The Sociometric School and the Science of Man

Author(s): J. L. Moreno
Source: Sociometry, Vol. 18, No. 4, Sociometry and the Science of Man (Nov., 1955), pp. 15-35
Published by: American Sociological Association
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THE SOCIOMETRICSCHOOL AND THE SCIENCEOF MAN
J. L. MORENO

MOTTO: Sociometryis the sociologyof the people,

by the people and for the people.
For thefirsttimein theirhistory-between1925 and 1955-, the social
sciencesin the United States of Americahave demonstrated "collective"
originality.By this,I mean that the output of new theories, techniques,
methods,typesof measurement, are not the work of a singleindividual but
a collectiveeffort withina "favorable"social climate. This collective orig-
inalityis frequently associatedwiththe termand concept"sociometry" and
"the sociometric movement".
The earlyAmericansociologywas an "armchairscience" (Howard W.
Odum,AmericanSociology,p. 421, Longmans& Green,1951). "At the turn
of thecenturyit featuredthestudyof generalsociety"(Odum,p. 422). Up
to 1930 it had no attributes whichdifferentiated it fromtheEuropeantrends
in sociology,whetherFrance,England or Germany.The turningpoint for
an "indigenous"Americansociologycame between1925 and 1935, coincid-
ing with the officialbeginningof sociometryand with its many ramifica-
tionsand supplementations since. The characteristics of the collectivepat-
ternof the new American sociology can be understood more clearlywhen
in
seen contrast to the preceding period. If one consults a volume,forin-
stance, "The Selected Papers from the Proceedings of the AmericanSocio-
logicalSociety,"1932,editedby EmoryS. Bogardus,publishedby the Uni-
versityof ChicagoPress,June1933,containingcontributions by someof the
most distinguished sociologistsof that era, and comparesit with parallel
and contemporary publicationsof that period (GardnerMurphy,Experi-
mentalSocial Psychology,1931,and J.L. Moreno,Applicationof theGroup
Methodto Classification, 1932,PsychologicalOrganizationof Groupsin the
Community, 1933, forerunners of Who Shall Survive?,1934) or if one com-
pares thefirstyear of theAmericanSociologicalReview,1936,withthefirst
year of SOCIOMETRY,1937, one can see clearlythe new and the old.
The old patternhad the followingcharacteristics:a) philosophical
methodsof presentation;b) symbolicillustrationof concepts; c) indirect
and inferred mannerof observationrarelygivingconcreteaccountsof what
takes place in a situationbut preferring fictitiousillustrationsto concrete
ones; d) demographic measurement.
The newpatternshowedthefollowing characteristics: 1) newtheoretical
15
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16 SOCIOMETRY

orientations:a) spontaneity-creativity, b) the "here-and-now", c) opera-

tionalapproach,d) topologicalpsychology and fieldtheory,e) interpersonal
relations,f) role takingand role playing,g) inductivepreparationof focal
problems;2) concretism-itdeals with concretegroupsdirectly,not only
in a conceptualsenseas Cooleywiththe"primary group"; it entersintothem
in orderto findout what is actuallygoingon withinthem; the locus of in-
vestigation is not onlyin themindof the investigator but in the fieldor the
laboratory;3) dynamism-itexploresthe dynamicsof groupstructureby
means of sensitiveinstruments; theyare so constructedthat theycan tap
significantsocial processesand the changestakingplace betweenindividuals
and groups. Illustrations of suchinstruments are: thesociometric test,socio-
metricrating,sociometricquestionnaire,social distancescale, spontaneity
test,interpersonal observationand interview, role test,sociodrama,situation
test,grouppsychotherapy, etc. It pays special attentionto the underlying
socio-atomicpatternsin additionto the formalpatternsvisibleon the sur-
face; 4) measurism-it introducessystematicmethodsto measureinter-
personaland intergroup relations;it encouragesoperationaldefinitions;it
encourageshypothesisproductionstimulatedby the behaviorsand actions
of individualswithina groupsetting,in additionto tryingto demonstrate the
validityof a priorihypotheses.It concentrates on tangibleand focalstudies.
It insistson accurate sociometricscales and the use of realisticexperi-
mentaldesigns. But unbridled"measurism"has becomean exclusivetrend
withinthe sociometric movement;it is the resultof the growing"splitting
off"of the measurement portionfromsociometry and neglectingthe socius
of
aspect. A survey sociometric studies would show this: a drasticlack of
imaginativetheoretical preparation of an inquiry and a poor presentation of
the materialdata. There is a dangerthatsociometry may becomea branch
of statistics. This tendencyis frequentlyfound among academic soci-
ometrists. 5) Interdisciplinarism of investigations,convergenceof all
social sciences; 6) systematism-itencourages,openlyor tacitly,the con-
structionof systemson the basis of empiricaland experimental evidence
gainedpartlythroughsociometric research.Differences amongsociometrists
are due to conflictof systemsratherthantechniques.
In the earlythirties,the numberof workersmovingintothe new direc-
tion could be countedon the fingersof one hand, but, like the firstbirds
travelingsouthindicatethe comingof the cold season,theyannouncedthe
comingof the new climatein the social sciences. It is secondarywhence
thepriority of thesenew ideas,methodsand techniquesstem. The historian
of the year two thousandwill see the entireprocessmoreclearlythan the
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 SCIENCE OF MAN 17

livingwho are directlyinvolved. He may characterizeit as a collective

process,several-father-and-mother-pioneers,each with a different coloring,
or describeit as an interdependent crystallizationof a few inspiringcon-
ceptionsarounda leader. The only thingwhichwe knowwithcertaintyis
that it was betweenthe coversand in the pages of the journal SOCIOMETRY
whereforthe firsttimethe galaxy of new stars appeared withtheirideas
beforethe public. The pioneeringcontributors belongedto all the depart-
ments of social science, psychologists,sociologists,anthropologists, psy-
chiatrists
and educators.The newmediumwas like a magnet,drawingthem
and pullingthemtowardsan invisible,commongoal.
The timehas come to give main attentionto the thingitself,to that
whichhas been accomplished, howeverlittlethis may be, and to the wide,
untilledfieldof discoveryand researchwhichthe futureholds in its arms.
The termand conceptwhichheld them togetherin the firstperiod was
"sociometry"whichstill expressesthe commonobjectivebetterthan any
otherterm. This termhas had severaloverlappingmeaningsbut the com-
moncore of all meaningswas sufficiently strongto justifytalkingabout the
sociometricmovementand consideringall those who participatedas soci-
ometrists.The term "sociometry"with its two roots,socius-structure of
the group,and metrum-measurement, definedbeyondany doubt that here
was attemptedthe combinationof the two up to then irreconcilable op-
posites,thedirectstudyof groupaland structured dynamics,in whichsocial,
culturaland psychologicalfactorsare interwoven, and theirmeasurement.
Lookingbackward,it seemsnaturalthat even withinthe sociometric move-
mentitself,separatecliques shouldhave emerged,tryingto identifythem-
selves by different termslike group dynamicsin the middleforties,small
group researchin the early fifties.The "objective" question,however,is
whetheranythingis gained by theseadditionalterms.Are theyto be sub-
stitutesforthe termsociometry, do theycovera new groundwhichis not
coveredby sociometry or are theyjust transitory climatesof emphasis? It
is interestingto read in thiscontextErnestBurgess'now classic assessment
"ResearchMethodsin Sociology"whichappearedin the AmericanJournal
of Sociology,1944, and in whichhe placed the variousdevelopments con-
nectedwiththe namesof EmoryBogardus,Lloyd Warner,Kurt Lewin,etc.
as characteristicforthe new trendwithinthe section"sociometry", indicat-
ing that theyare characteristic parts of the sociometric school.
Sociometristshave emphatically sponsoredthe use of operationaldefini-
tions but termslike positivismand operationismdo not cover the new
trendin the social sciencesfor these termsare used by its sponsorsin a
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18 SOCIOMETRY

