Comparative and International Education Society

Pedagogy, Power, and Discourse: Transformation of Islamic Education

Author(s): Aziz Talbani
Source: Comparative Education Review, Vol. 40, No. 1, Special Issue on Religion (Feb., 1996),
pp. 66-82
Published by: The University of Chicago Press on behalf of the Comparative and International
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 Pedagogy, Power, and Discourse:
Transformation of Islamic Education
AZIZ TALBANI

Strong revivalist Islamization movements have recently emerged in a

number of Muslim countries as a traditionalist response to modernity.
They aspire to imbue all forms of knowledge with traditional Islamic
values and arrest the secularization and modernization of knowledge. This
inspiration arises out of a larger political struggle to establish a discourse
linking the state and religion in a new power structure. The movement
is rooted in the history of Muslim societies, where religious discourses
mediated power and social control. This article will examine the historical
evolution of knowledge and power linkages in Islamic societies and the
use of Islamic education to reproduce and establish specific discourses of
power. Recent changes in the concept of Islamic education using Pakistan
as a case study will also be discussed.

Theoretical Framework

Islamization can be seen as a movement to make Islam a relevant

source of power and social control. Clifford Geertz viewed the movement
as an effort to make Islam "a universal, in theory standardized and essen-
tially unchangeable and usually well integrated system of ritual and beliefs
... not merely as a religion but a complete and comprehensive way of
life."' In some Muslim countries, this has been a predominantly sociopolit-
ical and economic struggle, but it emerges essentially from the acceptance
and interpretation of revealed and traditional knowledge as a priori
knowledge. Education in this context plays a pivotal role in reproducing
Islamic culture and promoting the ideological goals of Islamization.
The transformation of societal discourse sought by Islamization would
mean fundamental changes in power structure and social controls that
legitimize and regulate knowledge and meaning in society. Each society,
according to Michel Foucault, has its regime of truth, its "general politics
of truth, that is, the type of discourse it accepts and makes function as
true."2 He sees society as an arena for a struggle to establish and pass on

1 Clifford Geertz, Islam Observed:

ReligiousDevelopmentin Moroccoand Indonesia(Chicago: Univer-
sity of Chicago Press, 1971), p. 14.
2
Michel Foucault, PowerlKnowledge:SelectedInterviewsand Other Writings, 1972-1977, ed. and
trans. Colin Gordon (Sussex: Harvester, 1980), p. 131.

ComparativeEducation Review, vol. 40, no. 1.

? 1996 by the Comparative and International Education Society. All rights reserved.
0010-4086/96/4001-0005$0 1.00

66
February 1996
 TRANSFORMATIONOF ISLAMICEDUCATION

a regime of truth and develop techniques and procedures to inculcate

and transmit values considered to be true. Hence, a discourse could be
an "instrumentof power or an effect of power," as well as "a point of
resistance and a starting point for an opposing strategy."3
Societaldiscourse mediates its power and control through institutions
and elites "who are charged with saying what counts as true."4A regime
uses political, economic, and social apparatusesto control and dominate.
Truth is established through the discourse of power that is relayed, pre-
served, and legitimized. This involves a struggle involving politicaldebate
and social confrontation-an ideologicalstruggle.5
Hence, the creation of educational or social institutionsis part of the
power struggle to establish, expand, and sustain a particular notion of
truth through control over the power of legitimacy.Foucault states that
truth should be understood as a "systemof ordered procedures for the
production, regulation, distribution, circulation, and operation of state-
ments."6In its attempts to establishan absolute notion of truth, Islamiza-
tion is an all-encompassingmovement with political,economic, and socio-
cultural aspects. Politically, it involves a struggle to resist or accelerate
the formation of new power groups. Economically,at issue is the mainte-
nance of class interest during the transitionfrom an agriculturaleconomy
to an industrialone-which implies changing control over the means of
production from feudal lords to urbanbourgeoisie.And in the sociocultu-
ral sphere, knowledge discourses arise. Islamizationalso has profound
implications for educational systems, as educational sites are centrally
involved in the propagation,selectivedissemination,and "socialappropri-
ation"of discourses.7Foucaultstates,"Everyeducationalsystemis a means
of maintaining or modifying the appropriatenessof discourses with the
knowledge and power they bring with them."8Basil Bernstein echoes this
idea by stating, "The way a society selects, classifies,distributes,transmits,
and evaluates educational knowledge reflects both the distribution of
power and the principles of social control."9
In Islam, the Qur'an-considered the core of knowledge-is the ma-
jor "power"or force to legitimize, produce, and operationalize truth in
society.10Hence the Qur'an, believed to be divine, is the primarysource
3 Michel
Foucault, "The Subject and Power," in Michel Foucault: BeyondStructuralismand Herme-
neutics, ed. H. L. Dreyfus and P. Rainbow (Brighton: Harvester, 1982), p. 101.
4 Foucault,
PowerlKnowledge,p. 131.
5 Ibid.,
p. 132.
6 Ibid., p. 33.
7
Stephen J. Ball, ed., Foucault and Education:Disciplinesand Knowledge(London and New York:
Routledge, 1990), p. 3.
8 Michel Foucault, L'ordredu discours (Paris: Gallimard, 1971), p. 46.
9 Basil Bernstein, "On the Classification and
Framing of Educational Knowledge," in Knowledge
and Control, ed. Michael Young (London: Collier Macmillan, 1987), p. 47.
10S. H. Nasr, Islamic
Lifeand Thought(Albany: State University of New York Press, 1981), p. 49.

