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Aippm Bg Draft 1
Aippm Bg Draft 1
Aippm Bg Draft 1
With great pleasure & pride, we are elated to announce the All India Political Parties Meet
Committee at the Lady Shri Ram College For Women Model United Nations Conference.
RULES OF PROCEDURE
The All India Political Parties Meet would have its own independent set of rules of procedure,
subject to circumstantial changes. Such changes would be intimated to the delegates by the Chair
as & when it becomes necessary.
Procedural Construct
● Members have the liberty to speak either in Hindi or English, where there shall be no
preferential marking on the basis of the language spoken.
● All the documentation will take place in English language only so as to bring a
uniformity in terms of evaluation.
● The speaker can yield his/her time in three ways as follows:
1. Yield to comment
2. Yield to points of information
3. Yield to the Chair
During the committee, only governmental reports such as Parliamentary committee reports, CBI
reports etc will be considered legitimate.
COMMITTEE DOCUMENTATION
1. Press Statements: These statements can be either written or verbal and are made by the
delegates directly to the press.
2. Written Statements: These statements can be used by the delegates to appraise the
executive board of any policy stance that could not be discussed due to time constraints.
3. Communique: This is an official announcement in writing like a draft resolution for the
common understanding of the committee.
4. Memorandum: A memorandum/memo is a strictly confidential written communication
between a member & the concerned branch of his political party for a certain action to be
taken. It is important that the members are aware of the internal functioning of one’s own
political party to use the ‘memo’ sensibly as it would backfire otherwise.
5. Resolution: It is a written document which requires at least one sponsor & 3 other
signatories. It would contain possible solutions for the problems at hand & can constitute
open discussion in committee.
6. Position Papers: It is compulsory for all the delegates to submit a Position Paper - an
essay not exceeding an A4 sheet paper detailing the allotted political party’s stance on the
issue of importance.
Marking Criterion of AIPPM
The evaluation will be done on the basis of the exhibition of political craft in various facets but
not limited to the following indicators;
1. Speechmaking
2. Lobbying/ Bloc Formation
3. Ability to strategize
4. Policy portrayal
5. Use of memos
6. Comprehensive research & contextual application of the same.
7. Quality & depth of the analysis involved in the preparation of the position paper.
INTRODUCTION TO ALL INDIA POLITICAL PARTIES MEET (AIPPM)
All India Political Parties Meet Committee is a non-constitutional yet powerful body composed
of different political parties & politicians representing those parties to emulate political realities
by bringing to light various layers of policy & governance in India. The AIPPM committee,
unlike the other conventional MUNs, is characterized by unrestricted political debate, cross talks
& high levels of negotiations focussing on reproducing the stages of policy & jurisdiction with
delegates representing personalities from the divergent group of Indian political parties. Since
the agenda of the committee would be specific, it is quintessential that the delegates be
thoroughly researched about all the current major political happenings around the country along
with building a thorough analysis of the portfolio’s political aspirations, ideologies, interests etc.
The AIPPM facilitates a venue to aggregate the diverse perspectives & opinions of various
political parties & leaders in order to discuss & debate issues of national importance helping to
come to a conclusion regarding the same. The final outcome of the meeting will be in the form
of a document containing recommendations to the Government of India in order to mitigate or
solve the issues at hand. For such a document to be passed in the committee, a 2-3rd majority of
the members present & voting is required.
INTRODUCTION TO THE AGENDA: DISCUSSING THE NEW EDUCATION
POLICY (NEP) FRAMEWORK AND ITS IMPLEMENTATION
The National Education Policy (NEP) 2020 having replaced the thirty-four-year-old National
Policy on Education (NPE),1986 proposes to revise and revamp all aspects of the education
structure, including its regulation and governance, to create a new system that is aligned with the
aspirational goals of 21st-century education, including SDG4, while building upon India’s
traditions and value systems.