universalsense relativeto "all" sciences. Theirparticulardeficiency is that

theydo not expressin themselvesthe conceptof groupas well as measure-
mentwhichare essentialpartsof themovement.It is obviousthata unique
termwas requiredwhichadequatelyexpressedthe processin the making.
Sociometrywas best fitted to express this uniqueness. It was and
stillis important to stressthatthereis no aspectof social relationswhichis
not measurable,at least to a degree.
Sociometric techniquesare now universallyapplied,especiallysociomet-
ric tests,psycho-sociodrama and role playingtechniques.The battleground
is sociometrictheory.The conflicting views about sociometry stem largely
fromthe fact that the theoriesrelated to the various methods and tech-
niquesare notsharedby all sociometrists. Thereare at presentseveralvalue
systemsstruggling forsupremacyin religion,philosophy, politicsand in the
naturalsciences,a conditionwhichreflectsalso upon the social sciencesand
sociometry.But a school of thoughtcannotsurviveunless the value sys-
tem to which it consciouslyor unconsciouslyadheres is spelled out and
openlyscrutinized.The applicationof sociometricand sociodramatictech-
niqueswillvarygreatly,dependinguponwhethertheyare used in a Catholic,
Communistic, cooperativeor democraticworld. The value systemswhich
spuran investigator in his researchcannotbe permitted to remainhis private
affair.
The sociometric school consistsof severalbranches,spread throughout
the world. They rarelyhangtogetherofficially-the outstanding characteris-
a
tic of the movementis that it developedlike huge interpersonal network
carryingchains of influencefromone informalclique to another, from the
key individualsof one university to the key individualsof otheruniversities,
but theyare naturalpartsof a logicaldevelopment.The basic conceptsand
techniquesintroducedby sociometrists between1932 and 1937, 1937 mark-
ing the foundationof the journalSOCIOMETRY and between1937 and 1942,
1942 markingtheopeningof the Sociometric Institutehave been maintained
with secondarymodifications by practicallyall organizationswhichsprang
up sincein the UnitedStates or Europe. But theyhave been modified, fur-
therdevelopedand broughtto greaterclaritythroughtheirapplicationto
specialfieldsof researchand at timesoversimplified and diluted. Sociometry
has been fortunatein havingcaughtthe active interestof a large number
of talentedscholarsfromall departments of social science. Their contribu-
tionwas oftennot in the volumeof papers but in theirquality.
The basic problemsof sociometry have a long philosophicaland soci-
ological tradition.The old theorieshave been refocusedand rediscovered.
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 SCIENCE OF MAN 19

They have been rephrasedin a dynamic,modernlanguage. The methods,

by meansof whichthe old aims are pursued,are new.
1) The Aim of Sociometry-Theaim of sociometryis to help in the
formation of a worldin whicheveryindividual,whateverhis intelligence,
race,creed,religionor ideologicalaffiliations, is givenan equal opportunity
to surviveand to apply his spontaneity and creativity withinit. The aim is
to be pursuedthroughrevolutionary action. The psychiatrist may evaluate
it as a "therapeutic society" engulfing all mankind, a sociologist might
evaluate it as well integrated"cooperative" society in which all parts,
small and large,are functioning harmoniously, so as to give all individuals
a sharein livingand in pursuitof sociallyconstructive aims. Such a "value"
is Utopian as long as the enterprise is startedwiththe end-stagetryingto
transform entirecommunities or the entiremankindby means of a single
revolutionary scheme,but it is plausibleand attainableif the experiment is
begunfromthe grass rootsup withthe social atoms and graduallycarried
further by developingthe sociometric consciousness of thepeople.
2) SociometricMethod-Sociometrywas the firstto make systematic
use of the people beingstudied,gettingthe guidingclues fromthemforthe
studyof theirowngroupor community.It was an important methodicaldis-
coverythatthepeoplestudiedcan be made to be the crucialexpertsand in-
vestigatorsof any social settingof whichtheyare a part. In sociometry,
as well as in socio-drama,the interrelatedindividualsfurnishthe major
clues which are then carefullyfollowedup in cooperationwith theirin-
vestigators.Hence comesour mottowhichshouldbe writtenas an epitaph
over every sociometricand sociological laboratory: "Sociometryis the
sociologyof the people, by the people and for the people". Sociometric
methodhas been describedseveral times duringthe firstperiod of the
sociometric movement in Who Shall Survive?, 1934, in SOCIOMETRY, Volume
I, No. 1, 1937, "Sociometryin Relationto OtherSocial Sciences",pp. 206-
219, and in "Foundationsof Sociometry", 1941,SOCIOMETRY,VolumeIV.
3) SociometricCategories-The initial effortof sociometrywas to
take and redefineconceptslike universe,spontaneity, creativity,adequacy,
tele, social atom, attraction,repulsion,choice,interpersonal contactrange,
warmingup, self-realization, catharsis,intuition,role, group,cohesiveness
and therapeutic changeout of the class of mysticnotionsand transfer them
intothe class of conceptswhichcan be operationally defined,measuredand
validated. This aim has been partlyaccomplishedin the courseof the last
thirtyyearsbut an enormousamountof workhas yet to be done.
The sociometriccategorieswhichhave receivedthe widestacceptance
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20 SOCIOMETRY