ComparativeEducationReview 67
 TALBANI

of knowledge. Its transcendent divine nature guards it from human inter-

polation. According to this belief, the "Koran contained everything in the
way of knowledge needed to ensure salvation, plus the essentials in the
fields of belief and rules of behavior."11 Traditionalists believe that the
Qur'an is the source of perennial knowledge and provides guidance for
all matters concerning human life. Change of time and place cannot affect
nor invalidate the Qur'anic injunctions (ahkam). However, its power of
legitimacy is mediated through people who possess control over its inter-
pretation. In other words, political power lies in the control over religious
interpretation and the discourse that the religious group uses to exert
such control.

The Tradition of Learning in Islam: A Historical Perspective

Although no formal tradition of learning existed in central Arabia

before Islam's inception, education became important in the following
100 years as the prophet Muhammad's teachings encouraged Muslims to
seek knowledge. Friday (Jama'a) mosques in particular became centers of
learning, emphasizing memorization of the Qur'an.12 These centers were
supplemented by the traditions (ahadith)and biographical narratives (sira)
from the life of Muhammad.
Disciplines such as philosophy, chemistry, mathematics, and astrology
were also popular. These subjects were pursued with no fixed curriculum
and with teachers appointed by parents. Teachers accepted responsibil-
ities according to their level of education,13 and often traveled in search
of better opportunities, as did students who sought better teachers and
more knowledge. Public libraries, hospitals, baths, and the private houses
of elites, ministers, or professors were also centers of learning. Great
works of ancient philosophy, science, and literature were translated into
Arabic during the ninth century, while Muslims subsequently produced
extraordinary original works of literature, philosophy, and science.
When the madrasa, or traditional religious school of higher learning
(literally, "place of study," plural madaris),first emerged during the ninth
century as a major center of organized learning, it superseded all other
centers of learning.14 The madrasa gradually became the source through
which all forms of knowledge were legitimized. Its curricula consisted of
the Qur'an, traditions of the prophet Muhammad (ahadith),jurisprudence

11Jean Jolivet, "The

Development of Philosophical Thought in Islam: Its Relationship with
Islam up to Avicenna," in Islam, Philosophyand Science (Paris: Unesco, 1981), p. 40.
12
George Makdisi, The Rise of Colleges:Institutionsof Learning in Islam (Edinburgh: Edinburgh
University Press, 1981).
13A. S.
Tritton, Materials on Muslim Education in the Middle Ages (London: Luzac, 1957).
14J. Pedersen and G.
Makdisi, "Madrasa," in Encyclopaediaof Islam, new ed. (Leiden: Brill,
1960-[94]), 5:1123-27.

68 February1996
 TRANSFORMATIONOF ISLAMICEDUCATION

(fiqh), and the Arabic language. All forms of knowledge not patronized
by madarisand not part of Islamic learning, such as philosophy, chem-
istry, astronomy, and mathematics,were pursued privatelyand to an ex-
tent secretly under the guise of other subjects such as the traditions or
medicine.15

Discourse of Knowledge: Curriculum and Teaching in Madrasa

In madaristhe objective of education was the achievement of bliss
(sa'ada)in the hereafter. Inasmuch as religious knowledge was the only
possible means to achieve sa'ada,the curriculum was confined solely to
religious and linguistic studies.16If other subjectshad to be mastered to
facilitate the acquisition of this religious knowledge, they were merely
auxiliary.Such subjectsincluded grammar,rhetoric, logic, and some phi-
losophy.17The acceptanceof Arabiclanguage and literaturein the madrasa
system, for instance, was based on the idea that linguistic studies would
help in understandingthe Qur'an. Similarly,knowledge above that mini-
mally required to meet daily social and economic needs was considered
dangerous. Subjects such as astronomy, medicine, or mathematics that
exceeded religiouslyjustifiable needs were seen as unnecessary.18
Al-Ghazzali(died A.D. 1111) and his successors systematicallyelabo-
rated on the scope and nature of Islamic pedagogical knowledge based
on epistemologicaldichotomies. The first division was between revealed
(wahy)and acquired (iktisabi)knowledge. Revealed knowledge was sacred
and given to the chosen few, namely, prophets. As a priori knowledge,
it was to be transmittedas revealed without any rationalizationor other
form of manipulation. Transcendentand absolute, it should be accepted
without question.
Acquired knowledge included transmittedtraditions(naqli)and ratio-
nal knowledge ('aqli).These two categories were further divided into
good or desirable (mahmud)and condemned or undesirable (madmum).
The latter, which included philosophy and ancient sciences, was excluded
from the curriculum.Mahmudincluded religiouslyapproved knowledge,
such as medicine, logic (with certain restrictions),and mathematics.How-
ever, these were also divided into necessary and excessive.19
Approved forms of knowledge were to be acquiredonly to the extent
necessary for survival, while research and inquiry should be forsaken.
Accordingto Al-Ghazzali,"Onemust forbid men to look for those myster-

15
Makdisi, Rise of Colleges, pp. 281-82.
16
Pedersen and Makdisi, pp. 1123-24.
17 Ibid.
18G. E. Von
Grunebaum, Islam: Essaysin the Nature and Growthof a Cultural Tradition(Menasha:
American Anthropological Association, 1955), p. 114.
'9 Ibid., p. 118.