HISTORYANDPREVIOUSPOLICIES
After Independence, education was seen as a powerful tool for the socio-political and economic
development of the country. The Indian government focused on promoting inclusiveness and
national pride among the citizens. The Nehruvian ideology of growth, modernisation, self-
reliance, and equity led to the establishment of quality higher education institutes. Affirmative
action or positive discrimination through the introduction of the reservation system helped
marginalized communities access education on a wider scale. However, to formulate a structured
national policy on education, the Kothari Commission was appointed from 1964-1966.
1. Kothari Commission
The Kothari Commission was responsible for analyzing the existing policies on education and
based on its findings recommended a national pattern of education that would be implemented at
all levels. It was the country's first commission to deal with education in a comprehensive and
structured manner.
The commission consisted of 12 task forces and 7 working groups to address issues pertaining to
school education, higher education, student welfare, educational administration, women's
education, adult education, teacher training and teacher status, new techniques and methods and
education of backward classes among many others.
1. Providing free and compulsory education to children of the age group 6 to 14 years.
2. Implementing a common educational structure i.e. 10+2+3 throughout the country.
3. Establishment of the National Board of Education to advise the Union Government on all
matters relating to school education.
4. Implementing the three-language formula at the lower secondary stage of education.
According to that formula, a child should be taught the following languages:
● Regional language or Mother Tongue
● National Language of the Union i.e. Hindi
● Anyone modern Indian or European language which is neither a part curriculum
nor the medium of education.
5. Developing and improving the public education system to provide equal opportunities to
children all across the country.
6. Providing scholarships to women students across schools, colleges, and universities.
In the year 1968, the government of India formulated the National Policy on Education to
establish and maintain high standards of formal education at all levels to ensure an all-around
development of the Indian population as well as build an effective and efficient pool of human
resources.
The former Prime Minister, Mr Rajiv Gandhi introduced the policy in a document titled
"Challenge of Education: A Policy Perspective" in May 1986. The primary focus groups of the
government were scheduled tribes, scheduled castes, women, and other backward classes, and
their upliftment was popularly envisaged as education for equality. The policy also stressed the
importance of building a national system of education by establishing a common school system
and a common educational structure known as 10+2+3.
The NPE was modified in the year 1992 and was known as the Programme of Action, 1992. It
was more practical and action-oriented. The reforms focused on the development of rural
universities across villages and districts. Gandhian-based education was emphasized and
implemented and educational standards were raised through the establishment of Navodaya
Vidyalayas. The POA laid specific emphasis on the development of higher and secondary
institutions. The Boards of Secondary education were restructured and given more autonomy
thereby making them more effective.
NPE 1986 and POA 1992 were successful in expanding educational institutions at all levels.
More than 90 percent of the country's rural habitations now have schooling facilities within a
radius of one kilometre and the common national structure of education i.e. 10+2+3 was adopted
and accepted by the majority of state governments.
In addition to NPE, several other initiatives such as the Restructuring and Reorganisation of
Teacher Education (1987), the National Programme for Nutritional Support to Primary
Education
(1995), the District Primary Education Programme (DPEP) (1993), The movement to Educate
All (2000), Fundamental Right (Article 21A) were initiated to develop a robust system of
education at all levels.
The 86th amendment of the Indian Constitution in the year 2002 recognised free and compulsory
education of all children in the age group of six to fourteen years (i.e. till the completion of
elementary education) as a Fundamental Right. Based on this amendment, the Right of Children
to Free and compulsory education act was introduced in the year 2009. The term compulsory
refers to the Indian government's obligation to -
1. Provide free education to every child of the age of six to fourteen years or till they
complete their elementary education.
2. Ensure compulsory admission, attendance, and completion of elementary education by
every child of the age of six to fourteen years
The term free refers to the Indian government's obligation to ensure that no child shall be liable
to pay any kind of fee or charges or expenses which may prevent him or her from pursuing and
completing elementary education.
The above two obligations require large-scale development of school buildings, providing
adequate teaching staff and learning equipment, ensuring and monitoring admission, attendance,
and completion of elementary education by every child, and ensuring that good quality
elementary education (as per the required norms and standards) is imparted. The Central and
State Governments have joint responsibility for providing funds for carrying out the provisions
of this Act.