are: (a) adequacy or mastery,(b) creativity,(c) spontaneity,(d) inter-

personalor contactrange,expansiveness, (e) tele or telicsensitivity,(f) self
realizationor autonomyand (g) catharsisof integration.
(a) Adequacyor mastery.In my definitions of spontaneousbehavior,
I preferred the referenceto adequate or masterfulresponsesinsteadof to
appropriateness and/or competence.Appropriateness impliesobedient,ob-
liging,conforming and adjustingbehavior-competence impliestechnological
efficiency and mechanicalskill.
Masteryor adequacy of conducthas had convincinghistoricillustra-
tions among famouspersonageslike Jesus, Buddha, St. Francis and in-
numerableindividualsof all timeswho obviouslyremainunknownor anon-
ymous. It is essentiallyan autonomousachievementbut rarelythrough
self-analysis,mostfrequently throughself-realization in life. The individual
lives throughnumerousroles and situations,internalor external,and
demonstrates his masteryin them. The reclusewho lives in isolationmay
have attaineda limitedmasteryand containment, but his finaltestis when
he reenterslife and comes into contactwithotherbeings. Masteryhas to
be provenin thethickof life,notapartfromit.
(b) Creativity. See thisvolume,p. 109.
(c) Spontaneity.See thisvolume,p. 108.
(d) Interpersonalor contactrange,expansiveness. See this volume,
p. 114.
(e) Tele or telic sensitivity.Accordingto telic theory,the develop-
mentof telicsensitivity is closelylinkedwiththe matrixof identityand the
development of thecerebralcortex(see in thisvolume,p. 147). As maternal
figuresand infantslowlygrowapart and the identitypatternweakens,telic
reciprocity steps in and operatesas the residualfunction.Telic reciprocity
proposesthatA and B are an interactional, cooperational unit,thattheyare
two parts of the same processalthoughoccasionallyat different pointsin
space and time. Telic sensitivity is, therefore, a two-wayprocess,sensitivity
of the parts "for one another":it is by experiencemutualand reciprocal,
whatbenefits one benefits the other. It is productivebecauseit is bothways
and continuous. It can be comparedwith "tele-phoniccommunication".
Empathyis a telicfragment whichemergesin thecourseof individuation and
self-integration. It proposesthatA and B are separateindividuals,theyare
actingside by side. It is a one-wayprocess,sensitivity whichone has for
the other. In empathy,cognitivecharacteristics are in excessof the conative
ones.
Telic reciprocityis thecommoncharacteristic ofall encounter experience.
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 SCIENCE OF MAN 21

It is the intuitive"click" betweenthe participants-nowordsneed to be

spokenbetweenmotherand infantor two lovers. An intimatefeelingen-
velops them,it is an uncannysensitivity foreach otherwhichwelds indi-
vidualsintounity. In genuinelove relationsthe partnersshareeach other's
clevernessas well as each other'slimitations.Love is a telicrelationship.
In lifeitselfwe are expectedto be sensitiveforthefeelingsof theperson
withwhomwe are interacting at the time. Watchingthe behaviorof part-
ners and puttingourselvesinto theirsituations,mentallyreversingroles
withthem,we are continuously gettingclues how theyexpectus to act. In
turn,we are givingthemclues how we expectthemto act. In manyof the
stereotype and humdrumsituationsof life,it is insensitivity of partnersfor
clues in significant situationswhichlead to seriousinterpersonal conflicts
oftendifficult to repair.
The relationbetweentherapistand patient,whetherin individualor
grouppsychotherapy, requirestelic sensitivity.It is tele whichestablishes
natural"correspondence" betweentherapistand patient. It is an absence
of this factorin professionaltherapeuticrelationswhichis responsiblefor
therapeuticfailures;it mustbe regainedin orderto make any technology
work. Transference of the patientmay relatehim to a personwho is not
there; in return,counter-transference may relate the therapistto a person
who is not there. The resultis that theytalk past each otherinsteadof to
each other. Similarly,empathyand counter-empathy do not add up to tele;
theymay runparalleland nevermix,that is, neverbecomea telicrelation-
ship.
An individualwithempathicsensitivity is able to penetrateand under-
standanotherindividual,but thisexperienceis possiblewithoutmutuallove.
If one partnerempathizeswiththe other,he may be able to take advantage
of her, be injuriousor make her dependentupon himselfbecause of his
sheerabilityto use his "empathiccunning". This is why trainingof em-
pathic abilityas in the case of psychopathicindividualsfrequently leads
to theoppositeof whatis expected.Justbecause theyare able to feelthem-
selves into the thoughtsof theirvictim,theymay becomebetterequipped
fortheircriminalplots. It is reportedby his biographers thatAdolfHitler'
was endowedwitha highdegreeof empathy,but he used thistalentto hurt
ratherthanto help his associates. Empathy,like intelligence, therefore,
can
be used forsocial as well as foranti-socialends.
(f) Self-realization or autonomy. See thisvolume,p. 105.
-- - - --- --

Heiden,Konrad: A Historyof NationalSocialism,1935,AlfredA. Knopf,New

1
York.
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 22 SOCIOMETRY

(g) Catharsisof Integration. "Mental catharsisis here definedas a

processwhichaccompanieseverytype of therapeuticlearning,not only a
findingof resolutionfromconflict,but also of realizationof self,not only
release and reliefbut also equilibriumand peace. It is not a catharsisof
abreactionbut a catharsisof integration."
4) Sociometric Techniques-All techniques are sociometricwhich
are structured withthe purposein mindto further sociometric experiments.
Their targetis eithera singlecommunity or a chain of communities.The
sociometrictest and the sociometricexperimentof a communityare two
different things.The sociometric test is a techniqueof social measurement,
the sociometricexperiment is the studyand gradual transformation of an
entirecommunity in accordancewithits needs,usingsociometric techniques.
The spontaneity of the choiceprocessin a sociometric test can becomede-
terioratedto such a degreethat the naturalprocessof regrouping takes a
pathologicalturnor comesto an apparentlyincorrigible, dead end. Sociomet-
ric tests executedin prisonsand reformatories revealed that the highest
numberof choiceswereregularly givento individualswhohad made an out-
standingrecordin anti-socialactivitiesand that the individualswho had
reformedor wishedto reformremainedunchosenor were rejectedby the
majority.It becameclear to sociometrists that unlessthisprocesscould be
reversed, theintroduction of a corrective value systemwouldbe an impossible
task. Whenevertwo value systemsare in conflict, a progressiveand a re-
actionaryone, the sociogramof the community will reflectit; in orderthat
the new values shouldprevail,a sociometric and sociodramatic re-education
of the isolatedand rejectedindividualshas to be undertaken;they,in turn,
may undertakethe re-training of the restof the community.
The questionas to the validityof the sociometric testhas arousedcon-
siderablecontroversy in the courseof the years. There have been two con-
traryopinions,one emphasizesthat "the usual measuresof reliabilityand
validitydo not seem to be particularly appropriateforsociometry.If each
individualdiscloseshis preferences on a test honestly,the test is perfectly
reliableand valid" (Northway). The secondone is thatthecurrentmethods
of measuringvaliditycan be applied to the sociometric test. The two opin-
ions do not excludeone another. It is accurate to say that the validityof
test
the sociometric does not requireproof. It is a statement of the persons
themselves, whattheywant at a certain moment in respect a givenactiv-
to
ity.The sociometric testdeals with primary acts and bitsof behaviorand not
2 From my article "SpontaneityTheory of Learning" in Robert B. Haas' Psycho-
drama and Sociodrama in AmericanEducation, Beacon House, 1949, p. 7.

