning the circle of knowledge
and curriculum wholeness. He engages some receptions of and responses to that
topic and identifies some challenges. Among those challenges, Newman’s
curriculum vision rests on an assumption that is not automatically accepted by
many university educators: it depends on an understanding that community is
central to the nature of a university.
(p.5) Colin Barr in Chapter 6 frames the reception of the Idea in historical
terms, in contrast to Sullivan’s engagement with the shape of the university
curriculum today. He acknowledges that the Idea has been and remains a key
text in the philosophy of higher education. Yet he traces both the various uses to
which Newman’s educational ideas have been put and the conflicting
understandings, representations, and distortions of Newman’s time in Ireland
and his educational work there.
Part IV moves away from specific works of Newman to focus on specific regions
and traditions. Peter Nockles charts and analyses in Chapter 7 the various
Tractarian responses to Newman’s leadership of the Oxford Movement,
especially when viewed from the perspective of his secession to the Church of
Rome in 1845. He highlights the fundamental divergence between those who
regarded the Movement as the providential means of revealing the true but
often hidden apostolic and catholic character of the English Church and those
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Introduction
Part V concludes the volume with two theological engagements with Newman
and his interpreters. In Chapter 10, William Abraham lays out Newman’s vision
of divine revelation, showing the epistemological and theological issues that
have emerged in the light of this vision. The chapter ends with some reflections
on the radical differences of opinion in the assessment of a figure of the stature
of Newman.
While this book charts new territory and is the first work to examine the
reception of Newman by his interpreters, we hope it will promote future
research.
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Introduction
The editors are grateful to Neil Alexander (Dean of the School of Theology) for
making the University of the South, Sewanee, available for our gathering in
2013, and to three among a splendidly supportive Sewanee faculty in particular:
Jim Dunkly (librarian extraordinary), Paul Holloway (with whom the idea of this
book was hatched during a dangerous car ride), and Brown Patterson (whose
presence contributed greatly to our gathering). A grant from the University of
the South helped with the index. At the Graduate School of Theology of Abilene
Christian University, we thank John Kern for his wonderful assistance in
finalizing the text and for his invaluable editorial insights, and Ken Cukrowski
(Dean of the Graduate School of Theology) and Tim Sensing (Associate Dean of
the Graduate School of Theology) for their support. We are also grateful to our
editor Tom Perridge for his encouragement and his wisdom and to our first-rate
copyeditor Lynn Childress.
Notes:
(1) GA (1887), 382–9, in response to [James Fitzjames Stephen], ‘Old Creeds and
New’, St James’s Gazette (8 Nov. 1880), 11–12. Newman’s Anglican work Tract
85 was taken as the starting point of Newman’s ‘Infidelity’ by T. H. Huxley,
‘Agnosticism and Christianity’, Nineteenth Century, 25 (June 1889), 937–64, at
948 n. 6.
(3) Richard H. Hutton, Cardinal Newman, rev. edn (London: Methuen, 1905); the
preface explains that the book was written before Newman’s death though
published immediately after.
(5) For the reception of the Apologia by Newman’s contemporaries, see Erik
Sidenvall, After Anti-Catholicism?: John Henry Newman and Protestant Britain,
1845–c. 1890 (New York: T & T Clark, 2006). For the reception of the Apologia
by promoters and questioners of Newman’s sanctity, see Chapter 11 below.
(6) Michel de Certeau, The Practice of Everyday Life, trans. Steven Randall
(Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1988), 171.
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Introduction
(7) See Basil Mitchell, The Justification of Religious Belief (New York: Seabury
Press, 1973); Faith and Criticism (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1994); ‘Newman as a
Philosopher’, in Ian T. Ker and Alan G. Hill (eds), Newman after a Hundred Years
(Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1990), 223–46.
