Ηπειρωτική Εστία. Τεύχ. 243-244. 1972 (1)

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PRIZE
ACADEMY OF ATHENS
THESE ETC
MONTHLY INSPECTION
JANINA
ISSUE 243 * 244 I P n L Ir \

PROPERTY I—D1RESPONSIBLE Departmental Committee 6Khiz
MIX. CHAR. MANOS ARSENIS GERONTIKOS
PUBLIC RED » *C1TA TAKIS SIOMOPOULOS
CON. PHOTOPOULOS
MONTHLY INSPECTIONS IN IOANNINIS

STNDROMAI Domestic: Corresponding Members of the Committee
Year Drach. 200.— Legal Entities, Organizations,
L. I. VRANOTSIS (Aoinai)
Banks Drach. 300.— Foreign
Year Dollar. 10.— or British Pound 4.— Six FEDERAT IO N
HRTS. ZITSAIA (Thessalonians)
INT ÿ RNAT IO NALE dc la P rcw
months etc. (considering)
P crtodlque MIX. PERANTHIS (Aoinai) TAKIS
AtEONHt OMOinONOtA
PEDESTRIAN TYPE
TSIAKOS (Athens)
Issue price Drach. 50.— NIKOS TENTAS (Thess/victory)
Remittances: "EPIROTIKIN ESTIAN" Smyrni Street no. P , Ioannina, Tel. 26,659
CONTENTS
Auseni Gerontikou Henry :

Paternity Search (article) p. 401
Holland i translation:
Pi . Karagiorgou) Aem. :
The Ioannina of 1821 (historical travelogue) » 405
Tr. Papazisi Donald M. Nieol :
Salaries of teachers during the Turkish occupation » 413
(transl.): GI. Lefka) Steliou K.
Siomopoulou Kon. :
The Despotate of Epirus (ist. treatise) » 422
Ganiatsa :
The destruction of Epirus by the Romans » 436
:
Herbs - Medicine - Kobogiannitai (scientific folklore)
» 445
Jose Ortega Y Gasset (translation: Mar.
Roussou) Arsenis Gerontikos :
The uprising of the masses (essay) The » 464
Costas Nikolaidis Nikos A. :
new theater (essay) From the » 486
Tenta Luigi Fiorentino :
foreign spirit. life (ital. texts) E na song (poem) » 49(
(translation: Dim. : » 49$
Skomopoulou)
:
Lament of the Vietnamese woman - The dream
of Odysseus (poems) » 49
Lucia Poli (translation: Dim.
Siomipoulou) :
Grief (poem) » 49
Salvatore Quasimodo (translation: L.
Malama) :
The old man - winter — And it's sudden in the evening —
My insatiable open hand (poems) Children's park (poem) » 49
Hiccol. Vardari :
Calm in the Ionian Sea (poem) » 41
Kostas Zotou » 4'
Eugen Vesnin (intro and
translation: Antonio Alecci) : Corfu — Festival on the island of Thira —
From the shores of Lesbos (poems) » 4'
Aafontaine (translation: A.
Gerontiko) TI funeral of Leaina (poem) » 5
:
’
Dim. Lenzi What happens (poem) » 5
Spyros Kyriazopoulos The public - Leaves of Chloe - 'Invention (poems) » 5
:
Tivoullou (introduction - translation by

Vas. I. Lazana) Or the second elegy of the first book » [
:
A FEW MONTHS IN MIINL: Notes: Aoinagoras 6 L' (K. Fotoponlou) — In Ao

they saw A' (D. Kokkinou) — The Neoell Symposium. Harvard Studies (M. V. Raixi) Report
of the 1G. Vrellis - Book Criticism: Gorgou M. Economou: "E* short stories" - Chrys.
Zitsaias: "Cypriot women of letters" — Emm. Protopsalti: "Homeland History of Greece.
Revolutionaries of 1821", "Thoughts and anointings on the Holy Round of 1821 " (L.
Kokkini") — Panou Karaoia: "Constellations" (I.G. Theohari) — Katsigianni: "Exercise of
self-design" (Milt. Tsirka) — Technocriticism: The stops of Lodoini (A , Kokkinou) —
National Theater (Milt. Cirka) — The Stratis Exhibition (A. Kokkinou) —ÿ Books and
periodicals we received.
DIRECTORS: Office: D. Kokkinos — Meletiou Geografou, 51 - Ioannina
—«~/><tAeiu: F. V. Bamttousis — G. Divoli, 15 (A. Tumtta) - Thes)1
BfXBei ON KOHNttJN
E T O S K A' ·
IO Y LIO S -A Y G O U S T O S 1972 ·
T E Y H O S 243 · 244
MALE OF GERONTIKO
SEARCH OF PATERNITY
The topic: "The Greek Prefecture" is always alive in our country, and this is
something that should comfort the desperate and the pessimistic. For this wonderful
text, which is timely as a divine sermon, and wonderful as a disturber of drugged
souls, has shown — so much has been read since the day that good will and love for
the people dug it out of the pit where they had it bury humble interests -, that there are
still masses of people in this place, who always retain in the depths of their being, in a
static state, a rich emotion for the wonderful supra-atomic concept called Hellenism.
The book was read and is being read a lot. It moved both thought and emotion,
that is, it also gave birth to the reasoning process, which fights for finding the truth and
the fair placement of people and institutions in the flow of history, but at the same time
also the honest indignation for the preeminence of individual interests in the struggle
for the existence of an entire people. So it is a valuable book. For this, national gratitude
is owed to all those who have cooperated to no end - and only their own conscience
knows this - in its creation. It also seems to me that G. Valleta's edition should be
especially praised. Solution or version is truly monumental. She was created by the
indefatigable research and the honest passion for the nation, our little "Ethnos the
eizeon", whose body was never closed by the Sympligades, and thus always manages
to survive even under the eyes of Scylla and Charybdis.
Its author is always Anonymous, the Greek. But because this man once had a
name and walked our world, and because his work honors the written word of all
people, because it was not organized in an office, it sprouted in me from the depths of
a great and honest soul, it is very logical to struggle to find his mark, to
! let him be named and honored and he and the seed that gave him to the "Nation.
402 "CONTINENTAL HOME"
Many attempts to locate them were made, and are still being made. The
names have been prefixed: Ioannis Paschalis, Donas, Spachos, Kalaras,
Kolettis, Doukas, Perraivos and, finally, Psalidas and Christaris. And this very
constant breaking into new ports is a serious indication that none of the answers
have been definitive, not to say conclusive. Of course, such researchers are
also determined by their efforts and their zeal and almost always by their
intentions. And I say almost always, because in the latter case it is possible
that the tail of the devil intervenes, that is, if the researcher, consciously or not,
wishes to serve local desires, family ambitions or his personal promotion. Then
he exaggerates the importance of the positive elements that the research
provides and pretends not to see the negative ones. This is especially the case
when he serves a sick prefect, that is, when he does not start with the decision
to find the author of the Prefecture after a thorough and impartial investigation,
but with the decision to force the investigation to stop at the person whom he
ron and with purely individual criteria, he has pointed out.
However, this is also how the truth is distorted and the researcher prepares
for himself many and not pleasant blows.
To'jpa, because I believe that it is necessary to acquire the Anonymous
and to be honored as a specific person, as a rare human unit, I think that we
should rely less on correspondence, archival research, oral traditions, that is,
on d what others tell us about him, and more so what he himself says about
himself, not directly, because this truly great ascetic figure never narcissizes,
but indirectly, with his style, with his spelling , with the expressions he prefers,
with his ideas, with the general picture of his education, with his basic interests
and above all with his morals* this wonderful moral, the so rare, - not only in our
country - that governs incorruptible and full of guileless passion, every line. Only
the study of this O gives the basic psychological indications, which, after being
submitted to the scientific control, that is, after passing through the filter of the
written sources of the time, of the author, they will perhaps leave, on the mesh
of this filter, the One, where he wrote the Prefecture. A serious psychological
study of the work will also have another very important result: it will prevent
enthusiasts from resorting to easy answers. The time of publication of the
book: 1806, the heavy didactic tone, the always advisory color, which covers
his indignation, the breadth of his knowledge, show a man mature at the time
of publication and certainly very advanced in years When our national revolution
ended, especially a time when the average life expectancy was much lower
than fire. This also explains his disappearance from the political and social life
of the country after the liberation, a disappearance that is certainly due to his
final departure from the scene of this world. And these data exclude from the
list of candidates for the title of the writer of the Prefecture, such as those whose
age would not allow them to write it and possibly those who did not live to the
end of their age. However, there are also many other areas, where
"CONTINENTAL
a clearing effort would make us realize that very often we act on a simple and
absurd abduction, and then the absurdity of the reasoning, which should serve
as a springboard to jump to the truth, we make it a strong cordon and consider
it as a final solution .
Here are some other areas where the study will automatically exclude
some of the candidates for the fatherhood of the Prefecture. The devotion of
its author to Rigas Velespnlis, or his revolutionary drive, his saturation with the
sermons of the enlightenment, which he saw in the breaking of the Legal
Classes and the rendering to every person of human indignity and especially
or his serious anchor in problems of Political Economy, of the essentially newly
born science at that time, for this reason I think that they exclude the candidates
who lived their lives and acted within the Hellenism of Eastern Europe, or the
Turkish Empire, and especially the consecrated or the teachers devoted to
classical letters. Many of them are certainly worthy of honor and gratitude,
because they selflessly and stubbornly served the Nation, offering it their
education and their superior morals. However, their serious immersion in
classical letters distanced them from the burning issues of the time and from
the painstaking efforts of the science and philosophy of their time to find the
meaning of the great upheavals that characterized the times that gave birth to
Nomar -hia. Its author, despite his flashbacks to the Ancients, is clearly a man
of his time. persistent, militant and committed to the set of practical goals that
gave birth to its new ideology. But his style itself, even his spelling, do not
resemble orthodox creations of meticulous lovers of phrasal perfection. So for
me, at least, from the list of candidate fathers of the Prefecture, those who
treated the education of the time should be excluded. even when they are or
are considered teachers of the Genus. Anonymous the Greek was a practical
man who was only interested in the present. There is now another more
important criterion, which will help clarify our hypothesis: it is the criterion of
ethics. This diamond-like and unique ethos, which lights up the pages of the
Prefecture, should from the first moment be the litmus test for all researchers.
The ethos of the 'Anonymous' excludes from the list of possible creators of the
crime those who, after them, whether they were private or public men, would
not allow them to fit within the contexts that this ethos commanded its bearer,
nor can anyone assert that this brilliant metal could be cast in any mold and
change form according to the requirements of the moment. This mature man -
and such was certainly the author of the Prefecture at the time he wrote it -
would, I believe, have been impossible for him to be alienated from his sacred
passion for the Nation and to sell it later to small individual interests or lust for
viewing. He who has played with unwavering moral standards by reaching the
age of maturity, does not degrade or waste himself, in vain and meaningless
senile loves, nor does he look to climb like a monkey to the top of the political
hierarchy, nor to submit to the lust for wealth
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and quietness of his conscience, requests and flexibility of his spinal column.
Regardless of Procopius' intrinsic value as a historian, Anonymous the Greek
could never write a history like the old Byzantine one, a history reminiscent of
the two-faced Ianus, to exaggerate and hawk, e.g. Justin in his main historical
work, and to wash behind the scenes of the "Anecdotes" with plenty of
detergents of all his virtues this wretched now "Grave-digger" who suddenly
became "supernaturally stupid and above all known and who fell to the bridle
pull. often among the inhabitants of the villages". Such parallel and completely
contradictory assessments, I believe, could not have come from the pen of a
man like the one whose name we are now looking for, nor could they become
the guide of his behavior towards our perishable world. I therefore believe
that, together with the age and the literary style, the morals of this person
should become the driving force not only in the research for the definitive
identification, but also in the effort to revise certain solutions from those that
have been proposed. Especially in the revision effort. And when those who,
due to age or morals, cannot have written the controversial book are excluded
from the list of candidates, then the style will remain as a guide for the final
selection. "Le style c* est Fhomme meme" said Buffon and this is the most
serious thing he said in his life. If we start from the legitimate assumption, that
the man who wrote the Prefecture, that is, a man gifted with the qualities of a
real author, will certainly have left many other examples of writing, or a careful
comparison of his text with corresponding texts of the time of him and his
circle, that is, the circle of people, who with real passion planned and prepared
the fight for Independence, it is almost certain that he will give an answer to
the disputed question. Only the comparison of texts of the time, published or
not, with the Greek Prefecture, that is, with its orthography, the richness of its
expressive means, its own vocabulary, the idiosyncrasies of its syntax, etc.,
only this opposition will isolate you within the relatively limited circle of people
who wrote the great anoma we are looking for: This personality who is a wise
mixture of a fighter and a theoretical person. The work will require great
efforts, great patience and rare special training, and, perhaps, collective effort,
because it is likely to exceed the strength of one man. But the old man of this
fight will be valuable. Why will he set before us a figure who for one hundred
and sixty two years, dominated by righteous indignation and holy desire, for
the advancement of the Nation, gave our people one of the most timely texts
ever written in human language as a battlefield trumpeting and as a request
for justice.
ARSENIS GERONTIKOS
HENRY HOLLAND
THE YANNENA OF 1812