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 SCIENCE OF MAN 23

with"factors"like intelligence, gene,or any otherhiddenfactors.It does

not make a choice more honorablebecause it is statisticallyvalid. There
is no need forvalidationas longas the membersof the groupand theirbe-
haviorare takenas theyare expressedin thepresenttenseand as longas no
pretenseis made that the futurebehaviorof the participantscan be pre-
dictedfromthe eventsor choiceswhichhave been made or that generaliza-
tionscan be drawnfromwhateverthe eventsrecorded.But one can state
withcertaintythatwhat mattersis that the choicesand decisionsare valid
forthe participantsthemselves at the timewhentheyare made. In such a
case, one may talk about an "existential"validation,and it should be
definitelyseparatedfromscientificvalidation. But whenone thinksof ex-
istentialvalidation,one shouldnot thinkthatthismustbe an impulsiveand
irrationalkind of behavior. It may be behaviorof the highestand well or-
ganizedkind. Frequently,whenpsychotherapeutic or religiousgroupsclaim
that what they are doing is valid, they confuseexistentialwith scientific
validation.
The sociometric techniquesare dividedinto (a) grouptechniquesand
(b) action techniques.Group techniqueslike the sociometrictest,the ac-
quaintancetest,the sociometric questionnaireand the sociometric-perception
test in widelyvaryingmodifications have becomea part of the normalar-
mamentarium of the social scientists.Actiontechniqueslike the spontaneity
test,the role playingtest,the situationtest,psycho-and sociodrama,role
reversal,double,mirror, soliloquyand othersare becomingin the last decade
increasingly popularand theirappreciationeven beyondthat of the group
techniquescan be anticipated(action research).
5) The Sociometric Experiment-Theobjectiveof Who Shall Survive?
was to describea sociometric experiment and notmerelyto introducea num-
ber of techniques.The firstsentencein the book "A trulytherapeuticpro-
cedurecannothave less an objectivethan the wholeof mankind"indicated
my intention.It is disconcerting that this has been so completelymis-
understoodalthough in writing the book I have put thisidea straightunder
of
the nose the reader. It is stranger yet that thissentenceis the mostfre-
quentlyquotedphraseof the book and thatstillits meaninghas rarelybeen
appreciated. To demonstratethe idea, the book analyzes and enfoldsan
entirecommunity and tries to turn it froman untherapeutic community
intoa therapeutic one-within the limitsof its setting-bymeansof various
methods.It appears that formanythis sentencehas been takenat best as
a poeticmetaphorforan ailingsocietyand gentlypushedaside. As a con-
sequence,the immediatemeaningof the entirebook has been overlooked.
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24 SOCIOMETRY

I had announcedthis prospectshortlybeforeI startedthe Hudson experi-

ment: "I looked at the community as a whole and saw disclosedthenin
the plainestformthe workingsof our society,each individualfollowinghis
longings,each willingthe best, but the whole thinggoingwrong. If every
personof our societyshouldreachtheperfection of a saint,thesaintswould
interactverypoorlybecause it takes somethingelse beyondindividualper-
fectionto make two saintsor a groupof saintscompatibleand productive.
Now herelay the problemof a therapeuticsociety"(1932). The principal
task of the experiment was to initiatea therapeutic processwhichinvolves
the entirecommunity, not only the so-called "inmates", but the entirestaff,
fromthesuperintendent down to every teacher, social worker,minister,cleri-
cal worker,farmworker, manual laborer, chauffeur, carpenter, electrician.
The old adage "Physician heal thyself"was replaced with a new one,
"Community heal thyself".
It does not make any difference whichset of values dominatesthe com-
munitywhenthe sociometric experiment begins. Whetherthe set of values
cherishedby the inhabitantshave a religious,therapeutic,cooperativeor
politicalorientation,or if any otheryet unknownideologyprevails; if the
experiment is carriedout by skilledsociometricinvestigators with the full
participation of theinhabitants, usingthesociometric methodas a guide,the
outcomewill always be clarifying and beneficial.The end product,the re-
sultantcommunity may appear therapeuticto the therapist,religiousto the
cooperativeto the cooperativist,
religionist, communistic to the communist,
democraticto the democrat.
6) Sociometry of the Community-Hypothesis I. Thereis to everyof-
ficialand formalstructure an
of a community informal, sociometric matrix.
not
This was an importantdiscovery, because such a cleavage was not al-
ways suspected,but because sociometricmethodpermitted precise in-
a
vestigationand demonstration of thecleavage. HypothesisII. Social conflict
and tensionincreasesin directproportion to the sociodynamic differencebe-
tweenthe two matrices. (Who Shall Survive?,p. 70, 1934, First Edition,
and "Sociometryin Relationto OtherSocial Sciences",SOCIOMETRY, Vol. 1,
1937,pp. 212-215.) The phenomenon of this fundamental cleavagewas re-
discoveredby Joan Criswell ("A SociometricAnalysis of Negro-White
Groups",SociometricReview,1936) and furtherexploredby numerousin-
vestigators,GeorgeA. Lundbergand Mary Steele ("Social AttractionPat-
ternsin a Village",SOCIOMETRY, VOL.1, 1937,No. 4, p. 375), ShepherdWol-
man ("SociometricPlanningof a New Community",SOCIOMETRY, Vol. 1,
No. 1, 1937, p. 220), CharlesLoomis ("Sociometricsand the Studyof New
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 SCIENCE OF MAN 25

Rural Communities", SOCIOMETRY, Vol. 2, No. 1, 1939, p. 56), Lloyd W.

Warnerand Paul S. Hunt (The Social Life of a ModernCommunity, Yale
UniversityPress,Vol. I, Yankee City Series, 1941). For sociometrists the
cliquesand informalgroupswereonlythe "raw" materialsfromwhichmore
detailedand specificstructures werededuced. HypothesisIII. Every com-
munityconsists,besides of the primarygroups,of primary"structures"as
social atoms,social moleculesand interpersonal network.In primarystruc-
tures,certainlinks are unacquaintedwith those in more distantlinks but
can exertan influence by indirection(SOCIOMETRY, Vol. II, 1939,p. 2).
7) Sociometry of Communication-Hypothesis IV. Immediatecommu-
nication,fromindividualto individual,is the mostinfluential formof com-
munication.It is different fromthe communication effectsof mass media; it
is the matrixupon whichthe communication of mass mediaare based. The
growingfield of interpersonalcommunicationis based upon sociometric
principles.HypothesisV. The apparentlyinconsequential characterof im-
mediaterelationsbetweenindividualshave a powerful,distanteffectupon
the behaviorof individualsfar apart fromeach other. It affectstheircon-
duct in theirhomes,theirworkshops, in theirracial and sexual collectivities,
etc. It was the discoveryof the interpersonal, sociometricnetworkwhich
openedoureyesby showingus concretely, as ifunderthemicroscope, thefar-
reachingand cumulativedistanteffectsof immediateinterpersonal events.
(The discoveryof the interpersonal networkhas been firstdescribedin Who
Shall Survive?,FirstEdition,1934,pp. 256-265.) Througha studyof run-
aways and the spreadingof news and rumorstheyhave been classifiedin
the followingwords: "These networksare the kitchensof public opinion;
it is throughthesechannelsthat people affect,educate or disintegrate one
another. It is throughthese networksthat suggestionis transmitted"(p.
265). "The cause fortheirexistenceis the economicprincipleof producing
the greatesteffectwith the least effort"(p. 261). The next important
demonstration of the influenceof sociometricnetworkswas the study of
rumorsand theanalysisof themass purgesin SovietRussia. ("Foundations
of Sociometry",1941, SOCIOMETRY, Vol. IV, No. 1.) HypothesisVI. The
stars or key individuals,also called opinionleaders,play the part of ca-
talyzersand ferments in the interpersonalnetworksof communication. The
exponentsof development in thisarea have been Lazarsfeld,Lundbergand
Stewart(Paul F. Lazarsfeldand Hazel Godet,"Who Gets a Job?", Soci-
OMETRY, Vol. IV, 1941, No. 1, pp. 64-77; Frank Stewart,"A Sociometric
Studyof Influencein South Town", SOCIOMETRY, Vol. X, 1947, pp. 11-31,
and pp. 273-286; GeorgeA. Lundberg,"Marketingand Social Organization",
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26 SOCIOMETRY