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The Protestant Reception of the Essay on Development, 1845–1925
Receptions of Newman
Frederick D. Aquino and Benjamin J. King
DOI:10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199687589.003.0002
Readers of the Essay on Development in the British Isles, from 1845 to the
present day, have struggled to separate its contents from Newman’s departure
from the Church of England.1 Among Protestant readers in 1845, William Archer
Butler (1814?–1848), the professor of moral theology at Trinity College, Dublin,
wrote that ‘Newman being in a transitional state, neither Anglican nor formally
and definitely Roman, was emancipated from…restraints’ on what could and
could not be said about doctrine.2 There were layers of criticism here, not only
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The Protestant Reception of the Essay on Development, 1845–1925
(p.10) In the culture in which Newman wrote the Essay, to suggest that
doctrine developed was simply not a ‘living option’.3 The mid-nineteenth-century
options for understanding doctrinal history will be shown by the earliest critics
of the Essay (the first section below). By the end of the nineteenth century (the
second section), although the Essay was still criticized, it was acknowledged to
have anticipated in theology the developmental ideas now ‘living’ in the study of
history and biology. By the early twentieth century (the third section), Newman
had contributed to making development an accepted opinion among British
Protestants. Anglican Modernists agreed with High Churchmen that the Essay
itself held a minimal view of doctrinal change, although the former relished and
the latter feared a fuller application of the theory.
What constituted ‘liberalism’ was also a moving target across Newman’s lifetime
and writings, as Frank Turner has warned. Nevertheless, Turner’s list of
characteristics of the Oriel Noetics applies to later liberals who read the Essay:
‘their general championing of ecclesiastical moderation, their looking to the
Bible as the foundation of faith, their rejection of Calvinist theology, and their
suspicion of both narrow evangelical ecclesiology and exclusive high church
clericalism’.5 Certain of these characteristics had shifted by the turn of the
century, when (for instance) Modernists were described by one commentator as
attempting ‘to effect a reconciliation between the results of modern knowledge
and criticism and the essentials of the faith’—a reconciliation the commentator
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The Protestant Reception of the Essay on Development, 1845–1925
High Churchmen were just as diverse. For instance, at the beginning of the
period, their politics were typically Tory while by the end a number were
Christian Socialists. However, a High Churchman generally exhibited
The first High Church readers of the Essay stood united in the face of Newman’s
‘perversion’ to Rome.8 Rather than focus on their stock arguments against the
Essay, however, the phenomenon explored below is their alliances with the other
two groupings against Newman. Even at the end of his life, Newman remained a
figure capable of uniting British Protestants of all stripes in opposition to him.
That these commentators were responding to Newman’s book fifty years after
publication testified that the Essay was in the process of becoming a classic. This
process was complete when early twentieth-century Protestants recognized the
Essay as the classic account of theological evolution, even as they divided over
the Modernist controversy and Newman’s role in it.
1. Mid-Nineteenth-Century Receptions
Neither Evangelicals nor High Churchmen could countenance the Essay’s extra-
scriptural developments concerning the Blessed Virgin Mary or Purgatory, but
each grouping based its criticisms of these doctrines upon a different account of
church history. The Evangelicals were restorationist, seeing the Reformation as
‘restoring’ the truths of the primitive church. Some High Churchmen and
liberals shared this account.9 But its origins were impeccably Evangelical, dating
from Foxe’s Acts and Monuments, for whom
(p.12) Only the earliest and latest churches represent the true Church.
Between these is a mutation into something unrecognizable as such.…It is
the only possible conceptual structure of time that can tolerate a complete
rejection of the past while maintaining substantialism, that is, the belief
that anything is permanently true.10
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The Protestant Reception of the Essay on Development, 1845–1925
While for Evangelicals the scriptural church was that of the Reformation, for
most High Churchmen the scriptural church was that of the undivided church of
Antiquity. The common High Church metanarrative was equally ‘substantialist’,
therefore, but without the rejection of what succeeded the primitive church.