To analyze the extent of implementation of the Act, committees such as The National
Commission for Protection of Child Rights and the State Commission for Protection of Child
Rights will have the responsibility to -
1. Examine and review the safeguards for rights provided by or under this Act and
recommend measures for their effective implementation;
2. Inquire into complaints relating to child's right to free and compulsory education
3. Take necessary steps for the Protection of Child Rights Act.
“ Education is the most powerful weapon through which you can change the world”
Nelson Mandela
These words by Nelson Mandela make true sense with reference to good reforms by New
National Education Policy, 2021. Moral value reforms in NEP after three decades in the
education sector are revolutionary to the world for building strong characters & more grounded
values in society.
Ancient Indian education was a value-based system consisting of Gurukul, where the students
live in their teacher’s residence & study along with doing some household chores with the
intention of equipping themselves with various life requirements. The value-based education
policy reforms were the basis for utilizing knowledge for the benefit of mankind. The world-
famous Indian universities such as Nalanda & Takshashila were also rooted in the basic
conceptions of value-based education which was considered important to transform political,
social & intellectual contexts. Thus, value education in India has held a prime place of
importance. Hence, education in India was born of this vision to achieve one’s experience in the
absolute as a spark of the divine, and in this process practice of one’s duty accompanies the
acquisition of knowledge.
1. Bharat-centric Education:
Global world and Bharat-centric values are to be learned by students in NEP 2020. The blending
of Bharat-centric values is done by blending culture and languages.
NEP 2020 in its agenda observes that teachers must be at the centre of the fundamental reforms
in the education system. This involves empowering teachers as the most respected and important
members of society as well as ensuring their availability at all levels of education.
The government aims to fill teacher vacancies, improve the pupils to teacher ratio to 30:1 at all
levels of education and equip one teacher schools especially in backwards and marginalized
areas among many others. Villages and districts with a large population of children belonging to
disadvantaged communities will aim for a PTR ratio of 25:1.
DUTA PROTESTS -
The Delhi University Teachers' Association (DUTA), as the name suggests, is a union that
represents the teaching faculty of the University of Delhi. In recent years, DUTA has been
involved in several protests and demonstrations on various issues related to the university and
overall related education system in India — most recent, notable ones being in 2018, 2019, 2020
and 2021. It has been an active participant in debates and discussions related to education
policies and reforms in India. It has also played a significant role in raising awareness about
issues related to the welfare of teachers and students and advocating for their rights and interests.
In 2019-20, DUTA organized several stringent protests against the University Grants
Commission's (UGC's) decision to introduce the new four-year-long undergraduate program as a
part of the New Education Policy 2020. The union argued that the UGC had not participated in
consultation with the teachers and the students and various other such stakeholders adequately
before making a decision of such enormity. They further stressed how the new program would
place an undue burden on not only the teachers but also the students — and thus compromise on
not only the quality of education but also the lifestyles and stress amongst the student bodies.
In 2020, DUTA held several protests and demonstrations against the university's decision to
conduct online open book examinations (OBE) for final-year students — arguing that it wasn't a
suitable mode for all students, especially those from economically disadvantaged backgrounds.
The most significant protest in relation to the implementation of NEP 2020 has to be the one
organized on August 24, 2021 — to resist and desist the NEP implementation from the following
year in all colleges across DU. They protested outside the vice-chancellor's office, in an attempt
to make their concerns visible in the eyes of the higher-ups — considering that there was a
meeting of the Academic Council underway there for discussion on the same.
Over that, the Standing Committee on Academic Matters, in the meeting regarding the same,
held on August 23, 2021, had approved the implementation of the policy from the academic year
of 2022-23; with the four-year undergraduate programmes and multiple entry and exit options
for students. The committee had however deferred discussions on the implementation of Massive
Open Online Courses, much to DUTA's relief.
