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ONENESS
 ONENESS

East Asian Conceptions of Virtue, Happiness,

and How We Are All Connected

Philip J. Ivanhoe

1
 3
Oxford University Press is a department of the University of Oxford. It furthers
the University’s objective of excellence in research, scholarship, and education
by publishing worldwide. Oxford is a registered trade mark of Oxford University
Press in the UK and certain other countries.

Published in the United States of America by Oxford University Press

198 Madison Avenue, New York, NY 10016, United States of America.

© Oxford University Press 2017

All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in

a retrieval system, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, without the
prior permission in writing of Oxford University Press, or as expressly permitted
by law, by license, or under terms agreed with the appropriate reproduction
rights organization. Inquiries concerning reproduction outside the scope of the
above should be sent to the Rights Department, Oxford University Press, at the
address above.

You must not circulate this work in any other form

and you must impose this same condition on any acquirer.

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Names: Ivanhoe, P. J., author.
Title: Oneness : east asian conceptions of virtue, happiness,
and how we are all connected / Philip J. Ivanhoe.
Description: New York : Oxford University Press, 2017. |
Includes bibliographical references and index.
Identifiers: LCCN 2017030413 (print) | LCCN 2017014031 (ebook) |
ISBN 9780190840518 (cloth : alk. paper) | ISBN 9780190840549 (online course) |
ISBN 9780190840525 (updf) | ISBN 9780190840532 (epub)
Subjects: LCSH: Whole and parts (Philosophy) | Concord. |
Monism. | Self (Philosophy) | Other (Philosophy) | Philosophy, Asian.
Classification: LCC BD396 .I93 2017 (ebook) | LCC BD396 (print) |
DDC 111/.82—dc23
LC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2017030413

1 3 5 7 9 8 6 4 2
Printed by Sheridan Books, Inc., United States of America
For Donald J. and Ann P. Munro—​
Inspiring models; true friends
 CONTENTS

Preface ix
Acknowledgments xi
Conventions xiii

Introduction 1
1. Oneness with the World 13
2. Conceptions of the Self 35
3. Selfishness and Self-​Centeredness 58
4. Virtues, Inclinations, and Oneness 83
5. Oneness and Spontaneity 104
6. Oneness and Happiness 128
Conclusion 150
 Contents

Notes 155
Works Cited 173
Index 183

viii
 PREFACE

This work seeks to build upon a constellation of ideas found in a

number of East Asian philosophical traditions that is formed around
conceptions of oneness: the idea that human beings are intricately
and inextricably intertwined and share a common destiny with the
other people, creatures, and things of this world. It draws upon the
writings of specific traditional East Asian thinkers to make clear and
illustrate the concept of oneness, but its larger purpose is to show
how these traditional views can inspire modern ideas of oneness
that can serve as foundations for related, viable, contemporary con-
ceptions of the self, the virtues, and human happiness.
 ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

I am most grateful to Youngsun Back, Erin M. Cline, Owen

Flanagan, Eirik Lang Harris, Eric Leon Hutton, Michael R. Slater,
Justin Tiwald, Bryan W. Van Norden, David W. Tien, and Christian
Wenzel for helpful comments and suggestions on earlier drafts of
this work. I gratefully acknowledge the support of the Department
of Public Policy of City University of Hong Kong and the remark-
able generosity of the John Templeton Foundation, which sup-
ported this work as part of a larger project, Eastern and Western
Conceptions of Oneness, Virtue, and Human Happiness (http://​
www6.cityu.edu.hk/​ceacop/​Oneness/​index.html). I acknowledge
and thank MIT Press for allowing me to use parts of my essay
“Senses and Values of Oneness,” in The Philosophical Challenge from
China, ed. Brian Bruya (Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 2015), 231–​
51; SUNY Press for allowing me to draw upon parts of my essay
“The Values of Spontaneity,” in Taking Confucian Ethics Seriously:
Contemporary Theories and Applications, ed. Yu Kam-​por, Julia Tao,
 Acknowledgments

and Philip J. Ivanhoe (Albany, NY: State University of New York

Press, 2010), 183–​207; and Oxford University Press for allowing
me to draw upon my essay “Happiness in Early Chinese Thought,”
in The Oxford Handbook of Happiness, ed. Ilona Boniwell and Susan
David (Oxford University Press, 2013), 263–​78.

xii
 CONVENTIONS

For the first occurrence of Chinese names, I provide the

Romanization followed by the Chinese characters, for example,
Wang Yangming 王陽明. For first occurrence of important terms
of art, phrases, or sentences I provide a translation followed by the
Pinyin Romanization and the original Chinese characters in paren-
theses, for example, “happiness” (le 樂).
Qi 氣, yin 陰, and yang 陽, which are the names of different
kinds of fundamental constituents of the phenomenal world, are
Romanized in Pinyin and left untranslated, since there is no help-
ful English word corresponding to their meaning and because
these words, like Sanskrit karma, are becoming parts of the English
lexicon.
I translate the character 天 as “Heaven” when it refers to a con-
scious moral agent acting intentionally in governing the universe
and “heaven” when it refers to the heavens or sky or the natural
realm more generally.
Unless otherwise noted, all translations are my own.
ONENESS
 Introduction