Taking its cue from Eusebius, whose narrative followed ‘the successions of the
sacred apostles’,11 the High Church view of history was successionist inasmuch
as the historic succession of bishops preserved the teaching of the apostles,
which was formalized in the councils of the undivided church. High Churchmen
said that the early church councils legitimately brought in new words only when
necessary to clarify apostolic teaching: this teaching was believed ‘everywhere,
at all times, by everyone’ (in the fifth-century dictum of Vincent of Lérins) until
the medieval church had added to it. Therefore, in a criticism used by
successionist and restorationist alike, Newman’s developmentalist metanarrative
admitted what Protestants had long believed about Roman Catholics—that their
teaching had ‘changed’ over the centuries.12
(p.13) Evangelicals
Evangelical responses to the Essay, especially from British Dissenters, have
often been overlooked.14 Perhaps the most learned of these came from William
Cunningham (1819‒1893) of the Free Church of Scotland, who saw similarities
between the Essay and recent German theology. According to Cunningham,
Newman shared the view of the Lutheran Julius Wegscheider (1771‒1848),
professor of theology at the University of Halle, that Christianity had yet to be
fully realized: the Essay was ‘substantially infidel in its general character and
tendency, and is evidently borrowed from German neology’. Worse still, Newman
did not understand this ‘neology’ because
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The Protestant Reception of the Essay on Development, 1845–1925
The Essay also discredited the Tractarian movement that sought to make the
Church of England ‘a nursery of popery’. In the words of the Baptist Magazine,
the Essay admitted ‘Newman and his associates were no priests; their orders
were spurious; their sacraments a delusion; and their absolution a cheat!’22 The
Anglican Evangelical George Stanley Faber (1773‒1854) said the Advertisement
to the Essay showed Newman’s dishonesty in full, for when as a Tractarian ‘he
was apparently and in all seeming good faith occupied in repeatedly vituperating
Romanism, he, nevertheless, was delivering sentiments the very opposite to
those which he really entertained’.23 Thus, Faber both suggested Tractarianism
was deceitful and drew upon a stereotype of Roman Catholic dishonesty that
long preceded Charles Kingsley’s (1819‒1875) attack on Newman in 1864.24
Above all, Evangelicals saw what Faber called the Essay’s ‘intense hatred of
Scriptural Protestantism’.25 The Churchman’s Monthly also saw that ‘the (p.15)
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The Protestant Reception of the Essay on Development, 1845–1925
irritation, the ill-feeling, the bitter pique, which betrays itself in the incessant
introduction of these tirades against Protestants, is a disclosure absolutely fatal
to the success of the book’.26 Some considered that Newman’s anti-Protestant
feeling was demonic; for the Church of England Quarterly, he was no longer ‘in
possession of his right mind’ but subject to the evil power which ‘holds in
thralldom that Church which he has now joined’.27 Cunningham preferred to
prove Newman wrong through restorationist logic: the claim ‘that historical
Christianity is not Protestantism, in so far as it is true as a statement of fact is
wholly irrelevant as affecting the question, whether it be genuine Christianity or
not. We maintain that Protestantism was the Christianity of the Apostles.’28 The
Church of England Quarterly made the same point: ‘The Reformation was a
development of the spirit and power of life still abiding in the Church, though
her energies had been cramped or perverted.’29 In the face of Newman’s
developmentalism, Evangelicals inside and outside the Established Church stuck
to the restorationist metanarrative of the Reformation’s return to primitive
Christianity.