ComparativeEducationReview 69
 TALBANI

ies and must turn them [instead]to the pronouncementsof religious law,
where there is sufficient proof for the believer to be content with."20This
rigid framing and classificationof knowledge based on religious law and
dogma inevitablymadejurists and traditionalists(muhdith) final authorities
in religious and worldlymatters.Religiousscholarsbecame self-appointed
interpretersand guardiansof religious knowledge. People were to follow
without questioning (taqlid)in all matters, and these scholarscondemned
all other forms of knowledge as well as inquiry and research. Even inde-
pendent study of the Qur'an and traditionswas forbidden. Hujwari(died
ca. 1077) argued, for example, that "knowledgeis obligatory only in so
far as is requisite for acting righteously. God condemns those who learn
useless knowledge."21In short,madrasalearningwasconfined to the trans-
mission of traditions and dogma, and was hostile to research and scien-
tific inquiry.
In traditional Islamic pedagogy, authoritativeacceptance of knowl-
edge is stressed, with learning often based on listening, memorization,
and regurgitation. The collection of traditions, including the Qur'an, is
termed "that which is listened" (al-sam');greater emphasis is placed on
listening to a teacher, who is active as a transmitterof knowledge, while
the student is passive.
As the result of this attitude, education became static during the
twelfth century. Curriculumconsisted mostly of scripturesand books of
the earlier theologians andjurists. Only commentariesand tributes were
written about these works, and the writing of explanation (sharh)and
marginal notes (hashiyah)on the text (matn)of earlier writersbecame the
dominant literaryactivity.Control over education was exercised through
various means. For instance, teachers were licensed (ijaza)to teach (actu-
ally, to transmit)particularbooks.22Because this meant the reproduction
of what had been said in the past, the rewriting and reinterpretation
of doctrine were hindered. Educational knowledge became increasingly
irrelevant to changing socioeconomic realities and to new expectations
and aspirations among Muslims. In other words, outside the madrasa
everything was changing and inside everything remained static.
This had far-reaching cultural and intellectual consequences for Is-
lamic civilization. With few exceptions, Muslims were apathetic toward
scientific and philosophical matters. In spite of the great contributions
their scientists had once made, Muslims failed to continue scientific en-
deavor and soon lagged far behind. All matters were studied within a

20 Ibid.
21Ibid.
22J. Pedersen, "Some
Aspects of the History of the Madrasah," Islamic Culture 3, no. 4 (1929):
525-37, at 528.

70
February1996
 TRANSFORMATIONOF ISLAMICEDUCATION

religious and moral framework,and their outcome wasjudged in eschato-

logicalterms. Qur'anicverses emphasizingresearch,inquiry,and contem-
plation about the nature of the world were interpreted so that scientific
aspects of these matters were ignored and theological implicationswere
emphasized.23Paul Hurst summarizesthe basic issues succinctly."Islamic
learning is based on ... a central body of knowledge which was of divine
origin. What else was known in Islam depended on argument by analogy
and the consensus of learned authorities.... Unfortunately, Orthodox
Islam developed an ethos of conformismand respect for authoritieswhich
meant scholarshiptended to stagnate."24 Thus, pedagogicaldiscoursepro-
duced by the madrasabecame an effective device for social control, and
resulted in an educational stagnation that still persists.

State Control and Madrasa

The madrasaas a social institutionrelied heavily on the state and elites

for politicaland financialsupport. Its function was to disseminatespecific
discourses for cultural reproduction and preservation. Muslim societies
during the tenth and eleventh centuries were markedby enormous politi-
cal, linguistic, cultural, and sectariandifferences, and the madarisbecame
an important instrument of social and ideologicalcontainment. The state
patronized some madarisby giving them financial resources and status,
while others were neglected. This paved the way for effective state control
of madaris,which were used to propagate state ideology and legitimize a
particularreligious interpretation.The goal was to halt so-called hetero-
doxy and provide the state with an orthodox bureaucracy.25
Various devices were used to control education in madaris.Since free-
dom of thought was considered a threat to political stability,control was
increasinglytightened as politicalconditionsdeteriorated.The ruling au-
thorities became active in the appointment of teachers and students, the
administrationof awqaf,the general orientation of the curriculum, and
the organization of official functions within madaris.26 The madrasathus
sought to control the religious scholars ('ulama)and, through them, to
control the masses.27
The relationship between madarisand the state was generally cordial
as madarisprovided the knowledge, skills, and values that enabled its

23M. H. Al-Afendi and N. A.

Baloch, Curriculumand Teacher Education (Jeddah: Hodder &
Stouehton, 1980), p. 16.
24Paul Hurst, "Africa and Middle
East," in InternationalHandbookof Education Systems,African
and Middle East, vol. 2, ed. J. Careron and P. Hurst (London: Wiley, 1983), pp. 1539-40.
25 H.
Nashabi, "Educational Institutions," in The Islamic City, ed. R. B. Serjeant (Paris: Unesco,
1980), p. 85.
26Ibid., p. 87.
27
George Makdisi, "Muslim Institutions of Learning in Eleventh Century Baghdad," Bulletin of
Oriental and African Studies 24, no. 2 (1961): 1-56, at 55.

