Australian Journal of Psychology

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Coping research: Historical background, links with

emotion, and new research directions on adaptive
processes

Erica Frydenberg

To cite this article: Erica Frydenberg (2014) Coping research: Historical background, links with
emotion, and new research directions on adaptive processes, Australian Journal of Psychology,
66:2, 82-92, DOI: 10.1111/ajpy.12051

To link to this article: https://doi.org/10.1111/ajpy.12051

Published online: 20 Nov 2020.

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Australian Journal of Psychology 2014; 66: 82–92

doi: 10.1111/ajpy.12051

Coping research: Historical background, links with emotion, and

new research directions on adaptive processes

Erica Frydenberg
Education, University of Melbourne, Melbourne, Victoria, Australia

Abstract

The general purpose of this review is to briefly describe the historical foundations of coping research covering how it has evolved, over
the past three to four decades, from research founded on a deficit model of stress to research that focused more often on exploring
people’s capacity to deal with life’s circumstances and fulfil their potential. Five topic areas are covered. First, key theoretical
underpinnings of coping research are described. Second, links between coping responses and emotion are presented, with an
emphasis on how coping can mitigate the individual and environmental impacts of stress. Third, developmental studies of stress and
coping are introduced showing how it is functionally important across the age span but may change in form. Fourth, the challenges
for measuring coping are considered by describing classic and new approaches to assessment. Finally, later developments in coping
research are covered by identifying recent research on proactive coping and dyadic approaches. Overall, this review also illustrates
how coping research has traversed the full gamut of the lifespan.

Key words: coping, lifespan, stress

Stress and coping have been considered to be the most INTRODUCTION

highly researched fields in psychology. On coping
alone, the research efforts between 1980s to the present
have yielded 881,436 peer-reviewed journal articles with
almost equal amount of publication in the adult (403,132)
and child (442,775) areas. There are fewer relating to
adolescence (236,925) and with much less on coping in
early childhood (136,118). Since the year 2000, there
has been a continuing volume of research output with the
most notable advances in the child and adolescent arenas.
From 2000 onwards, the compliment of publications
has not abated in that coping has rendered 661,844
publications with 316,148 for adults and 356,203 for
child and again fewer for adolescents (177,226) and early
childhood (105,496). The importance of coping for
children is manifold in that children and the contexts
in which they operate, namely, family, school, and peer
group offer, extensive opportunities for enhancing the
ways in which they deal with their lives in each of their
settings.
Correspondence: Erica Frydenberg, Education, University of Mel-
bourne, 100 Leicester St., Carlton, Melbourne, Vic. 3010, Australia.
Email: e.frydenberg@unimelb.edu.au
Received 2 September 2013. Accepted for publication 6 January
2014.
© 2014 The Australian Psychological Society
The aim of this review is to provide researchers and practi-
tioners with some key understandings and benefits from this
research output to advance their work. Much of the research
in the last decade has focused on how individuals and groups
deal with particular problems such as health, trauma, loss,
sporting success, and achievement to name a few. The focus
in this review is on core theoretical underpinnings of coping
research rather than applications or findings relating to a
particular population. To date, coping has made an impor-
tant contribution to our understanding of human endeavour
and achievement, and the theoretical insights have enabled
both researchers and practitioners to advance well-being and
striving, thus going beyond the original goals of coping
research, which was aimed at how individuals reduce stress.
The theory has led to measurement and the measurement to
individual and group interventions across the lifespan and
adds immeasurably to our understanding of the promotion
of the quality of life.
In this review, the dominant theories of coping and the
relevance and significance of emotions are considered along
with development and measurement, which are important
features of coping. Some new directions are presented with
some consideration of how this vast field might continue to
advance. While the purpose of this review is not to focus on
practice and outcomes per se, the theoretical insights have
informed and continue to inform practice.
 Coping research adaptive processes 83