Liberals
Liberal Churchmen located true doctrine in scripture as interpreted by reason,
but disagreements over their versions of reasonable Christianity left them
divided. They could agree, however, that the Essay was wrong. Two of Newman’s
Oriel opponents, Renn Dickson Hampden (1793‒1866) and Baden Powell (1796‒
1860), attacked the Essay for its religious scepticism.30 Richard Whately (1787‒
1863) mentored both professors (with whom he is grouped as ‘late Noetics’)31 as
well as Newman. However, Newman left the group, accusing them of scepticism,
so their responses to the Essay became a way to settle accounts. According to
Powell, Newman held that building one’s faith on reason-based evidences led to
scepticism about doctrine, so in (p.16) reaction Newman veered instead
towards mysticism. Really, Powell continued, mysticism and scepticism were two
sides of the same coin, crediting Whately with correctly aligning Tractarian
teachings with American Transcendentalism.32 The hallucinations in Puseyism’s
‘cold cloister’ and the abstract reasoning in Transcendentalism’s ‘heated lecture
room’ both engendered ‘mystical chimaeras’.33 Like Whately, Powell thought
reason-based evidences alone confuted ‘the common insinuation of unbelievers’
to ascribe all religions to mere myth and miracle.34 Hampden also expressed the
view that mysticism went hand-in-hand with scepticism, looking to the History of
Bishop Burnet (1643‒1715) for proof that scepticism disposed people to
Romanism.35 Hampden also complained about the Essay’s ‘explaining the
primary sense [of scripture] by the secondary, the direct and proper by the
mystical’.36
It was not only Noetic respondents who employed the stereotype that equated
Romanism with scepticism and unbelief.37 While F. D. Maurice (1805‒1872) did
not ‘disparage the sincerity of mind’ that led to Rome, nevertheless ‘Mr.
Newman says that now, more especially, we ought to adopt this [papal] authority,
Page 6 of 25
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Ainsi accoutré, au milieu de la foule dépenaillée qui encombre le
vestibule servant d’antichambre au juge d’instruction, mon cawas,
droit et fier comme un bedeau de cathédrale et la cravache à la
main, passerait aux yeux d’un Parisien et surtout d’une Parisienne
pour un prince oriental, et moi simplement habillé à la française, en
noir, je serais pris tout au plus pour son humble domestique.
On nous introduit immédiatement dans le cabinet du juge
d’instruction.
C’est au rez-de-chaussée, de plain-pied avec le vestibule. Une
chambre longue, basse, à fenêtres étroites et grillées. Jour incertain.
Une natte en paille recouvre la moitié de la pièce, à droite en
entrant ; de ce côté, dans l’angle, en face les fenêtres, un fauteuil
forme crapaud, siège officiel du magistrat ; à gauche de ce fauteuil,
un petit tabouret pour le greffier ; entre le fauteuil et le tabouret, une
petite table très basse, très étroite, hexagone, supportant une
écritoire et des plumes. Dans la moitié de la chambre qui n’est pas
revêtue de la natte gisent pêle-mêle, sur le carreau, des armes, des
vêtements maculés de boue, de sang, poussiéreux, des vases, des
chibouks, des ceintures, des babouches, des ficelles, etc…, en un
mot, un attirail de pièces dites à conviction. Sur toute l’étendue de la
natte c’est le même fouillis, avec cette seule différence que ce sont
des liasses de papier, documents privés et publics, plaintes émanant
de particuliers, takrirs ou pièces officielles provenant des autorités
ottomanes ou étrangères. Pas l’ombre d’un bureau, d’un registre,
d’un carton. Dans cette pièce où s’agitent sans cesse les questions
de vie, d’honneur, dans cette enceinte redoutable d’où l’innocent
peut sortir prévenu, accusé et déjà presque coupable aux yeux des
autres, tout respire l’incurie la plus profonde, le désordre le plus
parfait, la nonchalance, le laisser-aller, l’insouciance ; les murs
suintent la misère, et tout indique la corruptibilité.
Le juge d’instruction est enfoncé dans son fauteuil crapaud,
échoué là, Allah seul peut savoir à la suite de quelles péripéties !
C’est un grand vieillard, teint basané, barbe noire en pointe,
coupée court, sourcils broussailleux, yeux bistrés enfoncés
profondément ; ses mains longues, osseuses tiennent le tébili,
chapelet turc, dont les boules rouges s’égrènent sans fin entre ses
doigts décharnés. Sa longue robe verte et sa large ceinture
disparaissent presque dans les plis de sa houppelande fourrée — et
il fait 30° au-dessus de zéro à l’ombre ! Il porte le turban blanc des
imans, et ses pieds jouent à l’aise dans de larges babouches jaunes.