ComparativeEducationReview 71
 TALBANI

graduates to perform judicial, civil, and economic functions within the

state bureaucracy. As petty feudal/military dynasties rose during the medi-
eval period, masters of the sword (Sahibal-Saif) and pen (Sahibal-Qalam)
became universally accepted by Muslims as those with power over the
masses.28 The military thus became legitimized as the protector of faith
and scholars as the guardians of religious knowledge. Because both knowl-
edge (power of legitimacy) and power (political will) were held by those
committed to the status quo, Muslims lived in a rigidly structured and
static society, with decreasing political and intellectual freedom.
The outcome of Muslim political socialization was a discourse that
strengthened and legitimized the existing social and political order. Imita-
tion, respect, and obedience to authority-religious or political-became
a necessary part of Muslim cultures. Finally, these traditions and values,
customs, and knowledge gave rise to a strong cultural and political identity.
To be a Muslim meant to identify oneself with symbols of social-political
obedience and to extend loyalty to traditional authority systems. As a
result, the imposition of colonial rule created a serious threat to these
religiously oriented identities and loyalties.
Madrasa and the Encounter with Modernity
Muslims encountered modernity through colonialism, which stripped
their political power and brought about structural, normative, and attitu-
dinal changes for both individuals and society. Modernization stands in
opposition to traditionalism, with values such as individualism, secularism,
rationalism, and consumerism that threaten traditional systems. As mod-
ern institutions replaced traditional ones-which had protected and
passed on enduring values and knowledge-the locus of power to control
and legitimize change shifted. The result has been profound changes in
the normative, psychological, and material aspects of Muslims' lives.29
In the Indian subcontinent, the British adopted policies that made it
difficult for indigenous institutions to grow and undercut the power base
of colonized people. Such measures included the confiscation of proper-
ties owned by religious organizations like madrasa and the establishment
of a parallel educational system. The traditional educational institutions
resisted change and became anachronistic in the modern world. A. L.
Tibawi, a traditionalist Muslim writer, complains, "Islamic education is a
mere shadow of its past.... Its modernization has led to its complete
transformation."30 During the British Raj, the concept of education funda-

28Marshal
Hodgson, The Venture of Islam: Conscienceand History in a World Civilization, vol. 1
(Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1974).
29S. N. Eisenstadt, Tradition,
Change and Modernity(New York: Wiley, 1973), p. 25.
30 A. L.
Tibawi, Islamic Education: Its Traditionsand Modernizationinto the Arab National Systems
(London: Luzac, 1972), p. 192.

72 February 1996
 TRANSFORMATIONOF ISLAMICEDUCATION

mentally changed as secular education became a necessary qualification

for jobs. The colonial bureaucracy opened new employment opportuni-
ties and required different types of qualifications than those offered by
madaris. After an initial resistance, Muslims began to accept and partici-
pate in the new secular educational system because of its wider accessibility
and economic utility.31However, opposition to modern education by tradi-
tional Muslims continued.
Colonization also changed the objectives of education in madarisfrom
achieving bliss in the hereafter and providing government bureaucrats
to defending the faith against colonial infiltration. One of the madaris in
its mission statement interpreted the colonial situation as such: "When
the British imperialism took over the Indian sub-continent the glory of
Islam declined and religious values diminished. The British started un-
dermining religious institutions and spreading innovations and indecent
practices. These practices of evil and heresy weakened Muslims....
Therefore, the 'ulama came out to fight against all such evils."32
Hence, madaris continued to produce religious scholars trained to
defend religion and protect traditional values. The objective of this educa-
tion was not to get individuals positions in government, teaching, or any
other vocation, but only to achieve religious knowledge to serve the faith.33
Education sought to conserve and transmit traditions and accepted
dogma. Pedagogy was based on rote memorization, which was considered
the way to achieve maximum benefit from learning and obedience to
authority, and imitation of teachers was regarded as virtuous. Hence,
although the mission of madrasa education changed during the colonial
period, its content and pedagogy generally remained the same.
In the postcolonial era, the traditionalists continued to believe that
Western secular education promotes immorality and anti-Islamic or some-
times Christian ideas, and continued to oppose and modify it. Pakistan
became a salient arena where the traditionalist and modernists fought
their struggle.

Religion and Education in Pakistan: A History of Conflict

After the independence of Pakistan in 1947, most of the traditional
madariswere replicated and many 'ulamafrom the region migrated there.
Fundamentalists saw the nation as an Islamic state where Islamic religious
law (shari'a) should be implemented. The early struggle was at the consti-

31W. C. Smith, Modern Islam in India: A Social

Analysis (New York: AMS, 1974).
32
Wafaq El-Madaris, Wafaqal Madarisal-ArabiyyaPakistan:Introduction,Constitutionand Its Courses
of Study (Multan: al-Maktab al-Raisil Wafaq al-Madaris al-Arabiyya, n.d.), pp. 1-2.
33 M. Y. Benori, DalilJamia al-Ulum
al-Islamiyya(in Arabic) (Karachi: Jamia al-Ulum al-Islamiyya,
1984), p. 4.

ComparativeEducationReview 73
 TALBANI

tutional level, where Islam was accepted as the religion of the state and
sovereignty was attributed to God. The "ObjectiveResolution and the
Principlesof State Policy"explicitlymentioned a knowledge of the Qur'an
and "Islamiat"as essential for Muslims.34In addition,the firstAll Pakistan
Education Conference in 1947 proposed that the educational system
should be inspired by Islamic ideology.35
The members of Pakistan'sinitial government were mostly Muslims
educated in the West, however. Because they emphasized values such as
socialjustice, democracy,equity, and individualismthat were Western in
characterand had never been part of traditionalMuslim societies, Islam
came to be interpreted in more liberal terms. To overcome the conflict
between the traditionalistsand modernists,the first independentPakistani
government suggested as a compromise that a course on Islamicreligion
and historybe establishedfor all grade levels. At the tertiarylevel, depart-
ments of Islamic studies were proposed.36However, ambiguity in the
Objective Resolution about the definition and role of Islam made the
religion a legitimate part of Pakistan'spolitical discourse. The 'ulama,
who had opposed the very idea of Pakistan, manipulated that Islamic
clause to change the nation into a theocracyits modernistleadershiphad
never envisioned.
In the 1959 Reportof theCommission on Education,Pakistan'spresident
stated that "there was a need for reorganizationand reorientationof the
existing educational system so that a national system could evolve which
would better reflect our spiritual,moraland culturalvalues."37This report
emphasized the inculcationof values such as universalbrotherhood,toler-
ance, self-sacrifice,social services,truth,justice, and so on. Religious edu-
cation (i.e., learning about religion) was a part of the curriculumfrom the
first to eighth grades.The teaching of religion was intendedto emphasize
justice, equality among individuals,the importanceof practicalgoodness,
piety, and virtue.
The sympathy toward Islam among modernists was partly political
rhetoricto cool off militanttendencies.Nevertheless,increasedunemploy-
ment among the educated, massive poverty, urban migration, and the
failure of modernistleaders'economic policies led youth to join political