THE HISTORY OF STRESS AND COPING RESEARCH experience (Shanan, De-Nour, & Garty, 1976); and more
recently others researched the relative contributions of per-
The stress concept sonality characteristics (Saklofske, Austin, Mastoras, Beaton,
& Osborne, 2012; Weigold & Robitschek, 2011).
The term ‘stress’ has its origins in physics rather than in
From the vast body of research two major theoretical but
psychology and physiology. Essentially, it was a term used in
complementary approaches to coping have emerged. The
engineering to describe the effect of a mechanical force that
first is the Transactional theory of Richard Lazarus and the
places strain or pressure on an object. The physiological
second is Stevan Hobfoll’s (1989) Conservation of Resources
theories of stress focus on the arousal that occurs when an
(COR) theory. They function as frameworks within which to
organism is under stress or threat and there is a response to
understand coping.
the stress that may be adaptive in that there is an attempt to
‘fight’ or ‘flee’ the stress. If the stress persists, there is likely
to be a harmful outcome for the organism (Cannon, 1932). The transactional theory of coping
Illness is often a result of the exertion or demand that is
Richard Lazarus launched the field with his seminal book
made on a particular physiological system. However, biologi-
Psychological Stress and the Coping Process (Lazarus, 1966) in
cal or genetic predisposition may play an important part in
which he had an interest in maximising immune function-
illness. Selye (1976, p. 472) described stress as ‘the non-
ing and removing harmful effects on the cardiovascular
specific response of the body to any demands made upon it’.
system. However, the impact of his interest in coping had a
Selye makes the distinction between stress that mobilises the
far wider reach in terms of influencing research agendas and
individual to effective performance, such as when there is
output.
heightened performance that has been labelled ‘eustress’,
The most frequently cited definition of coping is that of
and stress that is more negative and has been labelled ‘dis-
Lazarus and his colleague Susan Folkman (Lazarus &
tress’. He observed that the body would respond to any
Folkman, 1984), who define coping ‘. . . as constantly
external biological source of stress with a predictable biologi-
changing cognitive and behavioral efforts to manage specific
cal pattern in an attempt to restore the body’s internal
external and/or internal demands that are appraised as
homeostasis. Lazarus (1966), in foreshadowing his theory on
taxing or exceeding the resources of the person’ (p. 141).
coping, describes stress as the mismatch between the per-
This definition addresses the cognitive, affective, and behav-
ceived demands of a situation and the individual’s assess-
ioural aspects of the coping process and also focuses on the
ment of his or her resources to deal with these demands.
effort associated with an individual’s response. Lazarus and
Stresses can be physical such as those pertaining to the
Folkman (1984) also point out that managing stress includes
environment (like extreme heat or cold), psychosocial
accepting, tolerating, avoiding, or minimising the stressors as
stresses (such those experienced when relationships are not
well as the more traditional view of coping as mastery over
working), and daily hassles (such as having a quarrel with
the environment. Moreover, coping is not limited to success-
one’s friend or partner). Early stress researchers such as
ful efforts, but includes all purposeful attempts to manage
Holmes and Rahe (1967) identified major life events as
stress regardless of their effectiveness. That is, the coping
stresses. Since the mid-1960s, and particularly over the past
response is initiated as a response to a stressful event that is
20 years, there has been interest in how individuals deal
personally significant and taxes or exceeds an individual’s
with stress; that is coping.
resources.
There are several key elements of the Lazarus & Folkman
The coping concept
(1984), conceptualisation, namely that coping is a transac-
The research history of coping goes back to the beginnings of tion between the person and the environment, and appraisal
the psychoanalytic movement at the turn of the nineteenth is a feature of the coping process. Coping is a dynamic
century, but coping only really began to be viewed as a process that changes over time as it responds to demands,
process in the 1970s and 1980s through the work of theorists following appraisals, both objective and subjective.
such as Pearlin and Schooler (1978), Lazarus and Folkman As Folkman (2010, p. 453) recently pointed out ‘coping is
(1984), Billings and Moos (1984), and Kobasa (1979). These a critical point of entry for protecting mental and physical
theorists, among others, have developed a range of different health from the harmful effects of stress’ and while she
approaches to identifying the ways in which coping may be acknowledges that although the Lazarus and Folkman
related to given outcomes: some investigated how personal- (1984) model of stress has stood the test of time, it is not free
ity characteristics may be antecedents to coping (Kobasa, of problems and limitations. It rests on the concept of
1979; Wheaton, 1983); others assessed how an individual appraisal, that is, whether a situation is one of stress harm
actually copes with stressful events (Billings & Moos); or loss or challenge (primary appraisal), whether the individual
studied the characteristics of stressful events that individuals has the resources to cope (secondary appraisal), and an
© 2014 The Australian Psychological Society
84 E. Frydenberg
evaluation of the coping strategy post coping (tertiary