A mon entrée, il se lève, esquisse de la main le salut oriental,
m’indique un siège à sa droite et se rassied. Il fait un signe ; un des
zaptiés de garde disparaît et revient avec l’inévitable plateau et les
non moins inévitables tasses de café. Il roule une cigarette
d’excellent tabac de Cavalla, et me la présente ainsi que la pincette
à feu. Nous causons, en buvant, de la température, de la récolte des
raisins qui s’annonce bonne, d’un ours tué récemment dans la
montagne, à quatre heures de la ville, et d’une foule de choses tout
aussi intéressantes. Pendant ce temps, les accusés et les prévenus
attendent dans le vestibule, bavardent gaiement avec les zaptiés qui
les surveillent, et trinquent fraternellement en se passant tour à tour
la coupe remplie d’eau.
J’aborde le sujet de ma visite. Le juge m’écoute et ordonne au
greffier de lui remettre ma plainte écrite. Celui-ci quitte son siège, se
met à quatre pattes sur la natte, au centre des innombrables liasses
de papiers qui ont été jetés là, au hasard, au fur et à mesure de leur
réception, à la place précise où, après la lecture, on les a laissés
choir.
Ainsi accroupi, le greffier, s’appuyant sur la main gauche, se met
à trier rapidement de la main droite tous ces documents. C’est un
bouleversement qui dure bien dix minutes. Enfin un cri de triomphe
se fait entendre : c’est le greffier qui a trouvé ! Ichallah ! Il se
redresse en agitant au-dessus de sa tête une large feuille de papier.
Cela est bien, en effet, le texte de la plainte par moi adressée.
J’admire l’intelligence de cet employé et son adresse dans cette
chasse aux documents, car j’aurais, certes ! fait le pari qu’il serait
resté bredouille dans cet inextricable fouillis !
Il s’assied alors par terre, les jambes repliées, à la turque, et lit à
haute voix mon takrir. Le juge d’instruction l’écoute-t-il ? Je ne sais.
Son visage reste impassible et ses yeux ne quittent pas le tébili que
ses doigts égrènent méthodiquement.
Le greffier a fini sa lecture. Long silence. Le juge continue à
paraître immobile et insensible à ce qui l’entoure. Dormirait-il ? Non,
car il se décide à remuer ; il étend les bras et prend le document. Il
contemple longuement ce papier auquel il ne comprend rien, ne
sachant pas un mot de français. Que fait-il ? il se contente
d’examiner le cachet dont il connaît la forme et l’aspect. Puis, sans
qu’un muscle de son visage ait tressailli, sans le moindre
mouvement du corps, il ouvre la main et laisse tomber mon takrir qui
va rejoindre, au hasard, sur la natte, l’amas confus des textes
arabes, turcs, persans, arméniens, grecs, russes, etc. Ce magistrat,
en ce moment, rappelle à mon esprit les automates de Vaucanson,
et c’est avec peine que je réprime mes pensées qui, vagabondes,
tiennent absolument à me faire comparer le premier juge
d’instruction du vilayet aux pantins articulés des baraques foraines,
ornements des fêtes publiques de la banlieue parisienne !
Longtemps ce fonctionnaire étonnant reste immobile, sans même
se donner la peine d’abaisser la main de laquelle vient de
s’échapper ma lettre officielle. Enfin il se décide à relever la tête. Il
ouvre la bouche. Sans doute il va m’entretenir de mon affaire.
Erreur ! il commande de nouvelles tasses de café à un nouveau
zaptié de garde !