CharlesCoolidgeParlin MemorialLecture,May 15, 1945; RobertK. Mer-

ton, "Patternsof Influence:A Study of InterpersonalInfluenceand of
Communications Behaviorin theLocal Community", in Lazarsfeldand Stan-
ton, Communication Research,Harpers,1948-1949.)
8) Sociometry in Education-The widestapplicationof sociometry has
been in education. The leadingexponentin this area has been Helen Jen-
nings,by polishingand adaptingthemto school situationsand advocating
their application (Sociometryin Group Relations, A Work Guide for
Teachers,AmericanCouncilon Education,Washington, D. C., 1948). Close
seconds to Jenningshave been Mary L. Northway,of the Universityof
Toronto,Instituteof Child Study, (A Primerof Sociometry, Universityof
TorontoPress,1953) and Merl E. Bonney,NorthTexas State College (The
Bonney-Fessenden Sociograph,CaliforniaTest Bureau, 1955).
9) Sociometry in Industry-Interpersonal relationsoperatingin an in-
dustrialsituationare relevantto productivity.HypothesisVII. This dis-
coverywas made duringthestudyof theHudsonworkshops(Who Shall Sur-
vive?, 1934,pp. 112-120). "They (the individuals)rejecteach otherin the
steam laundry,theirwork assignment.But in this situationtheirhostile
interaction towardseach otherhad the mostupsettingeffectupon the work
processand the cooperationof the groupas a whole,a fewtimesbringing
the workto a standstill."Roethlisberger and Dickson continuedand sup-
plementedin theirHawthorneexperiments the discoverymade in Hudson.
Since this discoverywas made, industrialsociologyhas repeatedlydemon-
stratedthe functionallink betweeninterpersonal relations,groupstructure
and productivity.
HypothesisVIII. Accidentpronenessin industryis a functionof the
sociometricstatus of the worker(see Who Shall Survive?,1934, p. 112).
Studiesby Speroff and Kerr reportedthat: "Accidentpronenessis inversely
correlatedwithchoicesreceived"(B. Speroff and W. Kerr,"Steel Mill 'Hot
Strip' Accidentsand InterpersonalDesirabilityValues", JournalClinical
Psychology,1952, 8, 89-91).
10) Sociometry in the ArmedForces-The importance of interpersonal
relationsin formalorganizations, as familyand industry, was firstpointed
out by meansof sociometric analysisin Who Shall Survive? Shortlyafter,
it was also pointedout forthearmedforces(J. L. Moreno,"The Advantages
of the SociometricApproachto Problemsof NationalDefense",SOCIOMETRY,
Vol. IV, 1941,pp. 384-391; Leslie D. Zeleny,"Selectionof CompatibleFly-
ing Partners",AmericanJournalof Sociology,LII: pp. 424-431, March,
1947; JohnG. Jenkins, "The NominatingTechniqueas a Methodof Evalu-
282

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 SCIENCE OF MAN 27

ating Air Group Morale", Journalof AviationMedicine,Vol. 19, No. 1,

February1948, pp. 12-19). This discoverywas made again by Jenkinsin
thearmedforcesunderinteresting circumstances; theproblemwas the social
structureof air groupsand "pickinggood combatpilots",in 1944, "so we
tookthe idea of the sociometric diagram,developedoriginally by the sociolo-
gist, Moreno,and plottedour available air groupsaccordingto his tech-
niques". The value of sociometric methodsfor the developmentof morale
to
and combatabilityled the specialArmyRegulation600-150"Overseas-
Four Man Team Replacement,1953" (Effecton Morale of InfantryTeam
Replacementand IndividualReplacementSystems",D-15-223-(00) by Per-
sonnelResearchBranch,PR and P Division,TAGO, ResearchMemorandum
53-26,August,1953). Upon mysuggestion theaccidentpronenesshypothesis
was followedup in the armed forces. The findingsrelatingsociometric
choicesto accidentpronenessin industrywereconfirmed in militarystudies:
"Measurementsinvolvingsociometricchoices constituteuseful indicators
of futuremilitaryproficiency."(Jane SrygleyMouton,RobertR. Blake and
BenjaminFruchter,"The Validityof SociometricResponses",SOCIOMETRY,
Vol. XVIII, No. 2, 1955.)
11) Reductionismin the SociometricResearch Design-We justly
criticizetheorieswhichreferthe explanationof humanbehaviorto a single
cause as sexualityor survivalof the fittestor identifying complexpatterns
of behavior,forinstance,of thehumanadultwiththatof infantsor animals.
But we are payinglittleattentionto a similarlygraveerror-the tendency
towardsreductionism in researchdesign. The "ask a (sociometric)question"
trendis one such fallacy-it has becomea widelyspread movement,this
"askinga question"fadhopingthatan adequate answerwillbe forthcoming.
Sociometrists made the importantdiscoverythat the groupingof any indi-
viduals,even of total strangers, has somedegreeof structure.It is however
notaltogether surprising;evenif theydo notknowone another,theybelong
to thesame cultureand speak the same language; even if theydo not speak
the same language,thereare non-verbal varietiesof communication: eye and
ear, sign and signal,gesture and physical contact. It was certainlycomfort-
ing to findout that asking a sociometricquestionof any group,even a
motleyof strangers, revealeda minimum sociometric structureof thisgroup,
significantly above chance. But this in turnhas led manyinvestigators to
neglect the consideration of the of
motivations the participants and their
telicsensitivity.A tacitassumptiondeveloped:thatthereis a fairlyreliable
universality about sociometric responsesand that,forinstance,in theprocess
of equatinggroupsof controlledstudies,askingsociometric questionsof the
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28 SOCIOMETRY