appraisal). Appraisals are not necessarily conscious but may
occur unconsciously at an automatic level (Lazarus, 1991,
1993), and it addresses two dimensions of coping: emotion
focused and problem focused. Additionally, Folkman and
Moskowitz (2000) identified meaning focused coping as
the third function of coping as distinct from the problem-
and emotion-focused conceptualisation that is, problem,
emotion and meaning focused coping. The original Ways of
Coping (Folkman & Lazarus, 1980) measurement tool was
reliant on self-report and generally emotion was considered
from a negative perspective. The revised version addresses
both positive and negative emotions (Folkman, Lazarus,
Dunkel-Schetter, DeLongis, & Gruen, 1986) as well as a
problem focus, as do other measures such as the COPE
(Carver, Scheier, & Weintraub, 1989) and Coping Inventory
for Stressful Situations (Endler & Parker, 1999). Folkman
(2010) highlights the strength of the approach as being the
fact that it is individualised and it is preceded by antecedents
such as biology, developmental stage, and in a particular
setting, with social and material resources (p. 45).
Conservation of resources theory
A complementary and arguably equally important theory,
COR (Hobfoll, 1989, 2010), is based on a single motivational
tenet that individuals strive to obtain, retain, and protect
that which they value. Stress occurs when resources are
threatened, actually lost or when the individual invests
resources without getting adequate return for effort. When
there is adequate return for investment the resource pool is
built up and self-esteem and confidence are boosted.
Resources are defined as objects such as possessions that
are valued for their physical nature, but they can often be
associated with socioeconomic status (SES) or status in
general, personal characteristics (such as seeing things as
predictable and happening in one’s best interest, being opti-
mistic, mastery), conditions (such as marriage, employment,
tenure, promotion), or energies (examples of which are net-
works, power, money, time, knowledge, etc.) that allow you
to obtain other resources. COR theory posits that people do
not wait for disaster to strike, they invest in resources, that
is, take out insurance; people purchase future protection, for
example, by investing time and energy in relationships. In
that sense, this aspect of the framework is proactive rather
than reactive.
People strive to develop a resource surplus to offset the
possibility of future loss. Resource surpluses are likely to be
associated with eustress (positive well-being) rather than
distress. Self-protection is about trying to protect against
resource loss. We invest time and energy and love and affec-
tion in the expectation of the return of the same. Power and
money are important resources that allow us to accumulate
other resources. The concept of loss is central to COR theory.
It posits that gain is important but secondary to loss. Most
severe stressor events are loss events. However, according to
COR theory there is the notion that individuals can shift the
focus of attention from loss by reinterpreting a threat as a
challenge, which can be construed as a positive aspect of
coping.
According to Hobfoll (1989) the emphasis of the COR
theory is on objective elements of threat and loss and
‘common appraisals’ by people who share a biology and
culture. The emphasis is on the circumstances that occur
rather than the appraisals. There is an importance placed on
losses and gain cycles. While COR theory was born out of
trauma and disaster, Hobfoll sees research today as being
aligned with positive psychology with a focus on how it
contributes to resilience and capacity to thrive beyond sur-
viving. To assist with that thriving, there are ‘caravan pas-
sageways’, the environmental conditions that support,
foster, enrich, and protect the resources of individuals, fami-
lies, and organisations, or that detract, undermine, obstruct,
or impoverish people’s resource reservoirs.
One of Hobfoll’s underlying principles is paradoxical, in
that resource loss is more potent than resource gain, but the
salience of gain increases under situations of resource loss
(Wells, Hobfoll, & Lavin, 1999). While it is difficult to predict
or identify that which is going to restore the equilibrium,
SES is among the best predictors of mental health. Most
neighbourhood factors supersede family factors (Rutter,
2000). That is, the importance of socioeconomic factors
cannot be disregarded (Steptoe & Feldman, 2001). Addition-
ally, the impact of social support is one of the most robust
single markers of resiliency resources, after SES and race are
accounted for (Schumm, Briggs-Phillips, & Hobfoll, 2006).
Gains have a positive connotation, but losses are strongly
negatively connoted which is consistent with Kahneman
and Tversky (1979) who argued that it is more unpleasant to
lose than it is pleasant to win.
COPING AND EMOTIONS
The relationship between coping and emotion is important
in that emotions have been generally seen as interfering
with cognitions and coping. Often, emotions appear to domi-
nate and the individual can be described as floundering in a
sea of emotions. Historically, coping has been viewed as
a response to emotion. In more recent years, there has been
a shift where the two are understood to be in a reciprocal
dynamic relationship (Folkman & Lazarus, 1988). Just as
emotion determines how an encounter is appraised, so the
outcome in turn determines the individual’s emotional state
both in the ongoing interaction and in future interactions.
Folkman and Lazarus (1988) distinguish this from the
© 2014 The Australian Psychological Society
 Coping research adaptive processes 85