Il faut cependant procéder à l’interrogatoire de mon cawas. Je
l’exige. Mais alors je constate ce que l’on m’avait dit depuis
longtemps, ce que je m’étais toujours refusé à croire, c’est-à-dire la
nullité plus que parfaite du juge d’instruction, homme versé sans
doute dans l’interprétation sagace du Koran, mais totalement
ignorant des choses de ce monde !
C’est le greffier, arménien jeune encore, intelligent, et désireux
d’arriver, qui fait l’interrogatoire, pose les questions, facilite les
réponses, et en prend rapidement note.
Le juge d’instruction continue à rester immobile. Dans le pays on
appelle cela un « homme de bois ».
De temps à autre, un zaptié vient lui présenter des pièces à
signer.
Quel travail ! quelle fatigue ! Le juge prend son cachet, le tient de
la main gauche ; de la droite il l’enduit d’encre turque grasse et
épaisse ; il le frotte avec lenteur et méthode ; puis il le passe dans sa
main droite, pose sur la paume de sa main gauche la pièce à signer
et y appuie enfin longuement son cachet. Cela fait, il laisse tomber le
papier, — toujours automatiquement ; le zaptié se baisse, le
ramasse et l’emporte. Le juge se renfonce dans son fauteuil crapaud
avec la lassitude qui résulte de l’accomplissement d’un pénible
labeur. Quelle fatigue ! quel travail !
L’interrogatoire de mon cawas fini, le greffier présente à son chef
le procès-verbal. Le juge, sans le lire, y appose son inévitable
cachet.
J’ai hâte de me retirer.
Mais en sortant, par prudence, je vais voir le pacha. Je fais bien,
car il me confirme de tous points mon impression sur l’absolue nullité
de son juge d’instruction. Il m’entend, m’écoute, et, le lendemain, au
tribunal correctionnel, mon cawas a gain de cause ; son agresseur
est condamné à la prison, à l’amende et aux dommages-intérêts.
Pek eyi !
IV
L’ÉLÉMENT CHRÉTIEN DANS LES CONSEILS PROVINCIAUX
Les chrétiens n’ont jamais été admis dans les conseils sur un
pied de parfaite égalité avec les membres musulmans. Ils n’ont
presque jamais été nommés d’une manière régulière. Ce sont le plus
souvent des personnes de la convenance des autorités locales, et
désignées au choix de leurs coreligionnaires, pour remplir auprès
d’elles le rôle d’automates ou de conseillers complaisants.
Dans ces conditions, les membres chrétiens ne paraissent
briguer leurs places au conseil qu’en vue de servir leurs intérêts
privés. Les dispositions qui animent les turcs dans l’exercice des
fonctions publiques ne sont d’ailleurs pas plus édifiantes, et sur le
terrain de l’intérêt privé, on voit le plus souvent turcs et chrétiens se
réunir et s’entr’aider ; une opinion complaisante en vaut une autre à
l’occasion.
Tel est le rôle des chrétiens dans les conseils provinciaux depuis
longtemps ; telles sont aussi les dispositions générales des
membres musulmans et chrétiens dans ces conseils.
Les chrétiens ne manquent cependant pas de se récrier contre la
situation secondaire faite à leurs représentants dans les conseils ;
mais de tous ceux qui ont passé par ces fonctions, aucun n’a su
faire preuve d’assez d’indépendance, d’impartialité, de courageuse
énergie, pour pouvoir contribuer à l’améliorer.
La profonde misère qui règne dans toutes les classes de la
population et qui résulte d’une longue série de manque de récolte,
du poids énorme des impôts et des charges supplémentaires qui
pèsent sur elles contribue beaucoup aussi à leur démoralisation et à
leur découragement ; avec le sentiment de leurs droits, elles
semblent avoir perdu la conscience de leur devoir.