(Impressions of an English tourist who visited our place)
Translated by PANOS KARAGIORGOS
The interest of foreigners to visit our country is not a recent phenomenon. It existed in
the earlier years as well, but on a smaller scale, because the means were lacking. 100 or
150 years ago, a trip to a foreign country was not an easy thing. Those who came to our
homeland as tourists were either people steeped in classical education and had made it
their "tama" to see the land of the gods, or nature lovers incurable by the passion of travel,
or warm philhellenes motivated by a higher ideal for them to fight alongside our ancestors
for our country to gain its freedom. Of course, there were also those who served the political
interests of foreign governments.
Among these foreign travelers, almost forgotten, is Henry Holland* who visited Greece
at the beginning of the last century. The fruit of his tour was a two-volume book with about
800 pages that was published in London in 1814 and in a second edition in 1819. Two
years after its first edition, it was also translated into German. The title of the book is: "Tours
in the Ionian Islands, Albania, Thessaly, Macedonia, etc. during the years 1812 and 1813,
under Henry Holland, Physician, member of the Royal Society". This book, rare today, is a
valuable source of information about our country at that time.
Holland was a doctor and, in addition to being gifted with literary talent and keen
observation, he also had a profound classical education. In his travelogue he gives us a
clear picture of life, of the era and describes not only nature, but also people. In his preface
he says that "the interest that the world now has in Greece is not simply related to ancient
times, but also concerns the future state of a people that is resuming the life of its national
character where time and political changes maybe they will raise him again to complete
independence". Prophetic words, one would say, because in 7 years since he wrote them,
in 1821, the Cariophiles of the Revolution thundered for independence. As if the English
traveler had guessed the smoldering fire of the uprising.
*0 Holland* was born in England in 1788 when he came to our country he was only 24
years old. "He left his homeland and in the company of a friend, fascinated by Lord Byron's
descriptions, arrived at Ioannina at the end of October 1812, after first passing through
Portugal, Gibraltar, Sicily, Zakynthos, Ke -fallinia, Ithaca, Lefkada, Preveza, "Arta. In
Ioannina, he was hosted in the house of pre-eminent Michael Misios and was received by
Ali Pssa, 6 who asked to examine him. Later, Alice suggested that he hire him as his private
doctor,
*
More biographical information about Holland was published by Professor H. I. E. Anastasiou in issue 188 (1987) p. 5L0, of the
"Continental Home".
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without, however, being a non- entity. However, he managed to send him through Katara to
Larissa, when Veli Pasha's son had his headquarters to examine him as well. It is worth
quoting the text of the order here:
"'From the Supreme Vizier Ali Pasha.

Orders to the Voivodes, Agades, Bouloubasides, Dervenagades, Priors of the
cities and regions where these two English My-lords, my friends, are presented, to see
that no one harms them even in the slightest. Also treat them with every kind of
hospitality in whatever they need without letting them suffer from lack of comfort. And if
they need people for their safe passage through the country, give them immediately.
Finally, to arrange things so that they will be satisfied by all of you. Otherwise, if they
complain to me that you did not treat them with the proper hospitality or that you did not
give them people for their safe passage, you should know that I cannot make any
excuses.
Ioannina, (signature)
"Wherever they stay, it is your duty to receive them, to give them comfort and to
serve them in whatever they desire, without suffering the slightest lack of comfort,
otherwise they will not be pleased with you."
Below we give in translation two chapters from the very interesting book of the "English
traveller", which refer to Ioannina.
P. K.
We had already stayed about two hours at the house of our new host,
Misios, when the Greek secretary Kolovos visited us to welcome us to Ioannina
and to inform us of the intention of the Vizier to receive us at Serai the
following spring. We found Kolovos to be around 50 to 60, with very calm
manners and attractive in appearance and conversation. He spoke French,
Italian, and German fluently, and his visit that evening somewhat facilitated
our communication with our host's family, who had hitherto been at a loss for
conversation. Mr. Kolovos had only just left the house, when they brought us
dinner, which consisted of several dishes with meat and pasta, on a round
copper pan placed on a large wooden seat. The family did not take part in
this meal, but we were joined by a young Greek, a merchant from Ioannina,
who, as we learned later, was engaged to the eldest daughter of our host.
This young man, whose name was Ioannis Mellas, had traveled a lot in
Germany and Russia, spoke European languages quite well and was very
endearing to us with his pleasant manners and excellent information. After
dinner, one or two other Greeks joined our club. They brought us Turkish
hookahs and, sitting on the "basis" of the room, we continued to smoke until
nightfall. The novelty of this scene, which occurred immediately after our entry
into the capital of Ali Pasha, is self-evident that it greatly pleased us.
"CONTINENTAL HOME" 407
The morning of the 1st of November (1812) was very interesting for us in
making the acquaintance of this great man. At ten o'clock Kolovos came again
to tell us that the Vizier was ready to receive us in audience, and in a little
while two white horses of hourly appearance and brilliantly saddled in the
Turkish fashion were brought to us from the Serai. They were held by two
Albanian soldiers, similarly richly dressed and armed. Mounted on horseback,
and while a Turkish officer led the way with an ornamental rod in his hand, we ;
advanced slowly and in solemn procession through

through the middle of the town to the great Serai which is built in the southern .
part of it, and a little more than half a mile from where we lived. On our way
there we passed the palace of Mukhtar Pasha, an elegant building, constructed i
with more symmetry than is usual in Turkish architecture.
The Serai of Ali Pasha is a huge building, high, built in

an elevation that gives it visual superiority over every part of the city. it could !
aptly be described as a palace within a fortress.