participantswho are unfocussedand unwarmedup is sufficient. This tend-

encyto reducesociometric questionnairesto thelevelof publicopinionques-
tionnairesis a deplorableregression in sociometric researchmorale. Lazars-
feldet al. pointedout that even in public opinionquestionnaires, interper-
sonal relationsand warmup to the substanceof the questionis of utmost
significance.
It is a commontrendin the techniqueof researchdesignto replacea
complicatedtechniqueby a simpleone if theresultsare of equal valence,for
instance,it would be an accomplishment to replacea criterion-linkedsocio-
metrictestby a simplequestionor a complicatedroleplayingtestby a casual
conversationamong unselectedstrangers.But this has neverbeen proven,
and it is notprobablethatit will. Meanwhilea laxityhas developed.Similar
to the "ask a sociometric question"fallacy,what may be called the "role
playing"fallacyis widelypracticed.A numberof peopleare placed together
to starta conversation about anythingtheywant,trustingtacitlythat also
here,becauseof certainuniversal, conservedtrendsin humanbehavior,some-
thingsignificant will come out of the conversation revealingtypicaltrends
of interaction, at least sufficiently
interestingto discussthe varioushypoth-
eses and hunchesand apply one's statisticalskillin the analysisof the data.
Now thereis no questionthat,in accordwithpsychodramatic tenets,entirely
unrehearseddialoguesbetweentotallyunselectedensemblesof strangersare
oftenrevealing.I have foundthis even to be so whenthe mediumof con-
versationwas "nonsenselanguage"and observingactorsengagedin a con-
versationthrougha screencan be usefulas an item in a systematicrole
playingresearch.But standingby itself,it is not only meaninglessbut it
reducesits participantsto guineapigs. The virtueof roleplayingtestsis to
arouse the spontaneityand adequate participationof the actors to a
maximum.

CRITICISMS
CONCERNING ANDTHE SOCIOMETRIC
OF SOCIOMETRY MOVEMENT
MOTTO:Everyoneis a prophetin his own book but
no one is a prophetin thebookof theother.
I take this opportunity to answera numberof criticismswhichhave
been made of sociometryand the sociometricmovementin the course of
years. As some of the moreimportantcriticisms have been directedat me
and my work,I will use themas the frameof reference formy comments.
I have been the objectof thehighestpraiseas well as of violentdisapproval
and of manyshades betweenthesetwo extremes.Because of the wholesale
of hundredsof other investigators
identification with my own immediate
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 SCIENCE OF MAN 29

work,I will take the opportunity to clarifyalso theirown positionin the

fieldin a fewcases althoughI am certainthatmanywilldo it forthemselves,
and betterthan I could. ThereforeI will selectfromthe variouscriticisms
of sociometry a numberof typicalreviews.
I refer The Studyof thePrimaryGroup,by EdwardA. Shils (Daniel
to
Lernerand Harold D. Lasswell (eds.), The Policy Sciences,StamfordUni-
versityPress, 1951, pp. 44-69. I would like firstto make a fewcorrections
of facts. Shils reportsthat (a) thesociometric test,in myoriginalopus,was
limitedto the positivechoice process (p. 52, op. cited). Actually,it in-
cluded negativechoicesas well as indifference responses;I insistedon the
assessmentfordefiningan individual's
total attraction-rejection-indifference
sociometric status (Who Shall Survive?,p. 78; all references are made from
the FirstEdition,1934). (b) He reportsthat the originaltestwas limited
to fivechoices (p. 52, op. cited). Actually,the techniqueused in one re-
searchtwo choices (pp. 13-28)-in another,fivechoices (pp. 69-96); and
it was suggestedthatthespontaneity of theindividualshouldgo to thelimit;
I insisted(p. 94) that "the ideal conditionsfor this experimental study
shouldprovideforunrestrained exerciseof choice". (c) Contraryto Shils,
it is in the course of these studies that the "acquaintancevolume",the
"emotionalexpansiveness"of each person was discovered(pp. 134-141).
(d) He gives the impressionas if the only methodof recordingused was
a sociogram.Actuallythe sociogramwas always supplemented by a socio-
matrixof everyindividualrecording his choices,rejections,and indifferences
(pp. 80-84). He arguesthat"the sociogramhas not thusfarbeen developed
to thepointwhereit is usefulforgeneralanalyticpurposes". The literature
shows,on the contrary,that the sociogramhas shown potentialitiesfor
analyticaims morethan any othersociometric instrument to date, at least
whenused by me. I discoveredby meansof the sociogramthe"cleavage" in
groups,the "social atom",the "interpersonal network",themainsociometric
types of "leadership","group cohesiveness",the sociosexualevolutionof
groups,the sociodynamiceffect,etc. Loomis has discoveredby means of
the sociogramthe special groupsof "movers"and "stayers"in resettlement
communities (see SOCIOMETRY, VolumeII, 1939,pp. 56-76). I do not know
of any othersocial instrument whichhas done so much for the studyof
primary-group structureas the sociogramhas. The sociogramhas been de-
velopedintonew formssincemyintroduction of it: 1) thetargetdiagramby
Northway, 2) Bronfenbrenner's adaptation (SOCIOMETRY, VolumeVII, 1944),
3) Chapin's three-dimensional sociogram(Social Forces,1950), 4) themulti-
ple criteriasociogram, in whichall criteriaaroundwhichan individual'srela-
285

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30 SOCIOMETRY

tionships revolveare considered, 5) studyoflongitudinal seriesofsociograms as

well as 6) psychologicalgeographies of entire communities. (e) He says
(p. 53, op. cited) about the sociometric techniquethat "it does not record
actual association;it does not describe actions: it does notprovidea picture
of the actuallyexistinggroup relations and group tensionsin a concrete
situation.To disclosethe latter,it would be necessaryat least to compare
the resultof the sociometric testwithobservations of the actual behaviorof
the groupmembers;thenthe discrepancies betweenthe actual and the pre-
ferredclustersof associationmightgivesomeclue to theextentand natureof
thecleavagesin thegroupstructure."This statement disregards thechapters
on "Organizationand Conduct" (pp. 196-201) and "The Psychological
Home" (pp. 201-208) in whichthe actual behaviorof the groupmembersis
describedand comparedwiththe resultof the sociometric test. Indeed,it is
in totalcontradiction to the entiredirectionof the book in whichthe actual
behaviorof individualswithinthe life situationsis continuouslyweighed
againsttheirresponsesto the sociometric tests. I statedemphatically in my
firstofficialintroduction of "sociometry"in the journal: "The firstdecisive
step in the developmentof sociometrywas the disclosureof the actual
(italics here) organizationof a group" (SOCIOMETRY, Volume I, p. 211).
The supplementation of the sociometric test,not onlyby interviews, but by
spontaneity and roletesting,is anotherillustration of theeffort made to con-
frontthebehaviorand themotivations of theindividualstestedwiththetest
results.To reinforce thispointofview,I had deviseda specialtest"it consists
in lettingthemembersof the groupchoosetheirneighbors at thediningtable.
The choices and motivationsgiven are then "compared"with the actual
seatingorderthemembershad at thetime"(p. 429, Who Shall Survive?;see
fora complete description ofthistestSociometric Review,1936,pp. 26-30). (f)
He reportsthat "the pure sociometrists still restrictthemselvesto ele-
mentarychoicesand rejections."May I point out that my Germanbook
Das Stegreiftheater(1923) contained spontaneous-interaction diagrams
which depict exclusivelyactual instead of preferred associations. I had
of
describedtherethistypeof matrixwithnumerousillustrations interaction
diagramsshowingconcretegroup situations;I have presentedsuch inter-
actiondiagramsalso in my firstAmericanbook on groupproceduresin an
effortto depict the interactions of childrenand adults (Applicationof the
GroupMethod to Classification, National Committeeon Prisonsand Prison
Labor, New York, 1933, p. 103). "The diagramswere our firstattempts
and seem to be the firstin this direction-topresentthrougha systemof
coordinationthe interrelationships of a numberof personsduringa course
286