The title of this book, Oneness: East Asian Conceptions of Virtue,

Happiness, and How We Are All Connected, offers a good preliminary
sketch of its content and focus, which I will endeavor to elaborate
and fill out in this introduction. At the core of this work lies the one-
ness hypothesis and its implications for theories of virtue and human
flourishing.1 The oneness hypothesis is not a single theory but a family
of views—​more a genus than a species—​that can be found in differ-
ent forms in a wide variety of disciplines (Ivanhoe 2015; Ivanhoe
et al., forthcoming). The oneness hypothesis is a view about the
nature of the world; its primary moral aspect concerns the nature
of the relationship between the self and the other people, creatures,
and things of the world; its core assertion is the claim that we—​and
in particular our personal welfare or happiness—​are inextricably
intertwined with other people, creatures, and things.
The oneness hypothesis entails more than the simple claim of
connection between ourselves and the rest of the world, for while
such connection is an obvious truth, it is practically and mor-
ally ambiguous. At times we find ourselves connected with other
parts of the world, for example, malignant bacteria, tumors, cor-
rupt institutions, very bad people, and so on, to which we would
strongly prefer not to be connected and have no good reason or

1
 Introduction

plausible obligation to be so united. The connections the oneness

hypothesis advocates are those that conduce to the health, bene-
fit, and improvement of both individuals and the larger wholes of
which they are parts. One of the goods that such connections sup-
ply is the satisfaction of a deep need that human beings and many
other animals have to belong to larger communities (Baumeister
and Leary 1995). An example of this kind of connection and rela-
tionship is an individual dog and the pack to which it belongs. In
its natural environment, in order for a dog to fare well it must be
a member of a pack, and being well-​integrated into such a group
not only conduces to the individual dog’s well-​being but that of the
pack as well.2 The well-​being of the dog in this example is broadly
construed and extends well beyond mere survival, though it surely
includes that too. Being a member of a pack enables the dog to do
all the things dogs like to do, and this includes enjoying the com-
plex social relations that define and regulate a dog’s life and that of
its pack. The particular sense of connection seen in this example
explains and helps us understand why the ideal of oneness often
gets expressed by metaphors of natural organic unity, for example,
about how a healthy person is connected to the various parts of her
own well-​functioning body or how the good state is analogized to
such a well-​functioning body. This aspect of the oneness hypoth-
esis explains why it carries the particular practical implications it
does: since the kinds of connections it concerns are integral to the
health and well-​being of both the individual and the larger wholes
of which she is a part, it tends to imply certain obligations to
endorse and extend care beyond the strict limits of individuals and
to see and feel common cause and a shared identity and destiny
between self and others. Chapter 1 introduces the oneness hypoth-
esis, offers several examples of East Asian thinkers who have advo-
cated particular versions of such a view, and explores how these

2
 Introduction

can guide us in constructing contemporary versions of the oneness

hypothesis.
What has been said up to this point makes clear that the one-
ness hypothesis entails a new, relational view about the nature of
the self, which offers an alternative to more individualistic accounts.
Some claim that relational views of the self or the idea of oneness
involve a “loss” of independence, self, or autonomy, but the idea
of organic unity that we have noted shows this to be mistaken or
at best misleading; the relationships involved and the conception
of oneness that serve as the ideal are more accurately and helpfully
understood as ways to achieve a more expansive conception of the
self, a self that is seen as intimately connected with other people,
creatures, and things in ways that typically conduce to the greater
advantage, well-​being, and happiness of all concerned. In contem-
porary analytic philosophy, psychology, and cognitive science, this
general issue is more commonly discussed in terms of the “bound-
aries of the self ” (Russell 2012), and versions of this idea are found
in views such as epigenetics and process ontology for organisms in
biology (Dupré 2014). Eric Scerri draws upon a notion of oneness
that he rightly sees as an “aspect of Eastern philosophy” to propose
an alternative account of the history of science in which “the devel-
opment of science should be regarded as one organic flow in which
the individual worker bees are all contributing to the good of the
hive” (Scerri 2016: xxiv, xix). Recent work in the field of extended
cognition challenges traditional views that presume that the proper
scope of the mind stops at the boundaries of the skin and skull
(Chemero 2009; Menary 2010). One prominent neuroscientist
argues that “losing oneself ” or “blurring” the identity between self
and other is a neurologically efficient and effective capacity, gener-
ated through natural selection, that enables human beings and some
other animals to achieve “a virtually endless repertoire of ethically