Darwinian approach, where emotions, like fear and anger, . . . we should not be surprised that performance is
are thought to come to the aid of the organism in the face of better, cognitive activity is much less strained, thoughts
threat and also from the ego psychological approach, which and ideas come more easily, and we see others more
includes reference to cognitive processes like denial, repres- favorably and open ourselves to them (p. 422).
sion, suppression, intellectualisation, and problem solving in
an effort to reduce stress and anxiety. From Hobfoll’s (2010) perspective, because COR theory
In the coping literature, much of the emotion-focused places secondary emphasis on the importance of gain in
conceptualisation of coping has focused on the maladaptive. contrast to that of loss, ’positive emotions have difficulty
A more recent functionalist perspective of emotions has being sustained when resource loss is severe or chronic,
focused on the adaptive nature of emotion and how indi- especially where other key resources such as social support,
viduals can organise social communication, goal achieve- cannot be brought to bear’ (p. 139). The context and cir-
ment, and cognitive processes from an early age (Ekman, cumstance remain all-important.
1994; Mahoney, 1991; Smith, 1991; Thompson, 1994).
Thus, emotions are a major organising force with intra and The co-occurrence of positive and negative emotions
interpersonal regulatory effects. Three theoretical constructs
The co-occurrence of positive and negative emotions has
exemplify a functionalist view of emotion in personality
been reported in early research. Stone, Kennedy-Moore, and
research, emotional competence (Saarni, 1990), emotional
Neale (1995) using end-of-day diaries found that relaxation
intelligence (Salovey & Mayer, 1990), and emotional crea-
and direct action were uniquely associated with positive
tivity (Averill & Thomas-Knowles, 1991). All contribute to
affect, whereas distraction and acceptance were also associ-
healthy interpersonal and intrapersonal functioning. Emo-
ated with lower levels of negative affect. Folkman, from her
tional competence is essentially self-efficacy in the context of
extensive research with caregivers of human immunodefi-
‘emotion-eliciting social transactions’ (Saarni, 1997, p. 38).
ciency virus infection (HIV) acquired immunodeficiency
Links between coping and emotions syndrome patients, has highlighted that positive and nega-
tive emotions can co-occur in the direst circumstances
Coping and emotion regulation are inextricably linked. For
(Folkman & Moskowitz, 2000). Also, there is growing evi-
example, the same stressor can evoke different emotions
dence of the links of health-related recovery and the expres-
and emotions can prompt certain coping responses
sion of emotions. For example, breast cancer patients do
(Zimmer-Gembeck, Skinner, Morris, & Thomas, 2012).
better if they express emotions (Stanton et al., 2000). The
While much of emotional regulation is unconscious,
corollary is well established in that those who ruminate
Eisenberg, Fabes, and Guthrie (1997) describe two types of
and focus on negative emotions are likely to experience
emotion regulation: one that regulates the internal feeling
increased depression and anxiety (Nolen-Hoeksema, 2000).
state and the other are the behavioural concomitants of
The co-occurrence of both positive and negative emotions
emotions labelled the emotion-related behaviour regulation.
has been labelled as dual-process coping. For example
Positive emotions and coping Stroebe and Schut’s (1999) Dual Process Model of coping for
bereavement describes the bereaved as oscillating between
The ‘sea change’ in coping that focuses on the strengths of
loss and restoration, approach and avoidance, and positive
people and societies rather than on weaknesses (Zautra
and negative reappraisals (Stroebe, 2001). Psychologists’
& Reich, 2010) can be accredited to Seligman and
tendency to focus on one mood state at a time, has obscured
Csikszentmihalyi (2000) and it has coincided with an
the important finding that positive and negative mood states
increasing attention to well-being and the benefits of mini-
can coexist and that positive ones can inhibit negative
mising stress so as to cope effectively. There is a growing
mood states under certain circumstances (Greenglass &
recognition among Folkman and others of the presence
Fiksenbaum, 2009).
of positive emotions in the stress process (Aspinwall &
Emotions play a part in appraisals, adaptation, and subse-
MacNamara, 2005; Folkman, 1997; Folkman & Moskowitz,
quent development as the individual matures in a psycho-
2003; Seligman & Csikszentmihalyi, 2000). There is also
social context.
an emphasis on positive emotions by Fredrickson and
Levenson (1998) with her ‘Broaden and Build’ theory and
Lyubomirsky (2010) with her approach to hedonic adapta-
A DEVELOPMENTAL VIEW OF COPING
tion. The ‘Broaden and Build’ theory of emotions focuses
on positive emotions as a way of broadening resources for
Development and coping
coping thus making coping more effective. Additionally,
as Lazarus (1991) pointed out then, there are appraisals The question is often asked about coping and development.
involved in positive mood states, Does coping determine development or vice versa? The
© 2014 The Australian Psychological Society
86 E. Frydenberg
likelihood is that it works both ways, in that the ages and
stages of human development impact coping and situational
determinants play a part as we cope with different situations