High and massive stone walls, on which cannons have been raised in different
parts, support a large superstructure made of wood, which, however, seems to
have no symmetry of plan. The various parts of the Building seem to have been
added successively, depending on the need that would arise for the expansion.
However, despite this asymmetry, the imposingness and character of the
building give it an air of grandeur that is not always achieved by rigid adherence
to the rules of architecture. The rhythm of construction is completely Turkish.
The roof projects well beyond the facade of the building and the windows are
placed below in a long row. The walls are richly decorated with paintings,
sometimes with landscapes, but more often with d, which is merely decorative
and without uniform design. Access to the Serai is very poor. Surrounded by
narrow and dark alleys, without any chance to suggest the approach to the
palace of the Albanian governor.
A wide wooden front door led us into a large flat area, on either side of which
were built the buildings of the Seraglio. A third side with a long wooden shed
was intended, as it seemed, for the horses that are constantly moving in and
out of the palace. This place presented a strange and interesting scene;
It was full of the Vizier's Albanian soldiers, some of whom were pacing around
the open space, some guarding the various gates of the Seraglio, others sitting
on the ground in circular groups singing the national songs of their country or
they recounted the exploits of their national wars. One sees the Albanian here
with all the most impressive peculiarities of dress and manners.
The johandarei or bodyguards of the Vizier are chosen from among the
strongest and those who have other martial qualities of their compatriots. Their
clothing and their armament is richer than that of the common Albanian soldiers,
but they retain that mixture of the wild and graphic element in their form and in
their clothing, as well as the other provisions that are characteristic of of their
nation: the little red cap on the head, the hair shaved from it
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forehead and temples, but to fall richly over the shoulders, the moustaches,
the huge and hard cape thrown over the shoulders, the wide selahi from which
protrude the handles of the pistols in a strange way, the wide "shirt", the colored
socks and the embroidered sandals. The waistcoats which these men wear
are very often made of velvet, and are so richly embroidered with gold and
silver that they form a kind of excellent breastplate for the bodies. A very
striking peculiarity of the Albanians that can be seen in the guards of the Seragi
region is the way they walk. It is not the hasty and clumsy step of the peasant
or the undisciplined soldier, but a steady and slow trot, something official, the
like of which I have not observed in other people. Anyone who has traveled to
Albania will immediately recognize this characteristic of the country's villagers
and soldiers.
After we had passed through this wild spectacle of the Seraglio, we

entered an Esoperic courtyard and climbed to the top of a staircase made of
black stones. On the first level was one of the Vizier's carriages, an old and
ungainly vehicle of German manufacture, in such condition as if it had traveled
a dozen times from Hamburg to Trieste. At the top of the stairs we entered a
wide corridor or entrance whose windows allow a magnificent view of the lake
of Ioannina and the mountains of Pindos. The walls are painted and many
doors lead from the corridor to different parts of the palace. This corridor as
well as the space below was filled with a multitude of people, and as we
advanced our living scene became more complex and interesting. We now see,
besides Turks, Albanian and Moroccan soldiers, the Turkish officers and
ministers of the Vizier, Greek and Jewish grammarians, Greek merchants,
Tartars, couriers, the servants and black slaves of the Seraglio. Also people
who had submitted applications and asked to be admitted to a hearing as well
as numerous other types who give the court and palace of Ali Pasha a
character of its own. Lord Byron had wonderfully described the scene as he
saw it in the Vizier's Serai at Tepeleni. His images are as precise in their
descriptive details as they are brilliant and impressive in the poetry through
which they are conveyed to the reader's eyes.
Passing through this external decoration, we found ourselves in a long

and lofty apartment, the walls of which were crudely painted and the decoration
rich and magnificent. Here we met a number of servants and followers of the
Vizier, who led us to the door of the chamber of extremity. While we were
accompanied by Mr. Kolovos who had met us at the gate of the Seraglio and
now attended us as our interpreter, a curtain was pulled aside and we entered
Ali Pasha's apartment. The first look was impressive. It was a spacious and
high-ceilinged chamber, one part of which was divided in depth by four richly
decorated columns. A long series
* 'Childe Harold', *Aama II, 55, 56 etc.

"CONTINENTAL
from windows towards the upper end afforded the same magnificent view as
that of the outer corridor. The interior decorations of the apartment showed
much ostentatious wealth. The colors that prevailed, so much
of the painted walls and ceiling, as well as the furniture when the
deep red, light blue and virus yellow. Yellow mainly came from
the massive and abundant gilding that was scattered everywhere
room's. The ceiling was divided into wood-carved squares, worked very
curiously and with much fine art. The interior of each square was painted deep
red, the partitions with gold
new. Columns at equal distances from each other and richly decorated but
without any regular architectural arrangement gave variety to the walls
of the apartment. On these pillars kG between the doors of the wall hung the
chariots of the Vizier: swords, hazarias and kumbou-
ria, salt of unattainable art and richly adorned with gold and precious things
gems. "A Turkish carpet covered the floor, and all round the chamber were
divans, except at the lowest end of it. The divans were very broad, raised
about 15 inches (40 points) from the ground. The cushions of deep red satin,
with wide lace and gold fringes.A large fire of wood glowed in a fireplace,
above which rose a cloud of projecting chimney, or rather a chimney in the
shape of a conical mosquito net, richly decorated with oation and various
shapes and emblems.
These detailed observations were not made at the time of our entry into
the apartment. "All our attention at that moment was directed to the very face
of Ali Pasha, whose form was the most interesting part of the picture. Ali was
sitting, according to the Turkish custom, cross-legged, on a divan beside from
the fire, elevated and more richly adorned. On his head he wore a tall, round,
dark blue cap, surrounded by gold lace. His outer robe was of yellow cloth,
richly embroidered. Two inner garments of various kinds colors fell freely down
from the neck to the legs, tied only at the waist, in which were inserted a pistol
and a knife, of fine art. The handles of these weapons were covered with
diamonds, pearls and emeralds of great size and beauty On his fingers the
Vizier wore many diamond rings and the hookah pipe with which he smoked
was also adorned with various kinds of jewels.
!
"However, more than his clothing, Ali Pasha's face that time attracted our
attention. It is difficult to describe the features either in detail or in general, so
as to convey the exact impression to the reader. 'If I tried to describe I liked Ali
that his face was large and full, with traces of many deep furrows. The eyes
were piercing, but they did not have the expression of ferocity; the nose was
thin and well-shaped. The mouth and the lower part of the face were hidden,
except when he spoke. , from the mustaches and long beard which covered
his chest. The color of his face was somewhat lighter than usual among Turks,
and his general appearance did not show him to be more than sixty or sixty-
one years of age. , except perhaps that his genes are white
"CONTINENTAL HETIA"
monster for this age. His neck is short and thick, his body voluptuous and not
agile. His height, as I was later able to ascertain, was about five feet nine
inches (1.73 m). The general character and expression of his face are, without
doubt, visionary and the forehead in particular is a very striking characteristic.
Many of the abilities of the man can be deduced from the external appearance.
Mental abilities, however, cannot be defined in the same way, and to the
casual observation of a stranger I can imagine, from my own experience, that
nothing can be seen except 8, that which is open, calm and attractive. Later I
was given opportunities to look beneath this outward expression. It is the fire
that burns fiercely beneath a smooth and polished surface.
When we entered the apartment the Vizier leaned his body forward,
without rising from his divan, and brought his hand to his breast, a graceful
and dignified manner of greeting which is common in the East. He motioned
for us to sit on the couches that were a short distance from his couch, while
the interpreter stood in front of us. First of all, he asked the interpreter if we
spoke Roman or what other languages. To this question, which referred to
Roman or New Greek, we pigs, whether we wanted to, were obliged to answer
in the negative. while the interpreter added by himself, that we understood
Greek, which is called in this place the ancient Greek language. The Vizier, still
using Roman, while his dragoman communicated with us in Italian, then
expressed in general terms his pleasure at seeing us in Ioannina. He asked
how much time had passed since we left England, where we had traveled in
the meantime, when we had arrived in Albania, if we were pleased with what
we had seen of that country, if we liked the view of the Ioannina people,
whether we had met with any obstacles until we reached the city, and other
questions of a similar nature? "Although the pronunciation of the New Greeks
was something new and strange to my ears, I still understood them well enough
to know that Kolovos was translating our answers to these questions with
great clarity and precision. Immediately?, after the conversation had begun we
were each offered a pipe by the servants, the mouth of which was of amber set
with small diamonds, and in a little while we were offered coffee of excellent
quality in Chinese gilt cups, the Vizier himself drinking coffee and smoking in
between, as the discussion progressed.
The inquiries he made to us concerning our journey to Ioannina afforded

us an opportunity of flattering him for the excellent policing of his dominions,
and for the attention he had given to the improvement of the
* Lord Byron has described him:

"*Av and he is hard-hearted, He has
such meekness and
such respect in his form that you
do not easily guess his
bloodthirsty plans..
of roads. I mentioned to him in general the description of Albania which he

had given to Lord Byron and the interest it had caused in England, as also for
Mr. Hobhouse's studied publication of his travels in the same country. He
seemed pleased with these instances and mentioned that he remembered
Lord Byron. He then spoke of the present state of affairs in Europe, and in a
tone of grave and characteristic anxiety asked what was our last understanding
of the invasion which the French troops were then making in Russia, and how
things were going in Spain. On the first point, it was obvious that the
information we gave him was new, even though he didn't tell us so clearly.
However, his manner showed his great interest in the issue and it seemed as
if he was asking sideways to learn our opinions on a matter which in the end
could be of great importance for his policy. He was less accurately informed
of the affairs of Spain, and we briefly related to him the battle of Salamanca,
and the entry of Lord Wellington into Madrid, of which he had previously only
heard in general terms.
He opened the next topic of our discussion by asking if we had one of his
armed corvettes in Lefkada, which had been captured and brought there by
an English frigate. We have been waiting for this issue and indeed not without
concern. The vessel referred to was a large ship and carried 26 or 28 guns. In
reality, we had seen it when we passed from Ithaca to Corfu. It was detained
near Corfu by an English frigate loaded with grain, with a document showing
that there was a plan to violate the blockade of the island. "Although Alis was
probably aware that the ÿ boat had been lawfully arrested, he showed great
indignation and wrote in a strong tone to the local administration of Lefkada,
while we were still there, so that we came to wonder for a moment whether they
would not prefer We would rather delay our journey to Ioannina until the matter
was settled. During our conversation with him, the Vizier spoke anxiously and in
a stern tone. He complained of the injustice done to him in arresting his ship , the
right of arrest was specifically denied in this case, and reference was made to the
various facilities he had afforded to our Government, as well as to individuals
of English nationality, which should have secured him from such acts of
hostility. We replied that as mere travelers we would not attempt to give an
answer which might be publicly censured, but that we did not doubt, having
regard to the dispositions of the English government, that when the case had
been duly clarified, the final settlement would be both fair and satisfactory to
his highness. This, of course, did not mean much and, without a doubt, even
the Vizier understood it. 1 He added only a few words, and then, with a loud or
rather boisterous < laugh, expressed a wish to change the subject.
Then he asked us if our stay was comfortable in the house he had set for
us and expressed the hope that we would stay for some time in Ioannina. He
also asked us if we were planning to go to Constantino* ipolis or Athens. "When
we expressed to him our intention to visit
"CONTINENTAL HOME"
with Athens, he said how we might have every ease as we passed through his
dominions, and how he would offer us any other facility that was in his power.
Before our hearing ended, he mentioned that he had been informed that I was
a doctor and asked me if I had studied medicine in England. When I answered
in the affirmative, he expressed a desire to consult me about his health before
we left Ioannina, to which proposition I agreed, though not without some anxiety
at the difficulty of giving a prescription in the case of such a patient. . He very
graciously dismissed us after we had spent about half an hour with him. The
interpreter was still standing at the hour, and during the execution six servants
remained in the apartment. The four of them were young Albanians, tall and
with well-groomed faces, with long flowing hair, with expensive and magnificent
clothing and weapons. The other two were Arabs and wore white turbans.
They too were dressed very brilliantly.
The Vizier's manner in this interview was friendly and polite, without any
lack of the dignity that befits his position. There is neither in his face nor in his
speech that typical and unyielding apathy which is the characteristic of the
Turks as a nation, but more liveliness, humor and change in expression. His
laugh is very idiosyncratic and his deep tone, which reaches a moan, can
surprise the ears of an unaccustomed person. In general, I was very satisfied
with the way in which the interview had taken place, which had been the
beginning of my acquaintance with this great man and which had been long
and interesting. In the next chapter I will give a description of my further
conversation with him during my stay in Ioannina.
We returned to the house where we were staying on the same horses that
had taken us to Serai. Passing again through the courtyard of the palace, I
noticed some of the Albanian soldiers wearing red shawls wrapped round the
head and neck. These men come mainly from the regions of southern Albania,
on the borders of ancient Macedonia. They are generally tall and muscular,
wild and ferocious in their habits of life, and are reputed to be very good
soldiers, according to the Albanian way of conducting war. The character of the
ancient inhabitants of this region is given to us by Livius, and it closely
resembles the character of their present race.
Goes on
DIMITRIOU TP. PAPAZISI
TEACHERS' SALARIES IN TURKEY
It is known that after the fall of Constantinople for almost two centuries, a great darkness covered
the enslaved Genos, the letters were completely neglected, the schools were closed and the teachers and
if they wanted to teach there were no students.
After the subjugation, there was no disposition for letters, for education from the people found in a
miserable and tragic situation, whose only concern was how to adapt to such a horrible new situation, how
to survive.
Thus, when those teachers died, there were no successors, and only the Church maintained some
small, rudimentary contact with letters, education.
Such was the darkness that covered all of Greece, such was the ignorance that prevailed, that as
Daniil Filippidis says "in the Milies of Pelion around 1750, the world did not know if Greek existed in the
world".
De Lampridis mentions that the villagers of the Berati region (Albania) "learned that Easter was
coming from the red eggs they saw in the market of the city of Berati on Maundy Thursday".
Koumas also mentions that "many of the Metropolitans also lacked education".
The dawn of education seemed to dawn when many of the inhabitants of N-Pirus, W. Macedonia,
Thessaly began to trade with the West and several of these settled in those cities for the sake of trade.
The merchants thus coming into contact with the culture of these countries and appreciating the value
of education, also showed an interest in the education of their communities.
Being patriots, they financially strengthened young people thirsting for learning, so that they could
study in the Schools of Constantinople, Ioannina, etc., and after graduating from these schools, entrusted
them with the management of schools, paying them salaries and maintaining the schools which according to
17th century j began to increase. Many young people are also invited to study at the famous universities of
the West where many wise Greeks teach .
; The young aiVroi scientists excellently educated returning to Greece, | taking over the management
of the functioning famous schools of Constantinople, Ioannina, Smyrna, Kydonia or even founding a new
one, expenses of these philogenic patrons of the and and. other foreign merchants or economically
prosperous communities.
414 A A A A L A A A A A A A A A A A A A A A A A A A A A A A A A A A A A A A A A "CONTINENTAL HOME"
This, for a few, was the state of education from Aloseoi to

Of revolution. And now let's come to our topic.
The purpose of our study is to form a clear knowledge about the remuneration of teachers during the
Turkish rule and to see if the anathema of Theodore the Bankrupt (11th century) is true who, although
literate, could not earn a living and in indignation he said the well-known "curse the letters, Christ, wherever
he wants them". So, I am quoting the data I collected on the salaries and some other remuneration of the
teachers during the period of the Turkish rule, in chronological order.
ÿÿÿ
In 1546, in Corfu, teacher of Greek and French under the Venetians, they received 80 ducats, about
50 grosci per year.
In 1 6 2 6 Theophilos Korydalleus under Cyril Loukareos, as head-teacher of his great Genus School,
was paid from the collections of one of the churches of Kontoskalif Constantinople, because they were very
poor1.
In 1 6 2 8, Mitrophanis Kritopoulos from Berroia (later Patriarch of Alexandria) taught in Venice for
an annual salary of 300 Austrian Thallers equal to 200 grossia2.
In 16 9 1 the annual salary of the head teacher of the Patriarchal Academy was 200 grossia per year
and the scientific and philosophical teachers 150 grossia3.
In 17 15 the teacher Siatistis received 100 grosci as an annual salary.
The 17 2 1 The Bureau of the School of the School of Adrianopolis AMI-He was 150 Glossos, given
by the Metropolitan, and the Patriarch of the Holy Hydolimon Chrysanthos of the Folder of 1.6.1721
bypassing the Proposals to the Proposals of the Grace. to also have 50 groscia for books4.
To1722 d 'Ioan. N. Mavrokordatos, Ruler of Hungarian Wallachia, annually supported

the school of Serres with 300 g. out of 250 gr. for the teacher and 50 for the oil of the Church. In the same
year, a teacher of the School of Iopis (of the Patriarchate of Alexandria) named Papamousas received a
salary of 25 grossia and his fee was paid by the country5.
In 1724, a Skopelos School of Greek and Philosophical studies had a capital of 1,000 grosii and an
income of 150 grosii, employing two teachers.
A few years later or in Trikalis Peloponnese School had a capital of 500 gr. and income of 50 gr. to
the teacher's salary, he was obliged not to receive stipends or gifts6.
1) Gideon Education Bankruptcies p. 21.

2) Sathas Neohelliniki 'Anthology' p. 297.
3) Gideon Chronicles Patriarch. Academy p. 121.
4) T. Evange/.ides Education on Turkok, p. 56.
5) Evangelidis as above vol. B' p. 315.
6) Gideon Kid. Poor. a, 25.
"CONTINENTAL
In 1732 - 33 the teacher of the Huskii School received a salary of 30

francs monthly or gr. 87.
1 7 3 0 Leontarios, the teacher of the Philippopolis School
salary with 200 gr. yearly8 9.
In 1 7 3 3 the Philotheos Teacher of the Larnacos School (Cyprus) received 60
gr. per annum until the year 1750, when he complained his salary was increased to
100 grosia®.
I
In 1744, Georgios Stavrakoglou's father bought a house in Mytilene and I
founded a school promising that he and his sons would give 100 gr. yearly, likewise I
the provost of Mytilene Manuel Hadjigeorgiou promised that he and his descendants
would give 50 gr. annually. A capital of 1,000 g was also concluded. 15 % yield 150
g. From the above, the teacher's salary was paid and eight needy and diligent
students were helped for three shifts a day each, they also had to be served from
the above income of 300 gr. and other necessary school expenses. Thus the I
students received approximately 200 grosci per year and the rest the teacher and
the school10.
In 1 7 4 8, the Patriarch Paisios II defined by synodal letter the salary of the

teachers of his great Genus School, as follows, of the philosophical courses at 500
gr. of the grammarians in 250 gr. and accordingly the Director of the school.
In 1 7 5 0 the common teacher of Tataulon (Constantinople) elam-6anen gr.