3
Another random document with
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justice and honour grant, for he already felt that it would be
impossible to refuse them.
Although struck with awe on coming into the presence of their
sovereign, the easy condescension and affability of James soon
restored them to comparative tranquillity; and the widow told her
“plain, unvarnished tale” with such artless simplicity, and moving
pathos, as would have made an impression on a less partial auditor
than his Majesty. When she came to state the result of Mary’s
application to Sir John, she paused, blushed, and still remained
silent. James instantly conjectured the cause, which was confirmed
when he saw Mary’s face crimsoned all over.
Suppressing his indignation, “Well, I shall be soon in Annandale,”
said he, “and will endeavour to do you justice. Look at this
nobleman,” pointing to one in the chamber; “when I send him for
you, come to me where he shall guide. In the meantime, he will find
you safe lodgings for the night, and give you sufficient to bear your
expenses home, whither I wish you to return as soon as possible, and
be assured that your case shall not be forgotten.”
It is generally known that James, with a love of justice, had a
considerable share of eccentricity in his character, and that he
frequently went over the country in various disguises—such as that of
a pedlar, an itinerant musician, or even a wandering beggar. These
disguises were sometimes assumed for the purpose of discovering
the abuses practised by his servants, and not unfrequently from the
love of frolic, and, like the Caliph in the “Arabian Nights,” in quest of
amusement. On these occasions, when he chose to discover himself,
it was always by the designation of the “Gudeman of Ballengeich”. He
had a private passage by which he could leave the palace, unseen by
any one, and he could make his retreat alone, or accompanied by a
disguised attendant, according to his inclination.
On the present occasion, he determined to visit the warden of the
March incog.; and, making the necessary arrangements, he soon
arrived in Annandale. His inquiries concerning the widow and Mary
corroborated the opinion he had previously formed, and learning
where Mary resided, he resolved to repair thither in person,
disguised as a mendicant. On approaching the farmer’s, he had to
pass a rivulet, at which there was a girl washing linen, and a little
observation convinced him it was Mary Morrison. When near, he
pretended to be taken suddenly ill, and sat down on a knoll, groaning
piteously. Mary came instantly to him, tenderly enquiring what ailed
him, and whether she could render him any assistance. James
replied, it was a painful distemper, by which he was frequently
attacked; but if she could procure him a draught of warm milk, that,
and an hour’s rest, would relieve him. Mary answered, that if he
could, with her assistance, walk to the farm, which she pointed out
near by, he would be kindly cared for. She assisted him to rise, and,
taking his arm, permitted him to lean upon her shoulder, as they
crept slowly along. He met much sympathy in the family, and there
he heard the history of Mary and Wallace Maxwell (not without
execrations on the warden for his indolence), and their affirmations
that they were sure, if the king knew how he neglected his duty, he
would either be dismissed or severely punished; although the former
had spoken plainer than others whom James had conversed with, he
found that Sir John was generally disliked, and he became impatient
for the hour of retribution.
Marching back towards Dumfries, James rendezvoused for the
night in a small village called Duncow, in the parish of Kirkmahoe,
and next morning he set out for Amisfield, which lay in the
neighbourhood, disguised as a beggar. Part of his retinue he left in
Duncow, and part he ordered to lie in wait in a ravine near Amisfield
till he should require their attendance. Having cast away his beggar’s
cloak, he appeared at the gate of the warden’s castle in the dress of a
plain countryman, and requested the porter to procure him an
immediate audience of Sir John. But he was answered that the
warden had just sat down to dinner, during which it was a standing
order that he should never be disturbed on any pretence whatever.
“And how long will he sit?” said James.
“Two hours, perhaps three; he must not be intruded on till his bell
ring,” replied the porter.
“I am a stranger, and cannot wait so long; take this silver groat,
and go to your master, and say that I wish to see him on business of
importance, and will detain him only a few minutes.”
The porter delivered the message, and soon returned, saying—“Sir
John says, that however important your business may be, you must
wait his time, or go the way you came.”
 “That is very hard. Here are two groats; go again, and say that I
have come from the Border, where I saw the English preparing for an
incursion, and have posted thither with the information; and that I
think he will be neglecting his duty if he do not immediately fire the
beacons and alarm the country.”
This message was also carried, and the porter returned with a
sorrowful look, and shaking head.
“Well, does the warden consent to see me?” said the anxious
stranger, who had gained the porter’s goodwill by his liberality.
“I beg your pardon, friend,” replied the menial; “but I must give Sir
John’s answer in his own words. He says if you choose to wait two
hours he will then see whether you are a knave or a fool; but if you
send another such impertinent message to him, both you and I shall
have cause to repent it. However, for your civility, come with me, and
I will find you something to eat and a horn of good ale, to put off the
time till Sir John can be seen.”
“I give you hearty thanks, my good fellow, but, as I said, I cannot
wait. Here, take these three groats; go again to the warden, and say
that the Gudeman of Ballengeich insists upon seeing him
immediately.”
No sooner was the porter’s back turned, than James winded his
buglehorn so loudly that its echoes seemed to shake the castle walls;
and the porter found his master in consternation, which his message
changed into fear and trembling.
By the time the warden had reached the gate, James had thrown
off his coat, and stood arrayed in the garb and insignia of royalty,
while his train of nobles were galloping up in great haste. When they
were collected around him, the king, for the first time, condescended
to address the terrified warden, who had prostrated himself at the
feet of his sovereign.
“Rise, Sir John,” said he, with a stern and commanding air. “You
bade your porter tell me that I was either knave or fool, and you were
right, for I have erred in delegating my power to a knave like you.”
In tremulous accents the warden attempted to excuse himself by
stammering out that he did not know he was wanted by his Majesty.
“But I sent you a message that I wished to speak with you on