across the lifespan. Aldwin (2010) points out that the way
we cope is also determined by how stress is defined;
whether, for example, it is defined, in terms of hassles or
traumas. There are individual differences and developmental
trajectories of coping. For example, young children are
reliant on parents for emotion regulation and become inde-
pendent self-regulators at a later stage of development. Neu-
rological development also comes into play in that children
are likely to respond differently and utilise different coping
resources than those in adolescence or adulthood. Essen-
tially individuals respond to their environments, but they in
turn influence their environments (Lazarus & Folkman,
1984). There are both normative changes and individual
differences (see review by Compas, Connor-Smith,
Saltzman, Thomsen, & Wadsworth, 2001; Zimmer-Gembeck
& Skinner, 2011).
It is now recognised that there is plasticity in developmen-
tal processes, which is reflected in brain development and
behavioural outcomes (Doidge, 2007; Spear, 2000a, 2000b).
Patterns of coping became more differentiated with age
(e.g., Compas, Worsham, & Ey, 1992; Skinner & Zimmer-
Gembeck, 2009). The changes in neurophysiological, cogni-
tive, emotional, attentional, and/or social resources and
processes across the lifespan could account for differences in
the abilities and ways of coping in children and adults.
While there have been few longitudinal studies in the
child area, Eisenberg et al. (1997) found that aggression
decreases with age. Generally, those with externalising prob-
lems have been found to be more prone to anger and impul-
sivity and low regulation (Eisenberg et al., 2001). With
neurological maturation in adolescence, a more sophisti-
cated problem-focused coping approach is used, and there is
an emergence of humour with boys using more sexual
humour while girls cheer themselves up (Fuhr, 2002;
Horton, 2002). Effective dyadic coping does not develop
until late adolescence. In a longitudinal study of adolescent,
coping between the ages of 12 to 18 years confirmed that
maladaptive coping skills increase with age and particularly
in middle adolescent girls (Frydenberg & Lewis, 2000).
Stress, coping, and aging
Two paradoxes of stress and aging have been noted by
Yancura and Aldwin (2009). Although older adults are
thought to experience more stress and to be more vulnerable
to its adverse effects, they report less stress. The authors
conclude that older adults learn to appraise and cope
with stress differently and that protects them despite the
increased physiological vulnerability. The second paradox is
related to the positive aspects of stress in that under certain
conditions, stress can have positive or ‘toughening’ effects
that can be construed as building resilience. They have
investigated the paradoxes from two major longitudinal
studies of stress, which are The Normative Aging Study
(male veterans aged 22–80 years) and the Davis Longitudi-
nal Study (DLS) (Alumni from 1969, 1979, 1989, 1999).
Regardless of the fact that the type of problems change with
age, 20% of those over 80 years old could not come up with
a single problem in the past week. Boeninger, Shiraishi,
Aldwin, and Spiro (2009) suggest that older adults have a
more balanced perspective on their stress and are less likely
to appraise stress as problematic. They are likely to avoid
being upset by minor problems (Aldwin, 2007); they are
likely to see the ‘silver lining’ or experienced what Tedeschi
(2004) labelled as posttraumatic growth. From the DLS
study, only 10% reported negative outcomes while 20%
reported positive outcomes and 60% reported mixed out-
comes, that is, both positive and negative. At the same time,
there is an accumulation of stressors occurring in old age
that places considerable pressure on older individuals. As
people age, they have to deal with declining physical and
psychological attributes like memory losses, decline in vision
and hearing, for example. Because losses constitute major
stressors in the elderly, they are forced to deal with more and
more stressors at this stage of their lives than before. While
young people and those in middle age may encounter
stressors at some point in their lives, in old age, there tends
to be an accumulation of stressors (losses) at a time when
one’s resilience may also be declining. This is an area worthy
of future study.
THE MEASUREMENT OF COPING
Many coping inventories have been developed over the
years. They draw upon the major theoretical models of
coping to enable the research insights or clinical interven-
tions to occur. The earliest developments assessed adult ways
of coping, with interest in the assessment of how younger
people cope arising in the late 1980s when the coping lit-
erature turned its attention to coping in childhood (Compas,
1987). In her comprehensive review of coping scales,
Carolyn Aldwin (2007) identified 200 references to different
coping scales with 51 of these being in the child and adoles-
cent arena.
Descriptions of how people cope are generally provided by
individuals or derived from the literature. Although most
coping measures ask participants to recall how they cope,
the accuracy of self-report is considered to be a limitation
(Todd, Tennen, Carney, Armeli, & Affleck, 2004). Therefore,
some researchers use a process approach such as daily diary
recordings (Stone, Lennox, & Neale, 1985). Diary studies
report mean styles as predicting strategy use (Ptacek, Pierce,
& Thompson, 2006) for age group and experience sampling
© 2014 The Australian Psychological Society