34E. I.
J. Rosenthal, Islam in the ModernNational State (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press,
1965), p. 349. See also Anita M. Weiss, ed., Islamic Reassertionin Pakistan: The Applicationof Islamic
Laws in a Modern State (Syracuse, N.Y.: Syracuse University Press, 1986).
35 Parveen
Shahid, Implementationof National Education Policies (Islamabad: Academy of Educa-
tional Planning and Management, 1985), p. 10.
36
U.S. Government, Area Handbookfor Pakistan (Washington, D.C.: Foreign Areas Studies Divi-
sion, 1965), p. 203.
37 Government of
Pakistan, Reportof the Commissionon Education (Karachi: Government of Paki-
stan, 1960).

74 February1996
 TRANSFORMATIONOF ISLAMICEDUCATION

activist groups of either the extreme right or left. Consequently, the ortho-
dox influence in politics increased.
In the 1970s there was a rise of fundamentalism in Muslim countries,
with Pakistan a particular hotbed for this movement. The Zulfikar Ali
Bhutto regime (1971-77) was the target of this violent movement. To
please fundamentalists, Bhutto announced some measures of Islamization
such as declaring Friday a holiday, making the teaching of the Qur'an an
integral part of education, and establishing the Federal 'Ulama Academy.
However, fundamentalists considered these measures mere window
dressing.38
In 1977 the military-under General Mohammed Zia ul-Haq-ov-
erthrew the Bhutto government and became allied with the fundamental-
ists. One result of this staunch alliance was an effort to implement an
Islamic sociopolitical system and construct a new power relationship be-
tween the state and religion with new social realities based on medieval
categories of knowledge. The government devised an educational policy
aiming to establish a new discourse and to socialize students into the
official ideology of the state and of the religion of Islam.39 As stated in
"The National Education Policy and Implementation Program-1979,"
the primary aim of education was to "foster in students a loyalty to Islam,
a sense of being a dutiful citizen of the Pakistani nation as a part of
universal Ummah[Muslim community] with a full knowledge of the Paki-
stan movement, its ideological implications based on the precepts of
Qur'an and Sunnah."40
Immediate measures taken by the government included the design of
new syllabi and the writing of new textbooks. Other steps included the
enforcement of women wearing the head scarf (chadar) in educational
institutions, the organization of congregational afternoon prayers (zuhr)
during school hours, compulsory teaching of Arabic as a second language,
reading of the Qur'an (nazara) as a matriculation requirement, the use
of religious knowledge for selecting teachers at all levels of education,
and the revision of conventional subjects to emphasize Islamic values.41

Islami7ation and the Transformation of Pedagogical Discourse

Islamic education has assumed a new definition and received wider
application by traditional Muslims during the last 2 decades. In 1977 an

38 M.
Geijbels, "Pakistan, Islamisation and the Christian Minority in the Islamic State of Pakistan,"
Al-Mushir (The Counsellor)21, no. 2 (1979): 31-51, at 41.
39Ibid., p. 46.
40Ahmad Hasan Dani, "Educational Progress in Pakistan: Challenge and Response (1947-
1985)," in Bulletin of Unesco Regional Officefor Education in Asia and Pacific, no. 27 (Hong Kong:
Unesco, 1986), p. 64.
41 P.
Hoodbhoy and A. Nayyar, "Rewriting the History of Pakistan," in Islam, Politics and the
State, ed. Asghar Khan (London: Zed Books, 1985), p. 164.

ComparativeEducationReview 75
 TALBANI

important meeting-the World Conference for Muslim Education-was

held in Mecca, where a group of predominantly fundamentalist Muslims
emphasized the need for education relevant to Islam's sociocultural val-
ues, relevance being seen in moral and eschatological terms.42 They ar-
gued that education could redirect and reshape the attitudes of Muslim
children by shifting their orientation from Western to Islamic values. The
role of Islam, defined in terms of its worldview and dogma, was seen
as determining the objectives of education and influencing educational
processes. This, they believed, could be achieved by rejecting current
practices colored by Western cultures and ideologies. "For them, if there
was a change it could only be for the worse, and the worse could only be
cured, not be creating something new, but by renewing what had once
existed."43 In short, these traditionalists "viewed education as an im-
portant means of creating an Islamized society and an instrument for
forging a new national identity."44 With this in mind, they attempted
to reformulate educational objectives, redesign curricula, and rewrite
textbooks.
Recent Islamization efforts differ significantly from the revivalist
movements of the early twentieth century. In the past, Islamic religious
scholars and jurists clearly distinguished between religious and secular
forms of knowledge as they attempted to revive traditional Islamic knowl-
edge and ethics. The recent Islamization movement, by contrast, attempts
to eliminate that dichotomy and reconstruct social discourse within the
eschatological worldview of Islam. Islam thus becomes the legitimizing
discourse for the production and regulation of knowledge. To transform
various facets of Muslim society, Islamists coin terms such as Islamic
education, Islamic economics, Islamic democracy, Islamic science, and
so on.45
For fundamentalists, educational discourse must be based on religious
knowledge. Since it is infallible divine knowledge, it is an instrument in
the selection and validation of pedagogical knowledge. A. R. S. Abdullah,
a traditionalist writer, states, "The superiority of revealed knowledge is
due to the fact that it is derived from the truth (Haqq) while some other
types of knowledge are based on speculation (zann) or desires (hawa)."46