business of importance, and you refused to be disturbed. The
meanest of my subjects has access to me at all times. I hear before I
condemn, and shall do so with you, against whom I have many and
heavy charges.”
“Will it please your Majesty to honour my humble dwelling with
your presence, and afford me an opportunity of speaking in my own
defence?” said the justly alarmed warden.
“No, Sir John, I will not enter beneath that roof as a judge, where I
was refused admission as a petitioner. I hold my court at Hoddam
Castle, where I command your immediate attendance; where I will
hear your answer to the charges I have against you. In the meantime,
before our departure, you will give orders for the entertainment of
my retinue, men and horses, at your castle, during my stay in
Annandale.”
The king then appointed several of the lords in attendance to
accompany him to Hoddam Castle, whither he commanded the
warden to follow him with all possible despatch.
Sir John was conscious of negligence, and even something worse,
in the discharge of his duty, although ignorant of the particular
charges to be brought against him; but when ushered into the
presence of his sovereign, he endeavoured to assume the easy
confidence of innocence.
James proceeded to business, by inquiring if there was not a recent
incursion of a small marauding party, in which a poor widow’s cow
was carried off, her house plundered, and her son taken prisoner;
and if she did not early next morning state this to him, requesting
him to recover her property.
“Did you, Sir John, do your utmost in the case?”
“I acknowledge I did not; but the widow shall have the best cow in
my possession, and her house furnished anew. I hope that will satisfy
your Majesty.”
“And her son, how is he to be restored?”
“When we have the good fortune to make an English prisoner, he
can be exchanged.”
“Mark me! Sir John. If Wallace Maxwell is not brought before me
in good health within a week from this date, you shall hang by the
neck from that tree waving before the window. I have no more to say
at present. Be ready to wait on me in one hour when your presence is
required.”
The warden knew the determined resolution of the king, and
instantly despatched a confidential servant, vested with full powers
to procure the liberation of Wallace Maxwell, at whatever price, and
to bring him safely back without a moment’s delay. In the meantime,
the retinue of men and horses, amounting to several hundreds, were
living at free quarters, in Sir John’s castle, and the visits of the king
diffusing gladness and joy over the whole country.
Next morning James sent the young nobleman, whom he had
pointed out to the widow at Stirling, to bring her and Mary Morrison
to Hoddam Castle. He received both with easy condescension; when
the widow, with much grateful humility, endeavoured to express her
thanks, saying that Sir John had last evening sent her a cow worth
double that she had lost; also blankets, and other articles of higher
value than all that had been carried away; but, with tears in her eyes,
she said, all these were as nothing without her dear son. Assuring
them that their request had not been neglected, James dismissed
them, with the joyful hope of soon seeing Wallace, as he would send
for them immediately on his arrival.
The distress of the warden increased every hour, for he was a
prisoner in his own castle; and his feelings may be conjectured, when
he received a message from the king, commanding him to come to
Hoddam Castle next day by noon, and either bring Wallace Maxwell
along with him, or prepare for a speedy exit into the next world. He
had just seen the sun rise, of which it seemed probable he should
never see the setting, when his servant arrived with Wallace, whose
liberty had been purchased at an exorbitant ransom. Without
allowing the young man to rest, Sir John hurried him off to Hoddam
Castle, and sent in a message that he waited an audience of his
Majesty.
To make sure of the youth’s identity, the king sent instantly for his
mother, and the meeting called forth all the best feelings of his heart,
for maternal affection triumphed over every other emotion, and it
was only after the first ebullition of it had subsided, that she bade
him kneel to his sovereign, to whom he owed his liberty, and most
probably his life. Wallace gracefully bent his knee, and took Heaven
to witness that both should be devoted to his Majesty’s service.
 James was delighted with the manly appearance and gallant
behaviour of Wallace; and, after having satisfied himself of the
sincerity of his attachment to Mary, he ordered him to withdraw.
He next despatched a messenger for Mary, who, the moment she
came, was ushered into the presence of Sir John; James marking the
countenance of both,—that of Mary flushed with resentment, while
her eye flashed with indignant fire. The pale and deadly hue which
overspread the warden’s cheek was a tacit acknowledgment of his
guilt.
“Do you know that young woman, Sir John? Reply to my questions
truly; and be assured that your life depends upon the sincerity of
your answers,” said the king, in a determined and stern voice.
“Yes, my liege, I have seen her,” said Sir John, his lip quivering,
and his tongue faltering.
“Where?”
“At Amisfield.”
“On what occasion?”
“She came to me for the release of Wallace Maxwell.”
“And you refused her, except upon conditions which were an insult
to her, and a disgrace to yourself. Speak; is it not so?”
“To my shame, my sovereign, I confess my guilt; but I am willing
to make all the reparation in my power; and I leave it to be named by
your Majesty.”
“You deserve to be hanged, Sir John; but when I look on that face,
I acknowledge your temptation, and it pleads a mitigation of
punishment. You know that Mary loves and is beloved by Wallace
Maxwell, whom you have already ransomed; you shall give him a
farm of not less than fifty acres of good land, rent-free, during his
life, or that of the woman he marries; and, further, you shall stock it
with cattle, and every article necessary, with a comfortable dwelling;
—all this you shall perform within three months from this date. If
you think these conditions hard, I give you the alternative of
swinging from that tree before sunset. Take your choice.”
“My sovereign, I submit to the conditions, and promise that I shall
do my best to make the couple happy.”
 Wallace was now called in, when Mary clasped him in her arms,
both falling on their knees before their sovereign. He raised them up
and said, “I have tried both your loves, and found them faithful. Your
Mary is all that you believed her, and brings you a dowry which she
will explain. I shall see your hands united before I leave Annandale,
and preside at the feast. Let your care of the widow be a
remuneration for what she has done for both, and I trust all of you
will long remember the Gudeman of Ballengeich’s visit to
Annandale.”—Edinburgh Literary Gazette.
 THE ALEHOUSE PARTY:
A CHAPTER FROM AN UNPUBLISHED
NOVEL.