The DUTA had furthermore written to P.C. Joshi, the vice-chancellor, and in that, had requested
them to discuss these matters first at all the grassroot and statutory levels — including
departments, student bodies, faculties, and staff councils, before being placed for review under
the Academic Council. In the letter, this concern had been clearly enunciated — "Such
widespread discussions would enable the University to not take hasty steps towards the
implementation of the provisions of NEP 2020 and other such regulations. It would do well for
the University to remember the disastrous implementation of the FYUP in 2013 and its
subsequent withdrawal in 2014 after widespread protests by all the stakeholders."
The protest emphasized the rejection of the idea of additional expenditure for the fourth year by
the students who had undergone the FYUP programme in 2013. In fact, a survey carried out
amongst the students in 2013 clearly shown that the out-station students were spending close to
INR 1.5-2 Lakhs per year only to stay in Delhi. The students furthermore opposed the FYUP
plan because of the dilution of the syllabus in the first two years of FYUP — which happened
once again with the new model of FYUP under NEP 2020, with the first two semesters being
packed with inadequate, lukewarm courses.
CASE STUDY -
The UNIFIED DISTRICT INFORMATION SYSTEM FOR EDUCATION PLUS (UDISE+)
report compiled by the Department of School Education and Literacy, Ministry of Education,
Government of India analyzed the availability of teachers at the school level for the years 2020-
21 and 2021-22.
The survey exposed the poor condition of schools in terms of teacher availability despite the fact
that NEP was introduced in the year 2020 with the aim of improving the availability of teachers
at all levels of education.
The key findings of the survey are outlined in the following table:
1) The total number of teachers has declined by 1.95 % in 2021-22 compared to 2020-2021.
2) The total number of teachers in KVs and JNVs has increased by 1.91% and 7.1%
respectively in 2021-22 compared to 2020-2021. This increase is essential in
understanding the importance of public educational institutions in not only improving
student enrollment but also providing good employment opportunities to teachers.
● Widespread scepticism about the centralization of the entire higher education system of
India and peculiar ambiguity about the regulation and autonomy of the HECI(High
Education Commission of India) which is to be the sole regulatory authority sub-divided
into multiple verticals
● Doubts about the metrics to be used by the HECI while determining the quality of
colleges
● Students’ intellectual and political freedom, right to free speech and expression in a
quagmire
● “Light but tight regulation” policy of the HECI is not clearly explained - leaving room for
future confusion and ambiguity
● Obscure, unclarified execution and implementation of far-fetched policies and unclear
source of promised financial support to “various critical elements and components of
education”
● Overlooks maintenance of intellectual autonomy of students within campuses
● Blatant centralisation of the education system, completely disregarding the role of state
governments (ignoring the quasi-federal nature of the Indian state and concurrent nature
of education)
● According to SFI(Student Federation of India), the policy has a “centralized nature” and
encouraged “radical privatization”
● SFI criticized the government’s unilateral passing of NEP without “extensive discussion”
or consultation with the student body despite protests against the policy and labelled it as
“anti-democratic”
● As per the Krantikari Yuva Sangathan(KYS), the government conveniently neglected
“real issues” such as the number of government schools, the quality of teaching in
government schools and the strategy to entice more children into the formal mode of
education by earmarking increasing funds for public-funded education instead
promulgating the NEP among a plethora of other measures which openly advocate
informalization of education at both secondary and higher levels
● The Student Islamic Organisation (SIO) has termed NEP as “anti-federal, anti-
constitutional and a license to commercialise education in India”.
● SIO also says that the NEP actively proposes “a market model of education” and goes
against the federal structure of the constitution as education is listed under the concurrent
subjects
● All 3 of the aforementioned student bodies alleged the government of using the COVID-
19 pandemic to pass authoritarian laws to “push their agenda”.
FINANCING
● There has been an overall increase of Rs. 9752.07 cr (16.51%) in the Budget Allocation
of the Department of School Education & Literacy in the FY 2023-24 from FY 2022-23
(RE).