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 SCIENCE OF MAN 31

of interaction.The timerelationsare indicatedby the abscissa,the affects

projectedsimultaneously by each memberof the groupare indicatedon the
ordinate. Thus the diagrampresents,on one hand, a seriesof severalin-
dividual picturespermittinga surveyof the various states followingin
sequence; and on theotherhand,theindividualpicturesas placed one above
the othermake it possible to distinguishwhat state of one person runs
parallelwitha state of anotherperson,that is, what are the pointsof co-
ordinationwithinthe group". (g) Shils reportsfurther"Moreno'sown re-
searchesduringhis 'sociometric' phase werenot particularly orientedtoward
problemsof primary-group structure"(p. 53, op. cited). Here the author
apparentlyis ignorantof the situationat Hudson; if the cottagegroupsof
25 to 35 girls,livingwith a housemother in a most intimateface-to-face
relationand theworkshops with10 to 15 girlsworkingundera foremanare
not primarygroups,I do not knowwhatprimarygroupsare. Everysocio-
gram of this communityin Who Shall Survive? representedan intensive
studyof primary-group indeedwithoutparallelin theentirelitera-
structure,
tureof sociology. (h) The writer,whentryingto assess sociometric theory
says: "Moreno's conceptualscheme (which designatesattitudesand dis-
positionsas "tele" and groupsituationsas "atoms") . . . ". The writercalls
"tele" an attitudeand identifies groupsituationswithatoms,whichis obvi-
ously an inaccuratereportingof these sociometricconcepts. (Reading, in
additionto Who Shall Survive?,"SociometricStatisticsof Sociometric Con-
figurations", SOCIOMETRY, Volume I, 1937, may have given him a better
orientation.) (i) The writerreportsthat I have divertedin recentyears
my attentionfromanalyticempiricalresearchto psychodramaand socio-
drama,implying that theyare not analyticaland empiricaland that I have
changedthe directionof my interest.Actually,psychodramatic experiments
are not less or moreanalyticaland empiricalthan sociometrictests; they
have been myearliestpreoccupation since 1911 and werecarriedout parallel
and simultaneously withmy sociometric research(referto WhoShallSur-
vive?psychodramaand sociodramatests); both ventureshave consistently
retainedmy fullestinterest.(j) The writergives the impressionthat the
techniqueof recordingverbatimthe interactions occurringin interviewand
dramaticsituationshas been introduced by othersand thatI have neglected
to use it; it has actuallybeenproposedby me as earlyas 1931 (Applicationof
the Group Method to Classification, pp. 16-18) and practicedever since.
(See also Who Shall Survive?in whichactual protocolsof psychodrama and
spontaneitytests are published,1934, pp. 170-96.) Dozens of protocols
have been published;hundredsof unpublishedtape recordingsare in the
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32 SOCIOMETRY

filesof the SociometricInstitute.Many psychologists and psychotherapists,

like Carl Rogersand others,have followedmy plan of recording interviews
in orderto improvetheobjectivescientific of analyzingprimary-
possibilities
grouprelations.(k) He is notawarethatI coinedtheterm"grouptherapy",
formulatedits conceptand developedits firstmethods. (Who Shall Sur-
vive?- "Group therapytreatsnot only the individualwho is the focusof
attentionbecause of maladjustment but the wholegroupof individualswho
are interrelatedto himin the community", 1934,p. 301.)
Consideringthis long arrayof inaccuratereporting of factsin a paper
whosevirtueshouldbe accuracyand honestaccounting, I have come to the
conclusionthatEdward A. Shils "neverread" Who Shall Survive? It is un-
fortunate becausehis surveyhas spreaddistortedand incompleteviewsand
has been copiedby manyothersautomaticallyas if it wouldbe an authori-
tativeaccount. Apparentlyhe reportedfromarticleshe had read "about"
Who Shall Survive?and fromwhathe has heardpeoplesay about thebook.
He took theirreportsfor grantedinsteadof readingthe originalsource.
Scientific"digests"can be of greatvalue forthedevelopment of a newscience
but theycan also do greatharmto it. The least one could expectfroma
surveyanalystis thathe reads the literaturehe surveys;nobodydenieshim
the rightto his ownpersonalbias as to whathe considersvaluableor not.
It givesme pleasureto pass fromthe pretentiousbut poorlyinformed
surveyof Shils to such scholarly,encouragingand productivecriticismsas
the ones fromvon Wiese, Gurvitchand Znaniecki.
Von Wiese writesabout sociometry(Klner Zeitschrift fur Soziologie,
1948-49,Heft I): "The processesof approachesand withdrawalappear to
be forMorenoof an exclusivelyemotionalcharacter.They take place in
the psyche of men; the realm of psychologyis not abandoned. All his
studiesand postulatesimplythat the social and the psychicare one and
the same." It is interesting that Gurvitchaccuses von Wiese of the same
deficiency."It could be asked whetherthe sociometricconceptof social
realityhas gone much beyond the intermentalinterpretation by Gabriel
Tarde, Georg Simmeland Leopold von Wiese . . . while neglectingthe
'collectivepsychology'proper." (Gurvitch:"Microsociologyand Sociome-
try",Sociometryin France and the U. S., 1950, p. 11). Contraryto von
Wiese's claim, I have pointedout repeatedlythat emotionsare only one
factordetermining the structureof interpersonal relationsand that objec-
tive criteria,needs, values, aims, skills, competenciesare indispensable
parts of a sociometricprocedure.Let me quote here from"Sociometryin
Relation to Other Social Sciences",my officialpaper in the firstissue of
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 SCIENCE OF MAN 33