By the Authors of “The Odd Volume.”

The night drave on wi’ sangs and clatter,
And aye the ale was growing better.—Burns.

On the evening of that day which saw Mrs Wallace enter Park a
bride, Robin Kinniburgh and a number of his cronies met at the
village alehouse to celebrate the happy event. Every chair, stool, and
bench being occupied, Robin and his chum, Tammy Tacket, took
possession of the top of the meal girnel; and as they were elevated
somewhat above the company, they appeared like two rival provosts,
looking down on their surrounding bailies.
“It’s a gude thing,” said Tammy, “that the wives and weans are
keepit out the night; folk get enough o’ them at hame.”
“I wonder,” said Jamie Wilson, “what’s become o’ Andrew
Gilmour.”
“Hae ye no heard,” said Robin, “that his wife died yesterday?”
“Is she dead?” exclaimed Tammy Tacket. “Faith,” continued he,
giving Robin a jog with his elbow, “I think a man might hae waur
furniture in his house than a dead wife.”
“That’s a truth,” replied Jamie Wilson, “as mony an honest man
kens to his cost.—But send round the pint stoup, and let us hae a
health to the laird and the leddy, and mony happy years to them and
theirs.”
 When the applause attending this toast had subsided, Robin was
universally called on for a song.
“I hae the hoast,” answered Robin; “that’s aye what the leddies say
when they are asked to sing.”
“Deil a hoast is about you,” cried Wattie Shuttle; “come awa wi’ a
sang without mair ado.”
“Weel,” replied Robin, “what maun be, maun be; so I’ll gie ye a
sang that was made by a laddie that lived east-awa; he was aye
daundering, poor chiel, amang the broomie knowes, and mony’s the
time I hae seen him lying at the side o’ the wimpling burn, writing on
ony bit paper he could get haud o’. After he was dead, this bit sang
was found in his pocket, and his puir mother gied it to me, as a kind
o’ keepsake; and now I’ll let you hear it,—I sing it to the tune o’ ‘I hae
laid a herrin’ in saut.’”
Song.
It’s I’m a sweet lassie, without e’er a faut;
Sae ilka ane tells me,—sae it maun be true;
To his kail my auld faither has plenty o’ saut,
And that brings the lads in gowpens to woo.
There’s Saunders M‘Latchie, wha bides at the Mill,
He wants a wee wifie, to bake and to brew;
But Saunders, for me, at the Mill may stay still,
For his first wife was pushioned, if what they say’s true.