150 annually11.
In the same year, Evgenios Voulgaris directed the Maroussa school I -
of Oannina was hired with 500 gr. He left for Kozani.
In 1 7 5 2 the salary of the grammar school teachers of the M. of
School gender in 400 gr.
On 1 7 5 3 many Evgenios Voulgaris teach at the Athoniadi school
was hired with 1,000 gr.12.
In 1759 a Mykonos teacher was paid 100 grosii13.
In the same year, Evgenios Voulgaris, as the headmaster of the Patriarchal
Academy, was paid 550 gr. as well as the three other teachers, Eugenios Dorotheou
Lesvios, Ananias Antiparios and Nikolaos Kritias. Commenting on the above salary,
M. Gedeon says that if we admit that even if he was fed in the Patriarchate, he
would still live very slippery14.
I In the same year Stergios Stanos Metsovitis deposited 100,000 aspra = me
approximately 840 grosias to the Pagan of the Metsovo T. Church of Agia Paraskevi,
as the interest is given to the teacher, but not enough of the amount of
7) Tr. Evangelidis, above p. 37.

8) Delta Eonol. and History. Co. Vol. IV, p. 290.
9) T. Evagelidis hereinafter B' p. 188.
10) Gideon Chron. Patr. Acad. p. 230.
I P) Tr. Evgelidis: IIideia on Turkish rule p. 41.
1 12) Tr. Evangelidis p. LXV.
13) Evangelidis St. p. LXV.
I
14) M. Gedeon Public Education p. 26. i
»
4 1 b /vn\A A L L A A A A L L A A A A A A A L L A A A A A A /v\A L A L ^vn "CONTINENTAL FOCUS"
He also added 20,000 whites = gr. 160 to be enough to pay the teacher15.
In 1 7 6 2 a teacher from Bucharest and from Melenikos mentions in his autograph

that he was giving lessons at the monastery of Agios Myras for 30 grosias per year16.
In 1 7 6 3 the Patriarch of Constantinople, Samuel, founds the Ex-Marmarois school

and appoints Hieromonk Auxention as a teacher of Greek with an annual salary of 250
grosii17.
In the same year, the school of Monemvasia had 250 gr. income from capital 2,500
gr. donation of the benefactor Chrysogiannis, out of which Edide gave the teacher 150
gr. per year and 100 gr. he had destitute daughters for endowment18.
In the same year, a Mystra School had an income of 200 gr. of funds 2000 gr. out
of which was given to the preacher and teacher together with money. 13019.
In the same year, the teacher of the school outside - Kionio - Constantinople?
meiveto after his assistant for 250 gr. per year.
In the specific period 1763-65 the salaries of the Patriarchal Academy were of the
teachers of Grammar Markos gr. 600, of Antoniou 200 and of Mathios 135 gr., of de
Terokyrikos gr. 4002°.
In 1 7 6 6 the teacher of Metsovo Triantafyllos Stanos received one sixth of six 100
gr. of his annual salary and 150 isoulania as well as a load of flour, as well as two loads
of wine and a free residence in the villages of Agia Paraskevi21.
In 1768 the teacher of the Ederne-kapi school was paid 100 grosaons22.
The 1 7 6 9 th! teachers' salaries in Eptanisos ranged between

25-30 gr. monthly some teachers accepted to work instead of 16 gr.
In this year, the salaries of the teachers of M. of Genus School, the philosophical
ones, were increased to 1000 gr. of the four grammars in 600 gr. annual.
In 1 7 7 0 the teacher of Neochorio of Constantinople received 166 g., and the
commoner 83 g. per year, that of Tsibili of Constantinople 180 g., and that of Megalo
Reumat 'Ambrosios 84 g. annually23.
In 1 7 7 5 the Metropolitan of Scythopolis 'Anthimos taught even though he was a
Metropolitan, enjoying 200 gr. the teacher and 50 gr. by archpriests annually.
In 1 7 7 7 N. Kassavetis, as appears from a letter of congestion, took over the

Scholarship of the Pelion School in Zagorr (his hometown) for 200 gr. per year, taking
on the same obligation as a preacher once a month
15) A gg. Hatximi/ali: Teachers and taught in Metsovf p. 7.

16) Sa6as Logii Turkokratis p. 515.
17) The. Evangelidis Child. during Turkish rule.
18) M. Gideion, as above p. 26.
19) M. Gideon, as above3 p. 26.
20) M. Gideon Contribution to History p. 197.
21) A gg. Hatzimichalis, above, p. 9.
22) M. Gideon Kid. Poor. p. 26.
23) Tuesday Evang. (the above LXV and M. Gideon as above p. 27.
"CONTINENTAL 417
from Amthonos, he was not allowed to receive foreign students especially without
payment by agreement.
In 1 7 7 8 the director of the Philosophical School of Constantinople, Stergios
Makraios, received 1250 g., and Arsenios of Silyvria 750 g. and the third teacher
Vasilios 124 gr. and after a while 150 and after four years 180 gros. Arseniou's salary
after five years in 1783 was increased to 1000 gr. annually24.
In 1780 the teacher of the Egri-kapi School in Constantinople was paid 120 gr.
per year, or a kindergarten teacher saw them for which meager amount he was
paid25 *.
In the same year the excellent John. Pezaros taught a Tyrnavo a 250 gr. per
year, with the same salary, he offered his services to Tyrnavon, his Homeland, for 25
years until 1806, although he was offered a much higher fee by other schools20.
In 1 7 8 3 the Philosophical school of teachers after Serg. Makreou Fotios the

Cypriot, 2000 gr. per year, as well as his successor Makarios, Theodosios II teacher if
he hires 1250 gr. and the following year 1500, the third teacher Dimitrios initially 700
gr. then 900 and from 1795 1000 grosia27.
In 1 7 8 4 Anthimos Gazis was appointed a teacher in Bizetzi with a salary of 100

gr. annually (Gouda. 2nd IIaral. T.S. p. 345).
In 1 7 8 6, by means of a Patriarchal letter, the salaries of the Neo-Hirio school
in Constantinople, for the Grammar teacher, were set at 166 gr. and white 80, of the
teacher of the common school of sacred and ecclesiastical letters in 83 gr. and 40
white.
In 1 7 8 8 the Hatzi brothers deposited 2000 gr. for the establishment of a school
in Myriophyton for the salary of the teacher28.
In 1 7 9 5 Lambros Fotiadis taught at the Academy of Vsykouresti and received
1880 thalers per year equal to 3000 gr. about. The second teacher of Constantinople
1500, the third George 850, the second Joseph 500 and the second Maniolakis 120
thalers per year, the Academy spent 4850 thalers per year, the same year the
Philosophical School of Constantinople rose the salaries of Makarios, who succeeded
Photius Cyprian, are gr. 2700 of Ainos Matthaiou for 2000 gr. for teachers below
1200-1300 gr. years Also, in the same year, Leontarios, the teacher of the
Philippopoleios School, was paid 200 gr. under Theoklitos 'Arch-priest^29.
In the same year, the Chora school had a teacher's salary of gr. 200 per year
and for the rent of the school 100 gr.30.
24) M. Gideon Ch. Patr. Acad.

25) M. Gideon Kid. Poor. p. 26.
20) Tr. Evannelidis as above LX \.
27) M. Gideon Chron. Patr. Acad. pp. 223 and 235.
28) Tr. Evannelidis p. 70.
29) Delta History. and Eunol. Co. t, 4 p. 290.
30) Tr. Evannelidis p. 83.
4 IS vNA A L L L L L A A A A A L A L L L L L /N L L L L A A L L A A L / "CONTINENTAL HOME"
The Great Stream School of Constantinople hires the monk Joakim Smyrnaion for
150 gr. annually31.
In 1 7 9 6 the school of Moiglio had a salary for teachers
of the common grammars and of the Greeks en synolps gr. 116032.
The teacher of the passenger school was paid 300 gr.33.
T o 1 7 9 7 o Ath. Psalidas, if his return from Europe, they took over
the management of the Kaplanio School and was paid 800 grosii per year34.
In 1799, the Hieromaster Agathangelos founded a school in Ry-sion (Aretsun) with
a concentration of 5500 g., they succeeded from the interest of these coming to 550 g.
to maintain the school he taught for life35.
In 1800 the teacher Tataoulos' salary was 240 gr. annually36.
The salary of the year 1750 was 150 gr. and increased to 240 gr. The same year
or scho?p) Nicomedia was maintained from the capital interest of 3000 gr.37 38.
During the same year, Tr. Evangelidis mentions the salary of the teacher of the
Edirne School - Cutting in gr. 100, while in the year 1780 Gideon, as we have seen,
mentions him as being paid 120 gr.
In 1 8 0 1 6 the teacher of the Megaloi school in Rema was paid 180
groia* -3S
In 1 8 0 3 the salaries of the teachers of the Heptanisian state
they went down to 15-20 thalers a month, or roughly 45-60 gros.
The 1 8 0 5 th Ath. Psalidas, the director of the Kaplanio School, Ioanniniun was
paid 1000 grossia and before that in 1797, the first took over the management of the
school for 800 grossia.
In 1805, the people of Livade, appreciating the morals and education of this
excellent teacher, offered him 2000 gr. in order to take over the Directorship of their
School. For this reason, Kaplanaia was also forced to increase his salary to 2000 gr. in
order not to lose the brilliant teacher, he also increased the salary of the three co-teachers
of the school to 1000 gr.
1 8 0 7 is mentioned. under Tr. Evaggelidou, the salary of teachers of the school
"Neochorii" of Constantinople 166 gr. and white 80 of the grammar teacher and 83 gr. and
white 40 of the common teacher.
Since Gideon also mentions the same for wages in 1786, either of the two would
have happened either that he was mistaken or that the wages remained the same for 20
years or so, which is highly improbable.
In 18 11 the second year of Scholarchisa in Kusadasi (New Ephesus) Saau-il
'Hieromonachos 'Ithakisios the so-called Kasianos, bequeathed 6,000 gr. fiber from 600
gr. of the interest, the teacher of the school is supported, at the same time he also bought
a house to house the School39.
Gideon.
In 18 14 the salaries of the teachers of the Ederne - Kapi School were
31) Tuesday Gospel. p. 30.