SOCIOMETRY, VolumeI, 1937,page 211: "The firstdecisivestep in the de-

velopmentof sociometry was the disclosureof the actual organizationof a
group. The second decisivestep was the inclusionof subjectivemeasures
in determining this organization.The thirddecisive step was a method
whichgives to subjectivetermsthe highestpossible degreeof objectivity,
throughthe functionof the auxiliaryego. The fourthdecisivestep was the
consideration of the criterion(a need,a value, an aim, etc.) aroundwhich
a particularstructuredevelops. The true organizationof a group can be
disclosedif the testis constructedin accordwiththe criterion aroundwhich
it is built. For instance,if we want to determinethe structureof a work
group,the criterionis theirrelationship as workersin the factory,and not
the replyto a questionregardingwith whom they would like to go out
forluncheon."The precedentof the actual structureof the groupto which
subjectivitydata are added is here clearlyindicated. I am generallyre-
garded as having differentiated with greateremphasisthan anyone pre-
viouslybetweenthe structureof the individualpsycheand groupstructure
on the basis of empiricalevidence,overcomingthe deficiencies of psycho-
analysis. And herecomesvon Wiese and says in all earnestnessthatI have
done nothingof the sort,that for me everything takes place in the indi-
vidual psyche. Could it be that this misunderstanding comesfromthe fact
that von Wiese, like Gurvitch,is primarilya "system"-theoretician look-
ing habituallyat the Grammarand Logic of presentation ratherthan upon
the inventions, operationsand experiments whicha man is producing?He
did not take into accountthe greatrole whichthe culturaland social con-
serves are given throughoutmy work from its earliest appearance on
(1918). Could one imaginethat culturalconservelike social institutions,
books and robotsare exclusivelyin the psycheof men,in the realmof sub-
jectivityas von Wiese suggests?In his introduction to the GermanEdition
of Who Shall Survive? (Die Grundlagender Soziometrie),he goes even be-
yond thisby contrasting me withEmil Durkheim."Durkheim,who repre-
sents sociologismin its most extremeform,rejectedpsychologyentirely
as the foundationof sociology. But Moreno does just the opposite. One
can considerhim as the extremerepresentative of psychologism. . . . Just
in betweenthesetwo extremesis my own scienceof humanrelations."But
Gurvitchscoldedvon Wiese that he, too, neglectsthe collectivepsychology
proper. Who is righthere? Who is playingcollectivity up more? Are we
perhapsquibblingover words? It occursto me that perhapseach of us-
von Wiese, Gurvitchand Moreno-with all regardwe have foreach other,
have a distortedperceptionof each other'swork and may profitfroma
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 34 SOCIOMETRY

psychodramatic session,beingforcedto face each other'sideas on an oper-

ational level, robbed of our beloved semantics.Everyoneis a prophetin
his own book,but no one is a prophetin the book of the other.
In his admirablecritiqueof sociometry"Microsociologyand Sociome-
try",Sociometry in France and in the U. S., Beacon House, 1950, Gurvitch
pursues systematically the definitionswhich I have given to the "social
atom" from1934 to 1947, showinginconsistencies in my definitions.In
1941, he criticizedme for using the term"projection"in the definition as
this suggests"a latent subjectivity"to the concept. It looked as if the
social atom would be a measlyproductof interpersonal relations;I should
have penetratedbehindthem"into the basic sphereof the We" in order
to defineit as a collectiveconcept. A fewyearslater,in 1943,he findsthat
I have done this at last by "takingadvantageof the conceptssocial roles
and culturalatoms",but that I did not fail to slip again threeyearslater,
in 1946 (Psychodrama,Volume I), etc. Certain inconsistenciesin the
definition of termsare unavoidablein a growingyoungscience,rigidityof
definition is perhapsa greatersin.
Znaniecki'sargument(Sociometry,Volume VI, 1943, pp. 225-233),
after showinga high sense of appreciationfor the sociometricmethod,
is "that a social system, once organized,loses its original dynamic
characterand becomesa 'stereotyped end product'parallel to the 'cultural
conservestage in a workof art'." This is a finepoint to bringforthbut
I have not meantto implythat the creativepotentialof a social institution,
for instance,of a marriage,comes to a dead end just because it is old
and lived out. I have repeatedlydemonstratedthat culturaland social
conservescan be vitalizedand rejuvenatedin proportionas the factorof
spontaneityentersinto and bringsit to a freshstart. I say in the same
paper fromwhichZnanieckiquotes: "It is not to be assumed,however,
thatprocessesof humanrelationscease to existwhena culturalconserveor
a stereotypedrelationshipentersthe picture. In eithercase, a new social
situationis begun whichrequiresspecial methodsof investigation."It is
amusing,Znanieckisays about the same thingin his critique-we appar-
entlyagree. "For the majorityof couples,indeed,marriagestill remains
"the grave of love", as it was at the time of the troubadours-butnot
because the love relationbecomes"stereotyped", simplybecause it ceases to
exist: a relationof a very different logical class, with different
standards
and norms,is formedinstead."
Longitudinalstudiesof marriagesfromtheirstatunascendiin thedating
and going-steady throughthe engagementand matrimonial period and so
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 SCIENCE OF MAN 35

on to theirorganizedend formsare requiredin orderto determine(a) the

risingand fallingof creativityin the relationship of two partnersand (b)
the stabilityof theirinterpersonal relations; (c) the adequacy and appro-
priatenessof the mannerin whichthey performtowardseach other,(d)
theirrange of roles and productivity in them-the sexual and lover role,
the providerrole, the role of the emotionalcompanion,the role of the
financialpartner,the role of fatherand motherwhen childrenenter the
picture,the role of worshipperor host,of homemakerand intellectualcom-
panion-all theseand otherfactorsmustbe assessed in orderto determine
the "creativityquotient"of an ongoingmarriagesituation. Only careful
investigationof a largesampleof marriagesfromthe pointof view of their
spontaneity, creativityand role functioning can prove or disprovemy hy-
pothesisthat marriages,as do othersocial systems,give in statu nascendi
the best basis forunderstanding theirstructureand that the more the in-
vestigatorloses contactwiththe statusnascendiof a social system,themore
he loses contactwithits crucialportent.I continuedmy critiquewiththe
words: "The social scienceshave been too much preoccupiedwith studies
of processesafterthey have become cold. The status nascendihas been
neglected.Most of the studiesof man-womanrelationships occurwhenthe
anti-climaxhas been reached-when the flowof feelingbetweenthe man
and woman has dried up and the love which broughtthem togetheris
over."3

SOME FACTSABOUTSOCIOMETRY
The journal SOCIOMETRY is now in its twentiethyear of publication,
countingin The SociometricReview, its forerunner, whichwas published
in February1936. The AmericanSociologicalReview was foundedin the
same year as the organof the AmericanSociologicalSociety. It is an inter-
in origin,shouldhave
estingcoincidencethat the two journals,so different
startedin the same year and destinedto becomeboth officialjournals of
the AmericanSociologicalSociety.
The SociometricReview was headed by an AdvisoryResearch Board

3 "PsychodramaticTreatment of Marriage Problems", SOCIOMETRY, Vol. III, 1940;

Leona Kerstetter,"Role Testing for Marriage Prediction", Sociatry, Vol. I; "Psycho-
drama of a Marital Couple", Sociatry, Vol. II, 1948, pp. 103-120.

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