The next is Tam Watt, who is grieve to the Laird,—

Last Sabbath, at puir me a sheep’s e’e he threw;
But Tam’s like the picters I’ve seen o’ Blue Beard,
And sic folk’s no that chancie, if what they say’s true.
Then there’s Grierson the cobbler, he’ll fleech an’ he’ll beg,
That I’d be his awl in awl, darlin’ and doo;
But Grierson the cobbler’s a happity leg,
And nae man that hobbles need come here to woo.

And there’s Murdoch the gauger, wha rides a blind horse,

And nae man can mak a mair beautifu’ boo;
But I shall ne’er tak him, for better, for worse,
For, sax days a week, gauger Murdoch is fou.
I wonder when Willie Waught’s faither ’ll dee;
(I wonder hoo that brings the blude to my brow;)
I wonder if Willie will then be for me;—
I wonder if then he’ll be coming to woo?
 “It’s your turn now to sing, Tammy,” said Robin, “although I dinna
ken that ye are very gude at it.”
“Me sing!” cried Tammy, “I canna even sing a psalm, far less a
sang; but if ye like, I’ll tell you a story.”
“Come awa then, a story is next best; but haud a’ your tongues
there, you chiels,” cried Robin, giving the wink to his cronies; “we a’
ken Tammy is unco gude at telling a story, mair especially if it be
about himsel.”
“Aweel,” said Tammy, clearing his throat, “I’ll tell you what
happened to me when I was ance in Embro’. I fancy ye a’ ken the
Calton hill?”
“Whatna daftlike question is that, when ye ken very weel we hae a’
been in Embro’ as weel as yoursel?”
“Weel then,” began Tammy, “I was coming ower the hill—”
“What hill?” asked Jamie Wilson. “Corstorphine hill?”
“Corstorphine fiddlestick!” exclaimed Tammy. “Did ye no hear me
say the Calton hill at the first, which, ye ken, is thought there the
principal hill?”
“What’s that ye’re saying about Principal Hill?” asked Robin. “I
kent him weel ance in a day.”
“Now, Tammy,” cried Willie Walkinshaw, “can ye no gang on wi’
your story, without a’ this balwavering and nonsense about coming
ower ane o’ our Professors; my faith, it’s no an easy matter to come
ower some o’ them.”
“Very weel,” said Tammy, a little angrily, “I’ll say nae mair about it,
but just drap the hill.”
“Whaur, whaur?” cried several voices at once.
“I’m thinkin’,” said Robin, drily, “some o’ the Embro’ folk would be
muckle obliged to ye if ye would drap it in the Nor’ Loch.”
“Ye’re a set o’ gomerals!” exclaimed Tammy, in great wrath. “I
meant naething o’ the sort; but only that I would gie ower speaking
about it.”
“So we’re no to hae the story after a’?” said Matthew Henderson.
“Yes,” said Tammy; “I’m quite agreeable to tell’t, if ye will only sit
still and haud your tongues. Aweel, I was coming ower the hill ae
night.”
“’Odsake, Tammy,” cried Robin, “will ye ne’er get ower that hill?
Ye hae tell’t us that ten times already; gang on, man, wi’ the story.”
“Then, to mak a lang story short, as I was coming ower the hill ae
night about ten o’clock I fell in—”
“Fell in!” cried Matthew Henderson, “Whaur? Was’t a hole, or a
well?”
“I fell in,” replied Tammy, “wi’ a man.”
“Fell in wi’ a man!” said Willie Walkinshaw. “Weel, as there were
twa o’ ye, ye could help ane anither out.”
“Na, na,” roared Tammy, “I dinna mean that at a’; I just cam up wi’
him.”
“I doubt, Tammy,” cried Robin, giving a sly wink to his cronies, “if
ye gaed up the Calton hill wi’ a man at ten o’clock at night, I’m
thinking ye’ll hae been boozing some gate or ither wi’ him afore
that.”
“Me boozing?” cried Tammy. “I ne’er saw the man’s face afore or
since; unless it was in the police office the next day.”
“Now, Tammy Tacket,” said Robin, gravely, “just tak a’ frien’s
advice, and gie ower sic splores; they’re no creditable to a decent
married man like you; and dinna be bleezing and bragging about
being in the police office; for it stands to reason ye wouldna be there
for ony gude.”
“Deil tak me,” cried Tammy, jumping up on the meal girnel, and
brandishing the pint stoup, “if I dinna fling this at the head of the
first man who says a word afore I be done wi’ my story:—And, as I
said before, I fell in—”
Poor Tammy was not at all prepared for his words being so soon
verified, for, in his eagerness to enforce attention, he stamped
violently with his hobnailed shoe on the girnel, which giving way
with a loud crash, Tammy suddenly disappeared from the view of the
astonished party. Robin, who had barely time to save himself from
the falling ruins, was still laughing with all his might, when Mrs
Scoreup burst in upon them, saying, “What the sorrow is a’ this
stramash about?”—but seeing a pale and ghastly figure rearing itself
from the very heart of her meal girnel, she ejaculated, “Gude
preserve us!” and, retreating a few steps, seized the broth ladle, and
prepared to stand on the defensive.
At this moment Grizzy Tacket made her appearance at the open
door, saying, “Is blethering Tam here?”
“Help me out, Robin, man,” cried Tammy.
“Help ye out!” said Grizzy; “What the sorrow took you in there, ye
drucken ne’er-do-weel?”
“Dinna abuse your gudeman, wife,” said Jamie Wilson.
“Gudeman!” retorted Grizzy; “troth, there’s few o’ ye deserve the
name; and as for that idle loon, I ken he’ll no work a stroke the morn,
though wife and weans should want baith milk and meal.”
“’Odsake, wife,” cried Robin, “if ye shake Tammy weel, he’ll keep
ye a’ in parritch for a week.”
“She’ll shake him,” cried the angry Mrs Scoreup; “cocks are free o’
horses’ corn; I’ll shake him,” making, as she spoke, towards the
unfortunate half-choked Tammy.
“Will ye, faith?” screamed Grizzy, putting her arms akimbo. “Will
ye offer to lay a hand on my gudeman, and me standing here? Come
out this minute, ye Jonadub, and come hame to your ain house.”
“No ae fit shall he steer frae this,” cried Mrs Scoreup, slapping-to
the door, “till I see wha is to pay me for the spoiling o’ my gude new
girnel, forby the meal that’s wasted.”
“New girnel!” exclaimed Grizzy, with a provoking sneer, “it’s about
as auld as yoursel, and as little worth.”
“Ye ill-tongued randy!” cried Mrs Scoreup, giving the ladle a most
portentous flourish.
“Whisht, whisht, gudewife,” said Robin; “say nae mair about it,
we’ll mak it up amang us; and now, Grizzy, tak Tammy awa hame.”
“It’s no right in you, Robin,” said Grizzy, “to be filling Tammy fou,
and keeping decent folks out o’ their beds till this time o’ night.”
“It’s a’ Tammy’s faut,” replied Robin; “for ye ken as well as me,
that when ance he begins to tell a story, there’s nae such thing as
stopping him; he has been blethering about the Calton hill at nae
allowance.”
 The last words seemed to strike on Tammy’s ear; who hiccuped
out, “As I cam ower the Calton hill—”
“Will naebody stap a peat in that man’s hause?” exclaimed
Matthew Henderson. “For ony sake, honest woman, tak him awa, or
we’ll be keepit on the Calton hill the whole night.”
“Tak haud o’ me, Tammy,” said Robin; “I’ll gang hame wi’ ye.”
“I can gang mysel,” said Tammy, giving Robin a shove, and
staggering towards the door.
“Gang yoursel!” cried Grizzy, as she followed her helpmate; “ye
dinna look very like it:” and thus the party broke up—
And each went aff their separate way,
Resolved to meet anither day.
 AUCHINDRANE; OR, THE AYRSHIRE
TRAGEDY.