32) Gideon Chr. P. Acad. p. 213.
33) see above.
34» P. Ara6antino; Chr. Epirou p. 281.
35) Gideon as above p. 224.
36) T. Enagenidis <*. 41.
37) M. Gideon Ch. P.A. p. 228.
38) M. Gideon Kid. poor p. 27.
39) Gideon Ch. Patr. Acad. p. 226.
^CONTINENTAL HOSPITAL' 419
of grammar 600 gr. per year, and of the common 360 gr.40, increased as it seems important?
from the year 1768 he does not mention Gideon himself as far as we can see.
In 18 16 the school of Chrysoupoleos prudently gave 3000 gros from the interest
sions and from the records of the festivals.
In the same year the teacher of Ithaca received the surplus of the interest of 6000 g. to
10% after deducting the expenses for the maintenance of the school and the purchase of
books41.
In 18 17 6 then Chalkidonos Gerasimos founded a school in Tuxla after
they collected 11,000 grosii, from the interest of these and four records of the 4 churches of
the village, which maintained a school42.
The 18 18th monthly salary of many Nikol. Aogadou managing the
Xirocrinian 'Akademian was 250 gr.43.
In the same year, the teacher and priest of the Xiloporta school (in spite of the Temple
Agiou Dimitriou) received 180 gr., or teacher Elegoko 60 gr.44.
T o 1 8 1 8 o Athan. Psallidas, the Director of Kaplaniou wrote a letter to the School's Commissioners to
increase his salary to 6000 grossias because "2000 grossias during the time of Kaplanis was as powerful as
6000 today". The commissioners asked for the approval of the Patriarchate, which was granted. because in
fact the gross was depreciated to 1)3 to 1)4 of the value of 1805.
In 1819, the six of Andros Gr. Roidis was hired by the Ag-chialos School for 700 gr.
annually. After serving in his homeland he was paid 1000 gr. and later 1500 gr.45.
At the same time there were teachers in small schools who were paid 150-300 gr.
annually, who also received gifts during the holidays, as well as chickens. eggs, bread etc.
In 1820 the salaries of the teachers of the school of Kastoria, given by the donation of
Georg. Kastriotou were of the first teacher 80 ducats years-sios or gros. 480 approximately,
of the second 40 ducats or gr. 240.
In 18 2 1, the salaries of the little-educated teachers of Epirus ranged from 8-30 grosii
per month (Epeteris Filekpedeitikou Syllougo Kionata dinopolis 1873),
In 1 8 2 2 the salaries of the teachers of the M. of Genus School ranged from 80-250 g.
monthly.
In the same year, the salary of a Myriophyto teacher, Alex. Kyritsi - Bi-
100 gr. monthly40.
In 1 8 2 8 George Kranas or Aesop was called in spite of the Zosimados to direct the
newly established school in Toanninis 6 Georgios Kranas or Aesop with a salary of 2000
grosii per year.
In 1830, were the salaries of the teachers of M. Genus School increased? eat 100-300
gr. monthly.
In the same year, the teacher of the Delvinaki School, Georgios Gazis Delvena-
4i) Gideon P. Bankruptcies p. 27.

4 0 T. Eangelidis, floor B' 230.
42) M. Gideon Ch. Patr. Acad. p. 225.
’
43) Gideon II. Bankruptcies p. 27.
44) Gideon Paed. Poor. p. 27 and Evangelidis p. 45.
45) Tr. Evang. LXV.
40) Tr. Evangelidis p. 71.
"CONTINENTAL HOME"
kiotis, student of Neophytos Doukas, was paid 600 gr. per annum and board.
In the same year Antonios Koppas from Zagori with gr. 1200 and 130 gr. for
rent and clothes "and 177 gr. for they saw saliva and coal"47 48.
1 8 3 3 Ioannis Myrtichos (Gousis) teacher at the school
Vesanis enjoyed a salary of 2000 gr.
T d 1 8 8 5 Anastasios Sakellarios Director of Zosimaia salary
provided with 6000 gr. annually.
In 1 8 3 6 the salary of the Headmaster of the M. of Genus School reached
1500 g. monthly 2nd 1250 and below 750 and above, these salaries were maintained
until about 1850. They also received gifts at Easter and Christmas, as it is stated that
in the year 1842-44 2480 g were given. to the four teachers of Kourouchesme and
1000 gr. for the two of Fanariou4d.
In 1 8 3 8 Dorotheos Scholarios, later Aarisis, was assigned to teach

ladder of the N. Karlovasi Samos school with 200 gr. monthly.
The 1 8 4 1 salary of the schoolmaster of Zosimaia Anast. Sakellarisi was
10-12,000 grossia annually from Zosimaian and 6000 gr. from another source,
because he did not accept less than 18,000 gr. the three tutors for 4000 grs. the
foreman 500 gr. and an amount of 4000 gr. allocated for the scholarship students
as always, for the sake of the school, books and other expenses 3000 gr. total
expenditure 31,500 gr.
For the two co-educational schools of Archimandreio and Agia Marinis in
Ioannina, 4000 g was spent. for the two teachers, 1000 gr. for the two epistates and
for meremetia plates of the poor children and small catechisms gr. 1000, a total of
6000 gr.
T o 1 8 4 3 o Emm. Samaripa, a teacher at the school in Alexandria, was paid
8000 gr. the other teacher Koronas with 6000 d The French teacher with 30 lira per
year49.
In 1 8 4 6 the teachers of the school of Tataulon (Tatavlon) Ioan. Filalithis and
Antonios Harilaou received per 600 gr. monthly, although the professors of the M. of
Genus School also benefited, after 1846, the French teacher was paid 300 gr.
monthly50.
In 1 8 48 the Director of the Xirokrineion Academy distinguished for virtue and
education Cyprios Samuel formerly of Mesimvria received 300 gr. monthly51.
In 1850, the Ederne School - Kopi acquired financial freedom and paid the
Greek teacher for 13 months 4,550 gr. 3110 grosias for the commons. |
In 1870, the teacher was paid by the Averofian endowment.

Malakasi with 30 lira, Milea and Boutonosi (Metsovo) with 20 gold lira per year
each52.
In 1 8 7 4 — 7 5 the salaries of the teachers of Zagorochoria (Epis) were
according to Dim. Hasiotin, the following:
47) The. Gospel already? p. fi8. j
!
48) Geoeon Patriarch. Letters 87—95. 49) Tr. :
Evangelidis? Second floor. 325.

50) Tr. Evangelidis Education on Turkish rule p. 41.
51) Gideon P. Ptokh. p. 27.
52) *Angel. Hatzimichalis as previously p. 10.
From 1500—3000 gr. received by the teachers of the following villages:

Makrynon, IIalaiohori, Dragari, Doliani, Boya, Bradeton, Nano and Kato Vitsa, Cavallari,
Manassi, Kalota, Tservari. From 3000-4000 grosia of the villages of Vovousa, Aeonitsa,
Dovrinovon, Drestenikon, Fragades, Stolovon, Voultsi, Ano and Kato Sudena,
Flabourari, Zondili, Liascovetsi.
From 4000—6000 gr. of the villages of Kapesovon, Monodendri, Laista,
Graveniti, Dobra.
6000-9000 grosias of the villages of Chepelovon and Negades.
Most of the above Zagorochoria also maintain a Greek school and some also a
Girls' School with a little education53 54.
In 1 8*7 5 Dorotheos Scholarios orders to be given to the primary school of t<T>n
students as an assistant teacher at the Vendistis school (Kalambakas) gr. 500 per
year, for the assistant teacher 1000 gr. and the teacher Vendistis 31 lira gold44.
In 1876, the salary of Schoolmaster Metsovo was 80 lira and the other teachers
40. Primary school teachers received 30 lira. The Principal of Pardenagagei 70 lira
and the teachers 15 lira, with total school expenses of 600 lira per year55.
In 1880 the salaries of teachers at the Tataulion school ranged from

between 500-850 grosz monthly.
In 1 8 9 2 with almost no students, a Romanian teacher in Metsovo received from
the Romanian propaganda 60 twenty francs annually equal to 5000
f
gross.
From the information presented, we find that there are serious salary differences from school to
school, also that the junior teachers were very poor, as well as many of the senior teachers, because the
schools do not have the financial ability to pay better, in the absence of help from of the residents.
Also, the Patriarchate, which was in charge of the schools, was also not bound to
impose mandatory participation for the running of the schools on the residents, but
urged them supplicantly.
We also find the personal sacrifice of some teachers who, out of excessive love
for their particular country, remained teaching in the school of the anti-slippery pay,
despising the increase reserved for them because of their value, over other schools.
However, the paradise of dry numbers does not give us the necessary data needed to
estimate the exchange value of the salary received and whether it was sufficient for a
basic life or not.
This alone allows us to say that during peaceful times and with normal agricultural
productivity, teachers' salaries were bearable, but in times of wheat production, when
the basic foodstuffs and cereals increased tenfold and twentyfold, or the position of
the teacher it was dramatic as far as non-food goods were concerned.
However, in order for one to form a clear understanding of the real purchasing
value of wages, in another note I will deal with the prices of food and other goods of
the above period.
DIMITRIOS TR. PAPAZISIS
53) D. Haskytou Liatridai and Notes.
54) Do)(?o#. Scholario? 'Works and books p. 389.
55) Eng. Hatzimichalis above, p. 18,
DONALD M. NICOL
Professor of the University of London
Translation: PERIKLI LEFKA KaFighito'