42A. A.
Engineer, "Islam and Reformation," Islam and the Modern Age 9, no. 1 (1978): 86-95;
W. M. Watt, "Cultural Clashes in a 'Perfect' World: The Challenge of Progressive Ideas to the Islamic
World," Times Higher Education Supplement(June 13, 1986), p. 13A.
43
Albert Hourani, ArabicThoughtin theLiberalAge, 1798-1939 (Cambridge: Cambridge Univer-
sity Press, 1983), p. 83.
44 Pervez
Hoodbhoy, "Ideological Problems for Science in Pakistan," in Islam, Politics and the
State, ed. Asghar Khan (London: Zed Books, 1985), p. 174.
45 Zial
Haq, "Islamisation of Society in Pakistan," in Islam, Politicsand the State, ed. Asghar Khan
(London: Zed Books, 1985).
46A. R. S. Abdullah, Educational Theory:A Qur'anicOutlook(Makkah: Umm ul-Qura
University,
n.d.), p. 83.

76 February1996
 TRANSFORMATIONOF ISLAMICEDUCATION

For traditionalists, a strong link exists between education and theology.

Education is not an enterprise of free inquiry and research but an exten-
sion of theological learning.
Tibawi also believes that the Qur'an and the collected traditions of
Muhammad comprise the essential knowledge upon which to build an
educational system. "The single fundamental fact that determines the
concept, dictates the content, governs the evolution of the philosophy of
Muslim education, is the belief that God's final message to mankind was
revealed in its entirety through Mohammed and is enshrined in the
Qur'an."47
To traditional Muslims, the ethical implications of the scientific mode
of thought is a sensitive issue: "Modern science is guided by no moral
values but naked materialism and arrogance. The whole branch of knowl-
edge and its application is contaminated by the same evil."48Furthermore,
knowledge "divorced from faith is not only partial knowledge, it can even
be described as a kind of new ignorance."49 Traditionalist Muslims permit
subjects such as science, technology, mathematics, and history only if they
pass the "test of validity and effectiveness in fostering a deeper awareness
of the Divine Presence in the Universe."50 Traditionalists also believe that
humans have a divinely fixed destiny and role on earth that requires moral
teaching and religious upbringing of children. Since traditionalists believe
education must be based on an ethical and religious foundation, only
jurists are qualified to develop an Islamic educational system.51

Crisis of Legitimacy for Science

In fundamentalist discourse, science is an ideological tool by which

Western civilization extends its hegemony over Muslim societies. Hence,
the transformation of Western scientific discourse was the major issue
debated at the 1977 World Conference on Muslim Education in Mecca.52
The basic problem identified by participants-mostly traditionalist Mus-
lims-was that no applied or social sciences were drawn from religion.53
"[In Islamic society] originality, innovation, and change were never up-
held as intrinsic values. The ideal of Islamic culture was not mechanical
evolutionary progress but the permanent immutable transcendent di-

47 A. L.
Tibawi, "Philosophy of Muslim Education," IslamicQuarterly4, no. 2 (July 1957): 78-89.
48 Modern
Maryam Jameelah, Technologyand the Dehumanisationof Man (Lahore: El-Matbaat
ul-Arabia, 1983), p. 8.
49 S. S. Hussain and A. A.
Ashraf, Crisisin MuslimEducation(Jeddah: King Abdul Aziz University/
Hodder & Stoughton, 1979).
5oIbid.
51
Abdullah (n. 46 above), p. 35.
52
Engineer; Watt (both cited in n. 42 above).
53 Watt, p. 13.

Comparative Education Review 77

 TALBANI

vinely revealed moral, theological, and spiritual values of the Qur'an

and Sunnah."54
The fundamentalistsadvocated that all subjects must reflect Islamic
beliefs and values. This implied a change in objectives,curriculacontent,
pedagogy, and other aspects. Because all textbooks were perceived as
being imbued with the ethical values of Western writers, traditionalists
argued that Islamic sciences must be distinct and foster Islamic values.
In other words, Western sciences have a secular character that can be
changed by infusing Islamicvalues into them. They proposed that "Mus-
lim writersshould write books on the basisof Islamicethics and assimilate
that which is in conformitywith Islam and rejectthe rest."55Fundamental-
ist writers now contend that because Westernsciences are taught without
any mention of Allah or Muhammad they are the sources of "straying
from the truth"(gumrahi).Specifically,"Reflectionon the nature of mod-
ern education and customs immediately reveals their contradictionwith
the nature of Islamic education and customs. You teach young minds
philosophy which seeks to explain the universe without Allah. You teach
them science which is a slave of reason and the senses. You teach them
economics, law, and sociology which, in spirit and in substance, differ
from the teachings of Islam. And you still expect them to have an Islamic
point of view?"56Now there is to be no separation in Islam of religious
(dini) from worldly (dunyawi),suggesting that, "In the new system of
education, a new course on religious education (diniyat)is not needed,
indeed all courses should be changed into courses of dinyat."57
For fundamentalists,it is necessaryto exorcise the evil (secular)spirit
from Western science and "Islamize"it. They assume that these applied
and social sciences were developed in Islam, were thrown into the back-
ground during the colonial period, and must be revived in present
times. Yet that assumption ignores the historical fact that the Muslim
clergy-like clergy in many other religious traditions-had earlier op-
posed science and philosophy. Ahmed Sirhindi,a fundamentalistduring
the reign of the Mogul emperor Aurangzeb,for example, issued religious
decrees (futwa) declaring mathematics and sciences to be forbidden
(haram),and demanded the education of Muslims be exclusively along
religious lines.58