By Sir Walter Scott.

John Muir, or Mure, of Auchindrane, was a gentleman of an

ancient family and good estate, in the west of Scotland, bold,
ambitious, treacherous to the last degree, and utterly
unconscientious,—a Richard the Third in private life, inaccessible
alike to pity and remorse. His view was to raise the power and extend
the grandeur of his own family. This gentleman had married the
daughter of Thomas Kennedy of Barganie, who was, excepting the
Earl of Cassilis, the most important person in all Carrick, the district
of Ayrshire which he inhabited, and where the name of Kennedy held
so great a sway as to give rise to the popular rhyme,—
’Twixt Wigton and the town of Ayr,
Portpatrick and the Cruives of Cree,
No man need think for to bide there,
Unless he court the Kennedie.

Now, Muir of Auchindrane, who had promised himself high

advancement by means of his father-in-law, saw, with envy and
resentment, that his influence remained second and inferior to the
house of Cassilis, chief of all the Kennedies. The Earl was indeed a
minor, but his authority was maintained and his affairs well
managed by his uncle, Sir Thomas Kennedy of Culleyne, the brother
to the deceased earl, and tutor and guardian to the present. This
worthy gentleman supported his nephew’s dignity and the credit of
the house so effectually that Barganie’s consequence was much
thrown into the shade, and the ambitious Auchindrane, his son-in-
law, saw no better remedy than to remove so formidable a rival as
Culleyne by violent means.
For this purpose, in the year 1597, he came with a party of
followers to the town of Maybole (where Sir Thomas Kennedy of
Culleyne resided), and lay in ambush in an orchard through which he
knew that his destined victim was to pass, in returning homewards
from a house where he was engaged to sup. Sir Thomas Kennedy
came alone and unattended, when he was suddenly seized and fired
upon by Auchindrane and his accomplices, who, having missed their
aim, drew their swords and rushed upon him to slay him. But the
party thus assailed at disadvantage had the good fortune to hide
himself for that time in a ruinous house, where he lay concealed till
the inhabitants of the place came to his assistance.
Sir Thomas Kennedy prosecuted Muir for this assault, who,
finding himself in danger from the law, made a sort of apology and
agreement with the Lord of Culleyne, to whose daughter he united
his eldest son, in testimony of the closest friendship in future. This
agreement was sincere on the part of Kennedy, who, after it had been
entered into, showed himself Auchindrane’s friend and assistant on
all occasions. But it was most false and treacherous on that of Muir,
who continued the purpose of murdering his new friend and ally on
the first opportunity.
Auchindrane’s first attempt to effect this was by means of the
young Gilbert Kennedy of Barganie (for old Barganie, Auchindrane’s
father-in-law, was dead), whom he persuaded to brave Cassilis, as
one who usurped an undue influence over the rest of the name.
Accordingly, this hot-headed youth, at the instigation of
Auchindrane, rode past the gate of the Earl of Cassilis without
waiting on his chief, or sending him any message of civility. This led
to mutual defiance, being regarded by the earl, according to the ideas
of the time, as a personal insult. Both parties took the field with their
followers, at the head of about two hundred and fifty men on each
side. The action which ensued was shorter and less bloody than
might have been expected. Young Barganie, with the rashness of
headlong courage, and Auchindrane, fired by deadly enmity to the
house of Cassilis, made a precipitate attack on the earl, whose men
were strongly posted and under cover. They were received by a heavy
fire. Barganie was slain. Muir of Auchindrane, severely wounded in
the thigh, became unable to sit on his horse, and the leaders thus
slain or disabled, their party drew off without continuing the action.
It must be particularly observed that Sir Thomas Kennedy remained
neuter in this quarrel, considering his connection with Auchindrane
as too intimate to be broken even by his desire to assist his nephew.
For this temperate and honourable conduct he met a vile reward;
for Auchindrane, in resentment of the loss of his relative Barganie,
and the downfall of his ambitious hopes, continued his practices
against the life of Sir Thomas of Culleyne, and chance favoured his
wicked purpose.
The knight of Culleyne, finding himself obliged to go to Edinburgh
on a particular day, sent a message by a servant to Muir, in which he
told him, in the most unsuspecting confidence, the purpose of his
journey, and named the road which he proposed to take, inviting
Muir to meet him at Duppill, to the west of the town of Ayr, a place
appointed for the purpose of giving him any commissions which he
might have for Edinburgh, and assuring his treacherous ally he
would attend to any business which he might have in the Scottish
metropolis as anxiously as to his own. Sir Thomas Kennedy’s
message was carried to the town of Maybole, where his messenger,
for some trivial reason, had the import committed to writing by a
schoolmaster in that town, and despatched it to its destination by
means of a poor student, named Dalrymple, instead of carrying it to
the house of Auchindrane in person.
This suggested to Muir a diabolical plot. Having thus received
tidings of Sir Thomas Kennedy’s motions, he conceived the infernal
purpose of having the confiding friend who sent the information
waylaid and murdered at the place appointed to meet with him, not
only in friendship, but for the purpose of rendering him service. He
dismissed the messenger Dalrymple, cautioning the lad to carry back
the letter to Maybole, and to say that he had not found him,
Auchindrane, in his house. Having taken this precaution, he
proceeded to instigate the brother of the slain Gilbert of Barganie,
Thomas Kennedy of Drumurghie by name, and Walter Muir of
Cloncaird, a kinsman of his own, to take this opportunity of
revenging Barganie’s death. The fiery young men were easily induced
to undertake the crime. They waylaid the unsuspecting Sir Thomas of
Culleyne at the place appointed to meet the traitor Auchindrane, and
the murderers having in company five or six servants well mounted
and armed, assaulted and cruelly murdered him with many wounds.
The revenge due for his uncle’s murder was keenly pursued by the
Earl of Cassilis. As the murderers fled from trial, they were declared
outlaws; which doom being pronounced by three blasts of a horn,
was called “being put to the horn, and declared the king’s rebel.”
Muir of Auchindrane was strongly suspected of having been the
instigator of the crime. But he conceived there could be no evidence
to prove his guilt if he could keep the boy Dalrymple out of the way,
who delivered the letter which made him acquainted with Culleyne’s
journey, and the place at which he meant to halt. Muir brought
Dalrymple to his house, but the youth tiring of this confinement,
Muir sent him to reside with a friend, Montgomery of Skelmorley,
who maintained him under a borrowed name amid the desert
regions of the then almost savage island of Arran. Being confident in
the absence of this material witness, Auchindrane, instead of flying
like his agents Drumurghie and Cloncaird, presented himself boldly
at the bar, demanded a fair trial, and offered his person in combat to
the death against any of Lord Cassilis’ friends who might impugn his
innocence. This audacity was successful, and he was dismissed
without trial.
Still, however, Muir did not consider himself safe so long as
Dalrymple was within the realm of Scotland; and the danger grew
more pressing, when he learned that the lad had become impatient of
the restraint which he sustained in the island of Arran, and returned
to some of his friends in Ayrshire. Muir no sooner heard of this than
he again obtained possession of the boy’s person, and a second time
concealed him in Auchindrane, until he found an opportunity to