CHAPITRE V
DANS LA MONTAGNE
I
LES PAYSANS. — UNE CHASSE A L’OURS
Mon ami sir Edwin. — Un ours à tuer. — En route pour la montagne. — L’arrivée
au village. — La chambre d’hospitalité. — Le mouktar. — Pendant le café. —
De grands enfants. — Histoire de bottes. — Les médecins malgré eux. — Le
repos. — Les puces et autre vermine. — Idée originale d’un muletier. — Les
fusils à treize francs. — Dans la forêt. — Les rabatteurs. — L’ours invisible. —
Le retour en ville. — Les chacals.
II
L’ASCENSION DU MONT OLYMPE
Il est une excursion que tous les touristes qui vont à Brousse ne
manquent point de faire : c’est l’ascension du mont Olympe, au pied
duquel s’étend la ville.
C’est tout au plus l’affaire d’une journée, montée et descente ; et
une journée, en Asie, cela représente à peine une heure à Paris.
Mais il est nécessaire de s’approvisionner de tout absolument,
avant de partir. Ce n’est plus ici comme en Suisse, où chaque
montagne est exploitée commercialement par les indigènes pour les
touristes, — ou contre eux, au choix. Il n’y a pas de relais, pas de
chemin de fer du Righi, pas d’hôtel de la Pierre à voir ou autre ; on
ne délivre point de ticket comme au tourniquet des gorges du Trient ;
il n’existe pas même de guides patentés. L’industrie ne s’est pas
encore emparée du mont Olympe et ne l’a pas mis en coupe réglée
pour le détriment des voyageurs. Aussi cette excursion, en somme
très simple et très facile, possède-t-elle encore le caractère
d’originalité imprévue qui fait le charme des excursions d’artistes. Il
est vrai d’ajouter que si l’Olympe n’est pas exploité par les hôteliers
commerçants, il l’est souvent par les voleurs. Mais à choisir entre
ces deux maux je préfère encore le second ; il a son côté
pittoresque, et d’ailleurs on peut quelquefois en réchapper, chose
impossible dans le premier.
Donc bien armés et munis des provisions de bouche
nécessaires, on part à cheval dans la direction de l’Est. Après avoir
passé le groupe de platanes de Tefferich on atteint le kiosque
impérial où le Sultan n’est venu qu’une fois encore. C’est une petite
bâtisse formée de trois pavillons soudés ensemble pour ainsi dire,
en pierre, à un seul étage : un bourgeois de Chatou hésiterait à s’y
loger. Mais, par compensation, la vue est magnifique. Des fenêtres
de ce « palais » l’œil embrasse toute l’étendue de la plaine de
Brousse et perçoit jusqu’au golfe de Ghemlek. Quand les rayons du
soleil viennent dorer ce panorama on a devant soi un magnifique
tableau, et le peintre est forcé d’avouer son impuissance à rendre
dans sa parfaite tonalité l’indiscutable beauté de cette terre d’Asie.
La montée ensuite devient plus difficile. On suit des chemins
raboteux, parsemés de larges roches presque plates qui vont
s’étageant. La surface unie, et comme usée par le frottement,
qu’offrent ces roches, leur encaissement, peuvent faire supposer
que ce sont d’anciens lits de torrents aujourd’hui desséchés. Là il est
nécessaire, pour raison de sécurité, de laisser la bride entièrement
libre au cheval, tout en se tenant toujours prêt à le soutenir au
moindre faux pas ; ces chevaux du pays, petits, maigres, ont le pied
assuré à l’égal du mulet ; ce n’est point ici le cavalier qui doit guider
sa monture ; il doit se fier sans réserve à l’instinct de ces excellentes
bêtes.
Bien que le caractère distinctif de ce terrain soit la roche, le silex,
le granit, la végétation est très belle et très luxuriante jusqu’au
premier plateau. Le chêne, le pin noir et blanc, le charme, l’orme, le
hêtre constituent une forêt immense qui se continue pendant plus de
deux heures.
Arrêtons-nous un instant sur ce premier plateau, et déjeunons,
car nous sommes évidemment partis de bonne heure, avant le lever
du soleil.