● In BE 2023-24 for Higher Education an amount of Rs. 44,094.62 crores has been made as
compared to Rs. 40,828.35 Crore in RE 2022-23, which is an increase of 8%.
● In order to implement the NEP 2020 in the true spirit, the best Institutions and
Universities of the country, under the central government, have been given an additional
Rs 4235.74 crores, which is an increase of 12.8 % over their allocation last year.
● In BE 2023-24 Grant or UGC has been increased by 9.37% i.e. an increase of 459 crores.
● Grants to CU have been increased by 17.66 %, Deemed University by 27%, support to
IITs has been increased by 14%, and NITs by 10.5% as compared to BE 2022-23. Also
IISC, Bangalore’s Grant has been increased by 15%.
● In BE 2023-24 for Prime Minister Research Fellowship (PMRF) an amount of Rs. 400
Crores has been provided as compared to Rs 200 Crores in BE 2022-23 i.e. 100%
increase.
The New Education Policy of India, 2020 heralds a new era of education in India. Many
venerable experts produced volumes of reports before this policy was announced. All these
reports came, ignited hope & then received a silent burial. This one survived the silent treatment
& was announced as a new ray of hope. The need for a comprehensive policy to revamp
education was ever felt since the fault lines started appearing in the industrial workforce & the
limitations of the workforce involved. Students were also complaining about the lack of
individualized tutelage & the rigid focus on academic scores & grades. As we are heading
towards an era of big data, artificial intelligence & machine learning where new jobs are rising
exorbitantly, it is high time that we put focus on building skilled learners who can adapt to the
changing requirements & demands. It is only possible when the educational tools are equipped
with the required tools. It is with such a consensus on the need of increasing the efficiency of
educational tools with a holistic perspective, the New Education Policy [2020] comes into the
picture.
The efficacy of any educational policy is determined by the investments made till now & how
such changes are implemented. The question that remains as of now is how well the
administrators of accrediting institutions will foresee the changes required as mandated by the
new education policy. Will they be able to rationalize the new policy with new parameters,
metrics and benchmarks or will they continue to use the old system to measure the new one.
NEP 2020 brings structural changes to the system by opening up multiple possibilities in higher
education by dissolving the strictly demarcated degrees with specializations. Students will have
much more access to various intersections of courses and hence a more robust and market-driven
undergraduate degree. The four-year degree is introduced. India’s informal industry runs on
unskilled labour who due to unfortunate social problems remain amiss of any formal trade
training. The multiple exit points provide for proper training of the students, making them ready
for the industry or their own ventures. A special focus has been put on experiential learning and
critical thinking, which not only helps the industry but enhances the overall growth of the
individual along with everyone involved. One of the major tenets of the NEP (2020) is the focus
on the multidisciplinary nature of education for the future. Students have been provided with the
choice to opt for various interdisciplinary courses. At such a time when the entrepreneurial spirit
has been all-time high, students must be provided with the toolkit which helps them sail across
various hurdles. An interdisciplinary education will help not only entrepreneurs but the industry
as well.
Considering the reforms in school education, like increasing the age band for the right to
education to 3 -18 years of age and introducing multi-disciplinary education, are changes that
were needed in the current system to ensure all-around growth of a student. On the other hand,
the introduction of the ideas of the three-language formula, and the mother tongue as a medium
of education is hardly acceptable. Various states in India don’t support this proposal. Recently,
the Chief Minister of a southern state of India said that “ We will never allow Three language
formula in our state.” With such rifts between the Centre and the State, it will be extremely
complex to implement this proposal. Introduction of Coding from grade 6 has also faced
opposition as coding is a skill that can be acquired later in life while pursuing higher studies.