(Csikzentmihalyi & Larson, 1984) to capture proximal
stressors, coping efforts, and outcomes closer to their occur-
rence; and track changes in coping processes (Tennen,
Affleck, Armeli, & Carney, 2000).
The descriptions of actions are subsequently grouped
according to similarity of concept or ideation. The most
common categorisation or grouping of approaches to coping
is the dichotomous grouping of strategies by Lazarus
and Folkman (1984; Lazarus, 1993), which identifies
problem- and emotion-focused coping. Alternative cate-
gorisations range from groupings of 8–10 strategies or scales
(e.g., Stark, Spirito, Williams, & Guevremont, 1989), to the
specificity of 18 strategies that make up the Adolescent
Coping Scale (ACS) (Frydenberg & Lewis, 1993) and 20 in
the ACS-2 (Frydenberg & Lewis, 2011). Strategies have
often been grouped to characterise coping styles that
represent functional and dysfunctional aspects of coping
(Cox, Gotts, Boot, & Kerr, 1985; Frydenberg & Lewis,
1997, 2011; Seiffge-Krenke & Shulman, 1990). The func-
tional styles represent direct attempts to deal with the
problem, with or without reference to others, whereas
the dysfunctional styles relate to the use of non-productive
strategies.
Coping has been found to be influenced by person
and situation characteristics. Skinner, Edge, Altman, and
Sherwood (2003) in a review commented that there are
hundreds of coping strategies currently assessed but styles
generally are made up of five basic types of strategies:
problem solving, support seeking avoidance, distraction and
positive cognitive restructuring. Skinner et al. suggested four
others (rumination, helplessness and social withdrawal) and
one positive, emotion regulation (Newton, 1989; O’Driscoll
& Cooper, 1994). There have been debates about definition,
measurement, and generalisability of findings. For example,
O’Driscoll and Cooper (1994) report little connection
between general and specific coping, whereas a close asso-
ciation has been reported by Frydenberg and Lewis (1994,
2002a, 2002b) and Latack (1986).
The numerous reviews of coping measures highlight the
similarities and differences, and validity and reliability issues.
The measurement tools have been used to extend theory
and most significantly guide or evaluate practice. An early
review by Schwarzer and Schwarzer (1996) highlighted con-
ceptual issues and those relating to generality and stability. A
review by De Ridder (1997) highlighted similar concerns but
pointed out that in an ‘inherently variable’ concept like
coping, focusing on psychometric quality alone will not
solve the problem. Instruments such as COPE (Carver et al.,
1989; Hobfoll’s Strategic Approaches to Coping (Hobfoll,
Dunaboo, Ben-Porath, & Monnier, 1994) and Frydenberg
and Lewis’s ACS (Frydenberg & Lewis, 1993) and Coping
Scale for Adults (CSA) (Frydenberg & Lewis, 1997) recognise
that there is consistency and variation in coping, which in
© 2014 The Australian Psychological Society
Coping research adaptive processes 87
the ACS and CSA are is reflected in a general and situation
specific forms of coping. Dimensionality has been addressed
by many reviewers, particularly by Skinner et al., (2003). In
their analysis of 100 assessments of coping, the authors
critiqued strategies and identified best practices for con-
structing category systems. From current systems, a list of
400 ways of coping was compiled. For constructing lower
order categories, the authors concluded that confirmatory
factor analysis should replace the two most common
approaches (exploratory factor analysis and rational sorting).
For higher order categories, they recommend that the three
most common distinctions (problem- vs emotion-focused,
approach vs avoidance, and cognitive vs behavioural)
no longer be used. Instead, the authors recommend hierar-
chical systems of action types (e.g., proximity seeking,
accommodation). From analysis of six such systems, 13
potential core families of coping were identified: Problem
solving, Support seeking, Escape, Distraction, Cognitive
restructuring, Rumination, Helplessness, Social withdrawal,
Emotional regulation, Information seeking, Negotiation,
Opposition, and Delegation. Future steps involve deciding
how to organise these families, using their functional homo-
geneity and distinctiveness, and especially their links to
adaptive processes.
Adolescent coping measures have been reviewed by
Garcia (2010). A wide range of stress-related risks or condi-
tions were examined, including psychological stressors such
as eating disorders, suicidal ideation, and depression; physi-
cal stressors such as chronic illness, HIV infection, sports
participation, violence, or sexual abuse; familial stressors
such as domestic violence or inter-parental conflict; social
stressors such as romantic relationships or difficulties in
settings such as school, prison, or a homeless shelter; and
societal stressors such as discrimination.
In a review of 12 coping measures (nine self-report and
three observational methods) in paediatric populations by
Blount et al. 2008), only six met the criteria of ‘well estab-
lished’ that broaden understanding and guide treatment.
Much of the psychometrically valid instruments have been
used exclusively for research rather than intervention, yet
the tools lend themselves to clinical applications because the
very identification of the individual’s coping characteristics
can lead to reflection and behavioural change.
NEW DIRECTIONS
Proactive coping
Much of the coping research to date has focused on past
events despite the fact that the concept of loss, threat, harm,
or challenge is central to the appraisal theory of coping.
However, researchers such Aspinwall and Taylor (1997)
refer to future events. For example, how individuals
88 E. Frydenberg