54
Jameelah, Modem Technologyand the Dehumanisationof Man, p. 8. See also, by the same author,
Islam and WesternSociety:A Refutationof theModernWayof Life (Lahore: Mohammed Yusuf Khan, 1976).
55
G. N. Saqeb, "Modernisation of Muslim Society and Education: Need for a Practical Ap-
proach," in Education and Societyin the Muslim World,ed. M. W. Khan (London and Jeddah: Hodder
& Stoughton and King Abdul Aziz University, 1981), pp. 48-49. See also Hussain and Ashraf (n.
49 above), p. 59.
56A. Maudoodi, Talimat (Lahore: Islamic Publications, n.d.),
p. 20.
57 Ibid.
58
Hoodbhoy, "Ideological Problems for Science in Pakistan" (n. 44 above), p. 183.

78 February1996
 TRANSFORMATIONOF ISLAMICEDUCATION

The total assimilationof all subjectsinto an Islamicmoraland religious

frameworkmeans that they are all to be judged on their moral outcome
and are to go through a process of scrutinyand censorship before being
accepted in so-called Islamic polity. According to A. Maudoodi, "Taking
Guidance from the Qur'an,one should make not only a surveyof existing
scientific knowledge, but also make new observationsand discoveries of
physical laws along lines specified by Qur'an."59He assumes that the
Qur'angives rules and methods to study varioussubjects,and that science
is a static subject that can be surveyed and transformed into an Islamic
model. Further, the complexity, differentiation,and specializationwithin
various branches of knowledge and the complicated nature of methods
applied are disregarded. Considering traditionalwisdom as core knowl-
edge, "Westernsciences are considered mere peripheral and technical
matters which can be absorbed into the standard Islamic view without
changing it at all in essentials."60
As a result of this understanding,science
at all levels is taught conservativelywith criticaland analyticalmethodol-
ogy absent. One author criticalof this situationwrites,"Physicsand chem-
istry are taught no differently from, say, Pakistani studies of Islamiat.
Authority is infinitely remote and unchallengeable, this or that is true
because it is in the text. Deliberately and systematically,schools rob a
child of natural creative powers."61
Unfortunately, products of science cannot be arbitrarilyseparated
from science as method.62Scientificknowledge develops criticalthinking
and avoids the uncritical acceptance of traditional answers to human
inquiry. Science challenges the validityand relevance of all discourses of
knowledge, because nothing is accepted as permanent or sacred. Unlike
theology, science permits the critical comparison of competing theories
and frameworks.63While the mark of a scientific theory is that it is test-
able,64religious knowledge is empiricallyuntestableand demandsunques-
tioning acceptance and practice.
Political Construction of Historical Discourse

History is another subject that was transformed and reconstructed

within the parameters of Islamic ideology. According to a University
GrantsCommissiondirective, history textbooksshould "demonstratethat

59
Maudoodi, p. 93.
60Watt, p. 13.
61
Hoodbhoy, "Ideological Problems for Science in Pakistan," p. 190.
62
Paul Hurst, "Critical Education and Islamic Culture," in CulturalIdentityand EducationalPolicy,
ed. Colin Brock and Witold Tulasiewicz (London: Croom Helm, 1985), pp. 1-2.
63
K. R. Popper, "Normal Science and Its Dangers," in Criticismand the Growthof Knowledge,ed.
I. Lakatos and A. Musgraw (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1978), p. 281.
64 W. N.
J. Watkins, "Against 'Normal Science,'" in Criticismand the Growthof Knowledge, ed.
I. Lakatos and A. Musgraw (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1978), p. 29.

ComparativeEducationReview 79
 TALBANI

the basis of Pakistan is not to be found in the racial, linguistic or geographic

factors but, rather, in the shared experience of a common religion. To
get students to know and appreciate the religious basis of independence,
and popularize it with slogans, to guide students toward the ultimate goal
of Pakistan, that is the creation of a completely Islamized state."65
The so-called ideology of Pakistan has been defined in rigid dogmatic
terms, as are reasons for the nation's creation (a topic in which socioeco-
nomic and political reasons are ignored). Mohammed Ali Jinnah, a thor-
oughly Westernized secular leader, is depicted in history books as a man
of orthodox religious views. In the social studies textbook for elementary
grade 6, for example, a chapter on Pakistani history states, "Muslims
conquered India and settled here, and there was nothing in common
between the Hindus and the Muslims. The Muslim society is based on
the principles of equality and democracy.... Muslims and Hindus eat
different kinds of food, wear different kinds of dress, and speak different
languages."66 This interpretation suggests that Muslims in India were
conquerors who came from outside, not mentioning that most Muslims
were an indigenous people who converted to Islam, thus sharing many
customs, dress, language, and eating habits with other communities. Exag-
gerating minor cultural variations to emphasize differences between the
two religious communities seems to be the purpose.
In another distortion, a Pakistani historian writes that, "The All-India
Muslim League and even the Quaid-i Azam (Jinnah) himself, said in the
clearest possible terms that Pakistan would be an ideological state, the
basis of whose laws would be the Qur'an and Sunnah and whose ultimate
destiny would be to provide a society in which Muslims could individually
and collectively live according to the laws of Islam."67In fact, however,
the ideal that Jinnah had for Pakistan was that of a secular nation-state.
In February 1948, for example, he said, "Make no mistake, Pakistan is
not a theocracy or anything like it,"68and in a famous speech given the
previous August he had already laid out this position. "We are starting
with the fundamental principle that we are all citizens and equal citizens
of one state.... Now I think that we should keep that in front of us as
our ideal, and you would find that in due course of time Hindus would
cease to be Hindus and Muslims would cease to be Muslims, not in the
religious sense, because that is the personal faith of each individual, but
in the political sense as citizens of the state ..... You may belong to any