Ici la nature est encore dans toute sa vigoureuse beauté. Ce
plateau, de forme circulaire, est circonscrit à l’est, à l’ouest et au
nord par le prolongement de la forêt que nous venons de traverser.
Au sud, les arbres deviennent plus rares. Des pierres énormes, —
quelques-unes ont plus de vingt mètres carrés, — apparaissent sur
toute l’étendue du plateau, les unes gisant horizontalement, à fleur
de terre, les autres se tenant verticales, d’autres obliques. C’est un
véritable chaos de pierres au milieu desquelles poussent quelques
rares herbes.
Il faut près d’une demi-heure pour atteindre l’autre extrémité du
plateau. Ici la montée devient plus difficile, le chemin se rétrécit,
s’encaisse plus profondément, les arbres commencent à se faire
rares.
Enfin deux heures après, on atteint le second plateau. L’aspect
en est encore plus désolé que celui de son voisin d’en bas. C’est le
même fouillis inextricable de pierres amoncelées. Une seule
particularité : un lac, mignon, digne d’un jardin anglais, permet aux
grands chênes qui l’ombragent et semblent le protéger de mirer
leurs rameaux dans ses eaux tranquilles où prennent leurs ébats de
coquettes petites truites très appréciées des gourmets. C’est une
fraîche oasis au milieu de ces pierres brûlantes.
On s’éloigne à regret. On monte encore pour atteindre le
troisième plateau. Mais cette fois le trajet est plus court. Il est vrai
que, par manière de compensation, la route est de beaucoup plus
pénible.
Nous voici arrivés à ce troisième plateau ! Le touriste s’en trouve
tout aussi heureux que tu peux l’être, lecteur, en entrevoyant la fin
du récit de cette monotone montée.
Et cependant ce n’est pas tout. Il reste un dernier obstacle à
franchir. Il faut ici abandonner les chevaux, les confier aux surudji, et
entreprendre courageusement, sous un lourd soleil, d’atteindre, à
pied, ces deux petits cônes tronqués qui apparaissent, tout là-haut,
devant vous.
Bast ! cela n’est rien à faire, se dit-on ! C’est tout près ! Et l’on se
met résolument en marche. Et, à mesure que l’on avance, les deux
petits cônes semblent s’obstiner à ne point se rapprocher de vous.
On se meurtrit les pieds dans cette pyramide de pierres qui parfois
cèdent sous votre pression, se détachent, dégringolent et vous
entraînent dans leur chute. On cherche bravement une autre
direction, des pierres mieux assises, et l’on recommence. Le soleil
vous inonde de ses brûlants rayons ; la sueur coule à grosses
gouttes de tous les pores distendus ; la gorge est desséchée. Un
faux pas ! on dégringole de nouveau, et l’on perd en une seconde le
résultat d’un effort de vingt minutes !
Ichallah ! nous y voici enfin !
Le tableau qui s’offre alors aux yeux compense bien, et au delà,
les souffrances endurées. Le panorama est réellement splendide.
On embrasse d’un même coup d’œil la mer Noire, le Bosphore,
Constantinople, la mer de Marmara, les golfes de Ghemlek et
d’Ismidt. A l’est, vous apercevez très distinctement les lacs de Yeni-
Cheir et d’Isnik, et le cours du Sakaria, composé de trois affluents
dont l’un descend de la haute plaine d’Angora, l’autre du mont
Dindymène, le troisième du mont Olympe. A l’ouest, vous voyez la
large nappe bleue du lac Apollonia, celle, plus petite, du lac de
Mohalitz, les sinuosités du Ryndacos, la péninsule de Cyzique et la
chaîne de l’Ida, frontière de la Troade. Enfin au sud, l’œil se perd à
l’horizon sur les vastes plaines de la Mysie et de la Bithynie.
Que de souvenirs historiques une semblable vision peut
réveiller ! Comme on se sent petit en présence de cette immensité !
infime atome devant cette longue suite de siècles que tout évoque
ici !…
III
HISTOIRES DE BANDITS