anticipate events as potential stressors, the ways in which we attachments to a supportive social network from which sat-
deal with them and the use of feedback is proactive coping isfaction can be derived’ (Hobfoll, 2002, p. 71). Hobfoll con-
(Aspinwall & Taylor, 1997; Greenglass, 2002; Greenglass, cludes that the overreliance on personal agency in the stress
Schwarzer, & Taubert, 1999). Building resources to offset literature limits our understanding of the role of attachment
future losses is captured by Hobfoll’s COR theory. Schwarzer and relationships in a cultural context.
and Knoll (2003) distinguish among reactive (event that
happened), anticipatory (certain of event that will happen, Dyadic coping
e.g., job interview), preventative (looking after health for
An extension of the focus on community and the notion of
the future), and proactive coping (upcoming challenge). A
support from individuals or collectives is dyadic coping.
proactive approach to coping is captured in the Proactive
Much of the research in this field has addressed couples in
Coping Inventory, which consists of six scales that measure
the context of married life. Issues of spousal support in the
coping from a proactive perspective (Greenglass et al. 1999).
context of marital or step-parenting conflict, chronic pain,
For these theorists, proactive coping involves appraisal of
illnesses such as rheumatoid arthritis and cancer have been
demands as challenges, and consists of active coping, self-
reported extensively (Coyne & Smith, 1991; Englbrecht
efficacy, anticipatory behaviour, and planning and utilises
et al., 2012; King & DeLongis, 2013). Overall, there is strong
social resources (Greenglass et al., 1999). All these could be
evidence of empathic coping contributing to relationship
termed future-oriented coping and could be construed as
building (Herzberg, 2013; O’Brien, DeLongis, Pomaki,
building resilience.
Puterman, & Zwicker, 2009) and a way of reducing marital
Coping and social support tension. De Longis and O’Brien (1990), in their treatment of
how families cope with Alzheimer’s disease, discuss how
Social support has been a key index of successful coping and
interpersonal factors may be important as predictors of the
an interest of many researchers (Greenglass & Fiksenbaum,
individual’s ability to cope with the situation. They talk
2009; Lelorain, Tessier, Florin, & Bonnaud-Antignac, 2012;
about the importance of drawing on the resources of others
Thoits, 1986, 1995). In recent years, researchers have linked
for coping with difficult situations. More recently, research-
social support and coping in their theoretical discussions of
ers are beginning to unpack the relationship between indi-
coping. For example, when discussing proactive coping,
vidual and dyadic coping. For example, Herzberg (2013)
Greenglass (2002) notes that there is an integral relationship
found that while there are mutual influences in a couple
between social support and coping. Moreover, social support
relationship on ‘pragmatic’ coping, that is not the case for
is seen as an essential resource for the development of pro-
emotion-related coping.
active forms of coping (Greenglass, 2002). This approach
While dyadic coping has emerged as a response to health
recognises the importance of resources in others, which can
and relational issues, like much of coping research in the
be incorporated into the behavioural and cognitive coping
post-Lazarus era religious coping and meaning making
repertoire of the individual (Greenglass & Fiksenbaum,
have emerged as a response to trauma. For some research-
2009). Additional research has emphasised the social aspects
ers such as Ross, Handal, Clark, and Wal (2009), reli-
of coping more from a cultural-sociological perspective than
giousness and non-self-directedness are predictive of
from coping skills alone (Hobfoll, 2002). Hobfoll considers
psychological adjustment. Others, like Park (2011), high-
the communal aspects of coping rather than the common
light that at times of trauma and major life stress that are
understandings where individual effort is responsible for the
less amenable to problem solving, ‘implicit religiousness’
desired outcomes. An independent style may be more effi-
is incorporated into a religious meaning–making model
cient for the individual, but not necessarily for the group.
where spirituality plays a part. There are many ‘faces’ of
Hobfoll and colleagues (Hobfoll, Jackson, Hobfoll, Pierce, &
religious coping and Emery and Pargament (2004) consider
Young, 2002) explored the notion that personal agency was
the challenges of later life where the majority of adults
more related to individualised action than to social coping
claim that they incorporate religion and spirituality into
and use of social support. They found that self-mastery was
their coping repertoire.
strongly associated with lower levels of anger and depressive
mood, as they explained, because there is a cost of connect-
The future
edness such as, compromise or conforming to group expec-
tations or needs. Nevertheless, those high on communal New technologies have provided new opportunities for
mastery used less antisocial modes of coping and women coping research to go beyond behavioural observation, self-
reported higher levels of communal coping. Overall, the report, real-time recording of behaviours to brain imaging
conclusion from three separate studies was that ‘communal and the recording of functional changes in the brain. Some
mastery appears to be related to greater concern for others, research has been referenced earlier in this review. From
less alienation from social relationships, and more close a treatment sense, Nechvatal and Lyons (2013), in a
© 2014 The Australian Psychological Society