65
Hoodbhoy and Nayyar (n. 41 above), p. 165.
66Qutubuddin Khan, Social Studies, bk. 5 (Karachi: Rehber Publishers, n.d.), p. 1.
67
Hoodbhoy, "Ideological Problems for Science in Pakistan," p. 174.
68 Rafi
Raza, "The Continuous Process of Rewriting the Constitution," in Pakistan in Its Fourth
Decade, ed. Wolfgang-Peter Zungel and Stephanie Zingel-Ave Lallemant (Hamburg: Deutsches
Orient-Institut, 1983), p. 9.

80 February1996
 TRANSFORMATIONOF ISLAMICEDUCATION

religion, caste, or creed-that has nothing to do with the business of

state."69 Jinnah's words clearly show that the Muslim leadership that
fought for the existence of Pakistan envisioned a democratic nation-state
rather than a theocracy.
History books, however, have highlighted the 'ulama-most of whom
actually opposed the very idea of Pakistan-and the army in an apparent
effort to legitimize the undemocratic and oppressive control by these
groups. One textbook states, "The services rendered by 'ulama and elder
religious leaders (mashaikh)to the cause of the Pakistan movement are
worthy of writing in golden letters."70The imposition of martial law by
the generals who ruled Pakistan for more than 20 years is portrayed as
having saved the nation from chaos caused by the democratic process. The
splitting of Pakistan and the creation of Bangladesh in 1971 is attributed to
elections, thus implying that democracy threatens national unity. Further,
modern education also is held responsible for that split. As one textbook
states, "As a result of the 1970 elections the political differences between
East and West Pakistan grew and led to their separation. The cause of
Islamic Unity received a setback, but one should not interpret this as a
rejection of Islamic ideology by the people. Indeed, unless Islam is pre-
sented as a whole and not as just worship and prayer, it remains incom-
plete. The forces of atheism and worldliness, in this case, can influence
the minds of people through modern education and public media."71

Conclusion
In the past, Islamic discourse excluded non-Islamic forms of knowl-
edge and was used by political regimes to foster their power and control.
In modern times, traditional Muslims seek hegemony over political, eco-
nomic, and educational domains, leading to the establishment of authori-
tarian regimes in some Muslim countries and widespread violence in
others.
Since Zia's death in 1988, democratic governments have ruled in Paki-
stan. The legacy of the military regime he headed lingers, however,
through a number of repressive laws introduced in the guise of religion
during his tenure. Subsequent governments have been unable to rescind
these religion-based laws because of the concerted opposition of funda-
mentalists. The introduction of Islamic laws has resulted in the oppression
of vulnerable groups in Pakistani society, especially women and religious
minorities. In contrast, the 'ulama, the military, and elites all benefited

69 Abbas
Rashid, "Pakistan: The Ideological Dimension," in Islam, Politicsand the State, ed. Asghar
Khan (London: Zed Books, 1985), p. 81.
70M. D.
Zafar, Pakistan Studiesfor Medical Students(Lahore: Aziz, 1982), p. 147.
71Quoted in
Hoodbhoy, "Ideological Problems for Science in Pakistan," p. 173.

ComparativeEducationReview 81
 TALBANI

from Islamization. Emblematic of the legitimization of traditional elite

classes is that the Islamic educational reforms were implemented in pri-
vate elite schools.72
Islamization emerged partly because people were disenchanted with
the failure of secular governments to provide either freedom or equal
economic and educational opportunities. Taking advantage of this discon-
tent, fundamentalists interpreted Islamization as an ideological system
that offers equality and social justice. Hence, many unemployed youth
took refuge in this movement and also used it as an outlet for their
anger toward repressive regimes. Yet Islamic experiments in some Muslim
countries, including Pakistan, show that Islamic ideology has failed to
provide the promised equality and social justice. The 'ulamanever reached
a consensus as to what constitutes an Islamic educational, economic, or
political system, or how it could be implemented. Nevertheless, Islamic
discourse gave tremendous power to the 'ulama.73
The impact of Islamization on the Pakistani educational system has
been devastating. The emphasis on ideological education has intensified
cultural and religious differences, resulting in communal conflicts and
resentment of other cultures and other areas of knowledge. However,
there is public resistance to this control. For example, in spite of warnings
by Muslim clergy that Western model schools are anti-Islamic and pro-
moters of immorality, people in Pakistan have flocked to such schools.
Similarly, despite the Pakistani government's declaration that Urdu be a
compulsory medium of instruction in schools, parents who can afford it
send their children to private English-medium schools.74 Such popular
resistance continues to be an important part of public discourse in
Pakistan.

72Pervez
Hoodbhoy, Muslims and Science: Religious Orthodoxyand the Struggle for Rationality
(Lahore: Vanguard, 1991), p. 50.
73
Rafique Zakaria, The Struggle within Islam: The ConflictbetweenReligion and Politics (New York:
Penguin, 1989).
74 In
1948, Urdu was made the national language and the medium of instruction in public
schools. For a further discussion on the increasing popularity of English-medium schools, see Hoodb-
hoy, Muslims and Science.

82 February1996