English
THE MASTER OF THE CONTINENT*

CHAPTER 10
-
MICHAEL II ANGELOS DESPOT
-
MICHAEL H* PALAEIOLOGOS Emperor
THE BATTLE OF PELAGONIAS
1258 - 6 0
Michael's victories in Western Macedonia caused a new outburst of bitterness

on the part of his adversary at Nicaea. The Emperor Theodoros II Laskaris,
suspicious of his officers and preemptively fearing his enemies, ordered Patriarch
Arsenios to place the entire Despotate of Epirus under the excommunication of the
Ek
congregation and for this purpose a synodal decree was made and published.
Nikiforos Blemmydis, who had great influence, came out of his monastic retreat to
denounce such recklessness and the anathema was revoked. But the incident
helps to show how much the Emperor of Nicaea was afraid of the renewed power
of the Despotate. If his suspicious nature had left him to trust Palaiologos with a
stronger army he might have lived to see the downfall of Michael Angelus, and
spared himself the shame of issuing an interdict which he was utterly incapable of
enforcing.
The last diplomatic action of Theodorus Laskaris was to conclude a treaty with
Bulgaria, which, since the duration of its friendship, was supposed to be a line of
communication between Thessaloniki and Nicaea. In 1257 a conspiracy in Tirnovo
had ended in the murder of Michael Asan. His cousin Kaliman usurped the throne.
But the Russian Rostislav appeared on the scene to save his daughter who had to
marry her husband's murderer. Kaliman was dethroned and a certain Konstantinos
Tihomiris, a relative of the Serbian House, was placed on the Bulgarian throne, no
doubt at the instigation of Rostislav. In order to secure his position, Tikhomiris
dissolved his marriage
*
Continued from the previous page, p. 282 .
I
and asked for the hand of Irene, daughter of Theodore Laskaris and niece of the
last Michael Asan. To mitigate any doubts about his sincerity he sent his first wife to
the Court of Nicaea, and in the spring of 1258 the ties between Bulgaria and Nicaea
were stabilized with his marriage to Irene2.
The same year in August, Theodore II Laskaris died leaving his Kingdom to his
minor son John under the protection of Patriarch Arsenios and Provestar Georgios
Mouzalons, a man with considerable experience, military prestige and powerful
enemies. among the aristocracy. The regency lasted only nine months. Muzalotn
was murdered in the Holy Bank during the funeral of the last Emperor. The Historians
of Nicaea showed to what extent Michael Palaiologos was directly involved in this
anti-religious work. but it was to him that both the people and the aristocracy turned
at the moment of crisis that threatened Nicaea, and the influence of the army
supported his rapid rise to power. First he was given the title of Grand Duke and
then, with the approval of the Patriarch, he assumed the office of Despot and
performed the duties of regent for the young Iatannis Laskaris3.
The death of Theodore Laskaris and the uncertain state of affairs in Nicaea
gave Michael of Epirus new opportunities and courage. The withdrawal of Paleologos
from Macedonia had not left sufficient forces to recapture the Epirotian army. At the
beginning of 1258, Michael had expelled the Nicaea garrison from Bodena and had
advanced quickly to the valley of 'Axios. The hopes of taking Thessaloniki and
conquering Constantinople rekindled in him the ambitions of his uncle Theodoros.
The defense of Thessaloniki was still in the hands of the incompetent Michael
Laskaris and the position of the Latinos in Constantinople was never less secure.
There was every justification for the Despot of Epirus to "boast and have big ideas".
And the sight of his godfather's uncle before him was throwing fuel to the fire of his
ambitions by pondering the fact that Michael Angelos Komnenos Duke truly deserved
more than any Aaokaridaki or nouveau riche Talaiologus to become the liberator of
By- of Xandius and Emperor of the Romans'1.
Under these circumstances, Michael conceived the plan to organize a great