systematic review of 49 reports of exposure therapy and the
brain, found 15 studies that meet their criteria and where
efficacy was established for exposure therapy. As Folkman
(2010) recently concluded,
The continuous and rapid development of new tech-
nologies and the concurrent new development of multi-
disciplinary fields of enquiry open the way to new
theoretical models, new hypotheses and new discoveries
(p. 3).
Notwithstanding that there is considerable promise in
extending our understanding of behavioural change through
neuroscience, the field as a whole has yet to embrace this
approach for research and practice.
CONCLUDING REMARKS
While there has been significant progress to date, there is
promise of new directions in the future. To date, we know
that coping research is well able to describe individuals and
groups in context, albeit generally through self-report.
Although this approach can contribute towards our under-
standing of human behaviour, there are still many unan-
swered questions that relate to achievement and adjustment
in different cohorts, in diverse contexts. The groups that are
less well researched are the early years (see Yeo, Frydenberg,
Northam & Deans, 2014, in this volume), the elderly and
non-Western communities. More importantly, however, our
measurement tools and insights can help us impact change
collectively and individually both from an educational per-
spective and from one that is clinically addressing particular
needs. Future collaborations between coping and neurosci-
ence researchers hold promise in that regard.
Hobfoll himself is a strong critique of the fact that many a
priori coping predictions do not work out. If the Lazarus and
Folkman’s (1984) conceptualisations are accepted general
problem-focused coping is good and emotion-focused coping
is bad. We have come a long way since then with our various
categorisations that go beyond the two conceptualisations. It
can also be seen that predicting individual behaviour in all
circumstances is unlikely to be achievable given the con-
comitance of factors that impact an individual in a context.
Unlike Selye’s (1976) view of stress as biological we now see
it as both psychological (appraisal) and situational.
Coping research was directly born out of stress research
but as the decades have progressed coping has moved closer
into the realm of positive psychology with positive emotions,
health, and well-being and issues around being proactive
rather than reactive coming to the fore. Theorists such as
Hobfoll (2010) consider the links between what he has been
doing and what the positive psychology researchers are
© 2014 The Australian Psychological Society
Coping research adaptive processes 89
focusing on. The importance of context and supportive envi-
ronments, whether they be for individuals or for groups is
now well understood. Positive appraisals and the building up
of resources, including coping skills per se are a key elements
to healthy development. Categorisation issues remain but
are less important in that it is unlikely that we would ever
reach agreement on nomenclature and categorisation.
Categorisation provides the tools for research and practice in
that it identifies key constructs that practitioners can use as
part of skill building. How these insights have informed
practice is evidenced by the wealth of publications in the
practice arena. While universal interventions are relatively
few, targeted interventions are most common whether it be
for a particular health conditions such as diabetes, grief,
trauma and loss, or achievement and success. The measure-
ment tools guide intervention and assist with evaluation of
outcomes. Regardless of the high volume of research output
relating to coping the transactional and resource, theories
remain dominant. These theories are complementary and
most other developments are variants of these two dominant
theories.
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