transport him to the Low Countries, where he contrived to have him
enlisted in Buccleuch’s regiment; trusting, doubtless, that some one
of the numerous chances of war might destroy the poor young man
whose life was so dangerous to him.
But after five or six years’ uncertain safety, bought at the expense
of so much violence and cunning, Auchindrane’s fears were
exasperated with frenzy, when he found this dangerous witness,
having escaped from all the perils of climate and battle, had left, or
been discharged from, the Legion of Borderers, and had again
accomplished his return to Ayrshire. There is ground to suspect that
Dalrymple knew the nature of the hold which he possessed over
Auchindrane, and was desirous of extorting from his fears some
better provision than he had found either in Arran or the
Netherlands. But, if so, it was a fatal experiment to tamper with the
fears of such a man as Auchindrane, who determined to rid himself
effectually of this unhappy young man.
Muir now lodged him in a house of his own, called Chapeldonan,
tenanted by a vassal and connection of his, named James Bannatyne.
This man he commissioned to meet him at ten o’clock at night, on
the sea-sands, near Girvan, and bring with him the unfortunate
Dalrymple, the object of his fear and dread. The victim seems to have
come with Bannatyne without the least suspicion. When Bannatyne
and Dalrymple came to the appointed spot, Auchindrane met them,
accompanied by his eldest son James. Old Auchindrane, having
taken Bannatyne aside, imparted his bloody purpose of ridding
himself of Dalrymple for ever, by murdering him on the spot. His
own life and honour were, he said, endangered by the manner in
which this inconvenient witness repeatedly thrust himself back into
Ayrshire, and nothing could secure his safety but taking the lad’s life,
in which action he requested James Bannatyne’s assistance.
Bannatyne felt some compunction, and remonstrated against the
cruel expedient, saying it would be better to transport Dalrymple to
Ireland, and take precautions against his return. While old
Auchindrane seemed disposed to listen to this proposal, his son
concluded that the time was come for accomplishing the purpose of
their meeting, and without waiting the termination of his father’s
conference with Bannatyne, he rushed suddenly on Dalrymple, beat
him to the ground, and kneeling down upon him, with his father’s
assistance accomplished the crime, by strangling the unhappy object
of their fear and jealousy. Bannatyne, the witness, and partly the
accomplice, of the murder, assisted them in their attempt to make a
hole in the sand with a spade which they had brought on purpose, in
order to conceal the dead body. But as the tide was coming in, the
hole which they made filled with water before they could get the body
buried; and the ground seemed, to their terrified consciences, to
refuse to be accessory to concealing their crime. Despairing of hiding
the corpse in the manner they proposed, the murderers carried it out
into the sea as deep as they dared wade, and there abandoned it to
the billows, trusting that the wind, which was blowing off the shore,
would drive these remains of their crime out to sea, where they
would never more be heard of. But the sea, as well as the land,
seemed unwilling to conceal their cruelty. After floating for some
hours, or days, the body was, by the wind and tide, again driven on
shore, near the very spot where the murder had been committed.
This attracted general attention; and when the corpse was known
to be that of the same William Dalrymple whom Auchindrane had so
often spirited out of the country, or concealed when he was in it, a
strong and general suspicion arose that this young person had met
with foul play from the bold bad man, who had shown himself so
much interested in his absence. Auchindrane, indeed, found himself
so much the object of suspicion from this new crime that he resolved
to fly from justice, and suffer himself to be declared a rebel and an
outlaw rather than face a trial. He accordingly sought to provide
himself with some ostensible cause for avoiding the law, with which
the feelings of his kindred and friends might sympathise; and none
occurred to him as so natural as an assault upon some friend and
adherent of the Earl of Cassilis. Should he kill such a one, it would be
indeed an unlawful action, but so far from being infamous, would be
accounted the natural consequence of the avowed quarrel between
the families. With this purpose, Muir, with the assistance of a
relative, of whom he seems always to have had some ready to execute
his worst purposes, beset Hugh Kennedy of Garriehorne, a follower
of the earl, against whom they had especial ill-will, fired their pistols
at him, and used other means to put him to death. But Garriehorne,
a stout-hearted man and well-armed, defended himself in a very
different manner from the unfortunate knight of Culleyne, and beat
off the assailants, wounding young Auchindrane in the right hand, so
that he wellnigh lost the use of it.
But though Auchindrane’s purpose did not entirely succeed, he
availed himself of it to circulate a report that if he could obtain a
pardon for firing upon his feudal enemy with pistols, weapons
declared unlawful by Act of Parliament, he would willingly stand his
trial for the death of Dalrymple, respecting which he protested his
total innocence. The king, however, was decidedly of opinion that the
Muirs, both father and son, were alike guilty of both crimes, and
used intercession with the Earl of Abercorn, as a person of power in
these western counties, as well as in Ireland, to arrest and transmit
them prisoners to Edinburgh. In consequence of the Earl’s exertions,
old Auchindrane was made prisoner, and lodged in the Tolbooth of
Edinburgh.
Young Auchindrane no sooner heard that his father was in
custody, than he became as apprehensive of Bannatyne, the
accomplice in Dalrymple’s murder, telling tales, as ever his father
had been of Dalrymple. He therefore hastened to him, and prevailed
on him to pass over for a while to the neighbouring coast of Ireland,
finding him money and means to accomplish the voyage, and
engaging in the meantime to take care of his affairs in Scotland.
Secure, as they thought, in this precaution, old Auchindrane
persisted in his innocence, and his son found security to stand his
trial. Both appeared with the same confidence at the day appointed.
The trial was, however, postponed, and Muir the elder dismissed,
under high security to return when called for.
But King James, being convinced of the guilt of the accused,
ordered young Auchindrane, instead of being sent to trial, to be
examined under the force of torture, in order to compel him to tell
whatever he knew of the things charged against him. He was
accordingly severely tortured; but the result only served to show that
such examinations are as useless as they are cruel.
Young Auchindrane, a strong and determined ruffian, endured the
torture with the utmost firmness, and by the constant audacity with
which, in spite of the intolerable pain, he continued to assert his
innocence, he spread so favourable an opinion of his case, that the
detaining him in prison, instead of bringing him to open trial, was
censured as severe and oppressive. James, however, remained firmly
persuaded of his guilt, and by an exertion of authority quite
inconsistent with our present laws, commanded young Auchindrane
to be still detained in close custody till further light could be thrown
on these dark proceedings.
In the meanwhile, old Auchindrane being, as we have seen, at
liberty on pledges, skulked about in the west, feeling how little
security he had gained by Dalrymple’s murder, and that he had
placed himself by that crime in the power of Bannatyne, whose
evidence concerning the death of Dalrympie could not be less fatal
than what Dalrymple might have told concerning Auchindrane’s
accession to the conspiracy against Sir Thomas Kennedy of Culleyne.