What contradicts the said vision of the NEP is the lack of focus on teaching the basics of social
sciences. The government should have applied more emphasis on teaching the fundamental
concept of social sciences as it may lead to better development of the upcoming generation
concerning open society, instead of teaching coding, which may lead to a generation that would
be more employable. Citizens need to be aware of their rights and duty which is obtained by
adding civics and polity to the curriculum, not by learning to code and being more employable
and showing a lack of awareness of rights and duties. Moreover, schools lack the infrastructure
that is necessary to offer quality extracurricular activities and provide multidisciplinary subjects
that the NEP envisions.
While the NEP has begun gathering a fair degree of momentum, the road to its realization is
filled with endless potholes. First, the sheer size and diversity of India’s education sector make
implementation an uphill task. Thus, a countrywide implementation of this mega-education
policy is going to be a mammoth exercise involving multiple stakeholders at the state, district,
sub-district, and block levels. Creating a shared responsibility and ownership amongst key
stakeholders, including the private sector, at the state and district levels that have extraordinary
diversity is going to be a major challenge for educational leadership.
Second, the NEP’s eventual realization is critically linked to state capacity. As rightly pointed
out by the NEP Drafting Committee led by K. Kasturirangan, India’s education system is
underfunded, heavily bureaucratised, and lacks the capacity for innovation and scale-up. The
internal capacities within the education ministries (centres and states) and other regulatory
bodies are grossly inadequate to steer the magnitude of transformations envisaged in the NEP.
For instance, moving away from a rigid content-driven rote learning system to experiential
learning and critical thinking would require nothing short of a revolutionary change in the
attitudes of the people running the education system, let alone the attitudinal changes amongst
the teachers, students, and parents. The NEP would largely hinge on the extent of cooperation
between the Centre and states. While the NEP has been drafted by the Union government (with
inputs from multiple stakeholders including the state governments), its implementation largely
depends on the active cooperation of the states. This is because most services-related education
is performed by the state governments. In short, the Centre has to skillfully navigate the
principles of cooperative federalism and decentralization while rolling out key initiatives. The
role of the private sector, particularly in dealing with the higher education system, is extremely
critical for translating the inclusionary vision of the NEP. It may be noted that as much as 70 per
cent of higher education institutions (colleges and universities) are run by the private sector.
Therefore, it is imperative for the government and regulatory bodies to create workable
institutional mechanisms that would harness the contribution of the private sector and recognise
Finally, the successful execution of key initiatives requires the availability of adequate financial
resources for decades. In this regard, the NEP has stated that to realize the goals of the new
policy, the country has to raise public spending on education to 6 per cent of GDP. This is a
daunting task if one considers the past promises and their actual realization. For instance, the
1968 National Education policy recommended 6 per cent of GDP be allocated towards
education. However, in all these decades, public spending on education has not gone beyond 3
per cent. Ironically, the union budget allocation for education in the NEP launching year has
taken a dip.
CONCLUSION
The targets set by the policy are insightful and enterprising but will need constant scrutiny; as is
the case with most policies. The efforts to reinvigorate the education machinery are much needed
and constant participation by all the stakeholders involved is imperative. Such a promising
foresight will eventually depend a lot on the accrediting institutions and corresponding reforms
in their methods.
REFERENCES
1. https://cismun15.weebly.com/uploads/5/2/0/2/52026909/aippm_information_guide.pdf
2.https://pib.gov.in/PressReleasePage.aspx?PRID=1895476#:~:text=Shri%20Dharmendra%20Pr
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https://prsindia.org/theprsblog/national-education-policy-recommendations-and-the-current-scen
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3.https://www.education.gov.in/sites/upload_files/mhrd/files/NEP_Final_English_0.pdf
4. https://legislative.gov.in/sites/default/files/A2009-35_0.pdf
5. https://www.education.gov.in/sites/upload_files/mhrd/files/upload_document/npe.pdf
6. https://www.education.gov.in/sites/upload_files/mhrd/files/document-reports/POA_1992.pdf
7. https://testbook.com/ias-preparation/kothari-commission
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9.https://cgivancouver.gov.in/pdf/Salient_Features_ofNewEducationPolicy2020(NEP_2020).pdf
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12.https://byjus.com/free-ias-prep/national-policy-education/