alliance for the capture of Thessaloniki and the restoration of Byzantium. In the
decisive struggle against Nicaea which now began to be foreseen there were two
sovereigns who could be persuaded to offer him their support, Manfred of Sicily and
William Willardouinus, Prince of Achaia. Theodore Laskaris' death coincided with
the coronation of Manfred as King of Sicily. In August 1258, Manfred used the preface
of a false report on the death of Corradinos' nephew to usurp the crown and his
scutures in Italy by appointing his admiral Filippo Hinardo viceroy of his new
possessions in Epirus. Michael cleverly thought about what would be a better policy.
At least as a temporary measure, to come to negotiations with Manfredo rather than
weaken his own goods by questioning Manfredo's right to these possessions. An
alliance could be made
FOCUS"
which would benefit both rulers. Michael's eldest daughter, or Elena, was now fifteen
years old. Manfred's wife Beatrice of Savoy had died in January 1258, and he would
be anxious to find a new wife to reign with him. So Michael offered him Elena's hand
in marriage and for a dowry he very diplomatically proposed the concession of
possession of certain cities on the Epiriptic coast thus legitimizing Manfred's right to
those he had already acquired. Manfred had nothing to lose from such an alliance.
it would free him from the need to fight to maintain his support in Greece. Apart from
that, he also had personal reasons to support the Despotate against Nicaea. Or
Constantia's half-sister. who was married to the Emperor Ioannis Vatatzis, she was
divorced for the sake of one of our ladies. The unfortunate princess had been held
captive in Nicaea by Theodoros Laskaris, who refused all requests for her release,
and she was quickly forced to resist Palaiologos' attempts to make her his mistress,
while the Patriarch intervened to prevent her from become his wife. Manfred was not
a friend of the rulers of Nicaea. Finally, it was said that the young Elena had a rare
beauty5.
"Whether or not Michael could expect substantial support from Sicily remained
to be seen. But at least the alliance would solve a problem and help towards an
understanding. On the other hand it would leave him free to devote his undivided
attention In the war with Nicaea, Elena's betrothal to Manfredo was arranged, and
although the marriage did not take place until the next year, Michael showed enough
delicacy not to quarrel over the terms of the dowry6.
The third part of the grand alliance would be a ruler who could be relied upon to
support the Despotate in a more practical way. William Villardouin was the most
dynamic figure of the Latin Empire at this time. A competent general was also
needed, and the Despotate needed a general. As much as Michael could despise
the title of the newly rich Michael Palaiologos, he had serious reasons to estimate
his military ability. The strength of the Continental army, which had just managed to
oppose the skill of Paleologus in Macedonia, could prove insufficient against such a
capable soldier with all the means of the Kingdom of Nicaea at his disposal. nAv oi
the victories they had won had to remain forever, and if they had to take back
Thessalonica from Nicaea, mere numerical strength would not do. They needed a
general who could contrast his strategy with that of Palaiologos. The i- d0C. Michael
was not an experienced soldier, and his sons were too young to have much
experience in battle. Theodore had been killed in his first attack. Nikephoros was
simply acting as his father's eyewitness, while Ioannis Doukas could simply satisfy
the thirst for plunder of the Vlachots of Thessaly who had adopted their cause. But
the Despotate could not boast of any experienced general.
it
·#.
William Villardouin had already entered into friendly negotiations with the
Despotate. Between 1256 and 1258 they were involved in a struggle with the
Venetian lords of Evia, claiming the third of the
"CONTINENTAL
after the death of his Venetian wife in 1255. The Duke of Athens Guy A' de la Roche sided with Venice and
Villardouin was faced with a powerful coalition of his own barons. In this critical situation he had asked for the
support of Michael and a pact had been concluded between the two rulers despite the protests of the Pope. Order
was restored by Villardouin's victory at Karydi near Megara in June 1258. There is no evidence that Michael
offered any material assistance in suppressing this rebellion, but the ground was set for an agreement that would
unite him with stronger links Epirus and Moria7.
Michael's second daughter Anna was now married and was no less attractive than
her sister. It was proposed to William Villardouin, who had been a widower for nearly
three years, that he should take an interest in strengthening his friendship with Epirus by
taking Anne as his third wife. Villarduinos had no objection to connecting his interests with
the Despotate, regardless of any hope he might have for the expansion of his Principality
in the northern parts of Greece. On the part of Michael, the acceptance of one of such an
alliance would be as if from divine providence. The prince of Achaia was an experienced
warrior who delighted in battle and his prowess as a general was beyond all doubt.
Envoys sent by Aria to the Court of Villarduinus, they spoke persuasively and made
important promises of 60,000 lira for a dowry, as well as splendid clothing and other gifts
were offered in exchange for the possession of the fortress of Lechonia and other areas
of southern Thessaly which they were near the disputed property of Vi?n-larduin in Evia.
Their offers were accepted. A treaty of alliance was signed and the marriage of Michael's
daughter Anna with the Prince of Achaia was arranged as it should be. A wedding was
held in Patras in the summer of 1258. The bride was accompanied by her brother Nikiforos.
Oaths of mutual aid between the rulers of I-Pirus and Moria bound them "like one person",
and the shapeless Anna, "like a second Helen with her Menelaus", settled in the new
tower of Villardouin in Mystra8.
The whole of Hellas was now directed against Nicaea. The old man of Constantinople,
whose acquisition had never seemed so easy, waited for the liberators to settle their own
differences. The disorder that followed after the death of Theodore Laskaris, in August
1258, made Nicaea unable to resist in the area of Michael. But as soon as Michael
Paleologos became regent for the young Emperor John, he took every measure he could
for the defense of Thessaloniki. At the end of September he sent an army to Macedonia
under the command of his brother Ioannis Palaiologos, who had recently become Grand
Domestic. With him were the experienced generals Alexios Stratigopoulos and Ioannis
Raoul. Their purpose was to contribute to the defense of Thessaloniki, and their only
attempt to advance further west was thwarted near Veria by Michael's son Ioannis Doukas
who was leading a detachment of his Vlachs. The only hope that remained was to be able
to prevent the Despot's army from crossing the Axia River until he acquired greater
strength or the internal situation of Nicaea.
Machine Translated by Google i|
^CONTINENTAL HOSPITAL'
Michael was now determined more than ever to give a decisive battle. He saw how the moment was
favorable. Nicaea did not have an effective government and with the support of his new allies he could easily
annihilate the defenders of Thessaloniki. At the end of 1258 he sent letters and ambassadors to Villardouino's
son-in-law to arrange a meeting and soon he himself went to Moria via Nafpaktos and Drepanos. Amid
great feasts and joys, the two rulers met in Patras. A council of war was held and a combined infantry and
cavalry operation against the Nicaean army in Macedonia was planned for the following spring. It is said that
a new "Distribution Agreement" was made in anticipation of their success. Villardouinos and not Michael
would acquire the Kingdom of Thessaloniki. Michael would be enough in Thessaly. It is hard to believe how
Michael ever made such an agreement, or how he would honor it in the event of victory. But the bait was
tempting enough to make the Franks act whether an agreement was reached or not. Michael returned from
Patras to spend the winter of 1258 in Arta and sent envoys to Manfredo to inform him of the plans that had
been made. Villardouin spent the winter in his stronghold Andravida and gave orders for Guy de la Roche of
Athens, the Marquis of Boudonitsa, the Barons of Thebes and Salona, the Lords of Evia and the islands, and
the others below to prepare an army. -are you 10?
In the meantime, in Nicaea, Michael Palaiologos was taking the reins of government into his own
hands. The army that saw the coalition of Michael Angelos and William Villardouin as a direct threat to the
control of Thessaloniki openly argued that there should be an Autocrator on the throne with great power
and experience to face the danger. The Paleologos had already acquired the title of Despot. The
Oannis Aaskaris, for whom he was still formally regent, was only eight years old, and the coronation
demanded by the supporters of Palaiologos was less important than the validation of a position he already
held. The Patriarch remained faithful to the rights of the young Basil. But the Senate, the army and the
majority of the clergy openly proclaimed Michael Palaiologos as their Emperor. So Arsenius retreated in an
attempt to receive both his crown and Io
of Anne Aaskaris. Thus the double coronation of Michael VIII and John IV took place in Nicaea on December
25, 1258. With his authority now unquestioned, the new Emperor quickly got rid of his rivals and potential
competitors and secured his crown by sending the young Laskar under restriction in Magnesia11.
As soon as he established his position in Nicaea, Michael Palaiologos turned his attention to the state
of his western borders. It was possible to diplomatically avoid the expense and danger of a campaign against
the united armies of Michael and his allies. The claims of the Despot might have been satisfied with some
smaller territorial concessions. At the end of the year, an embassy was sent from Nicaea to Epirus, led by
Theodore Fili, to win the friendship of Michael and to negotiate the release of the two captives, Georgios
Akropolites and Konstantinos Havaronas, with
t?
?·i !i
tallama a part of the disputed area of Macedonia. Besides, Michael was not going
to be convinced so easily. The ambassadors were not accepted for hearing and
were expelled with rudeness, a thing that belittled the prestige of Nicaea and forced
Philis to warn the Despot of his imminent destruction and to prophesy a repentance
that would come very late1".
Seeing how he was not going to find understanding from Epirus, Paleologos
set about subverting Michael's alliances and sent ambassadors to Manfredo in Italy
and to Villarduino in the Morea. To Manfredo the return of his sister Coinotantias
may have been offered as a bait. But the memory of Mansiredos reached far back
and instead of accepting such terms, he threw the envoy of Nicaea into prison. The
embassy in Villardouin had no better luck. The obsession of both of these rulers
with the promises they had given Michael says a lot about the prestige of the
Despotate. But their deliberate cruelty towards Palaiologos was inspired not so much
by springs of faith in Epirus as by the hope of annexing territories that they would
gain by taking part in the struggle against him13.
Diplomacy had failed and it was obvious that the coalition could only be dissolved
by force. The army sent to Macedonia in the fall of 1258 had to be greatly
strengthened. "If Thessalonica fell the road to Constantinople would be open. It was
no time for half-measures, and Michael Palaiologos, whose personal service in
Macedonia had taught him the strength of his most dangerous adversary, began to
prepare to a degree that suited Michael II's self-belief quickly countered the strategy
of the Nicaean generals in the last campaign that led to the temporary destruction
of the Despotate and gave the Kingdom of Nicaea time to recover and fulfill its
purpose of existence. of.
While ambassadors were being sent to all the allies of Nicaea. the commander
of the army of Nicaea, John Palaiologos, rose to the rank of Sebastokrator and his
co-general Alexios Stratigopoulos to the rank of Great Domespchus. The news of
their advance reached them while they were wintering in Macedonia, and at the
same time orders arrived to await the arrival of the Enchises, in order to open with
them a one-on-one attack on the Continent. The Emperor's appeal to his eight allies
was readily accepted. The Serbs, whose politics seem to have been closely
connected with the Bulgarians since the recovery of Tihomir of Constantinople,
followed the Bulgarian tactics and rejected their alliance with Epirus. ''They both sent
detachments of mounted archers. The Serbs sent six hundred. A select regiment of
1,500 horsemen arrived from Hungary, while the Duke of Corinth himself arrived at
the head of three hundred German horsemen. The required military strength was
supplemented by the addition of regular auxiliary troops and mercenaries who .
they included 1,500 Turks, 2,000 lightly armed Cuman horsemen and archers, as
well as numerous Greek infantry and cavalry1*.
At the beginning of March 1259, the various military units began to gather in the
Voleroi plain south of Hadrianoupolis before joining Ioannis Palaiologos in
Thessaloniki. Meanwhile, Michael had camped with his family in the area of Ka-
"CONTINENTAL HOSPITAL*
storias awaiting the arrival of his allies from Moria. The location of the Epirotian camp quickly became known to
Paleologos and he decided to launch a surprise attack without waiting for his reinforcements to arrive. Passing the hills
of Bodene, he reached Kastoria at midnight and surprised the enemy. Word spread that the Imperial army had fallen
upon them, and Michael's troops were thrown into confusion. They fled in a panic, Oi in the dark without waiting for the
dawn. There was a small pre-organized resistance and many were killed in the war. the
"' ’
’
they met death in the mountain passes. The brother-in-law I os
Petraleifas in his haste to escape capture by . he had abandoned, he led his horse to a hill and
when the greater part of the Continental army managed to reach Albania and retreating passed the »
mountains of Pindus to . troOi again on the plain shores of Avlona.
It was an unexpected victory for John Palaiologos and he decided to proceed to the now undefended
area north of Kastoria, recapturing the Macedonian forts that he claimed so hard, proved to be easier than he
had expected. Through Pelagonia he proceeded unhindered to Ahris and besieged the city. Archbishop Konstantinos
Kavasilas, who was restored from exile by order of the Emperor. he showed his gratitude to his benefactors of Nicaea
by communicating with the inhabitants, persuading them to declare their allegiance to the Despot of Epirus and to open
the gates of their outlying city. After securing A-chris, Paleologos turned south through Prespa towards Diavoli and
made careful preparations to besiege the city. But the defenders quickly surrendered. The cities of Kastoria, Soskos,
and Moliskos all submitted without resistance, and the army of Nicaea advanced victoriously westward almost to the
coast, occupying the herds of Beratius and Kanina. By the beginning of 1259 a strong wedge had been driven between
Michael and his Albanian allies. The victories of the previous year had been neutralized, and the Despotate was once
again confined behind the mountains of Pindos15.
Commenting on this enlightening campaign, Akropolites, not without justification, observes the usual weakness
of the Greeks of the West when they were beaten by determined opponents, and their general aversion to the evils of
war. But the Despot and his army were taken by surprise and their retreat to Avlona was perhaps less reckless than it
appeared to the historians of Nicaea. Veratio and Avlona had already been appropriated by Manfredo of Sicily and
were part of the dowry of the bride-to-be, Helena. Michael had every reason to hasten the arrangement of the
marriage" and to establish his alliance with the Kingdom of Sicily so that Manfred felt morally obliged to send
reinforcements to Nipiros. In Avlona 9a negotiations could be made with Manfred's representatives- and the capture
of Veratius and Canina by the army of Nicaea would be an additional incentive for him to take action. Thus, the matter
of the long-delayed marriage was arranged. In May 1259, ships arrived from Italy to receive the bride and with
"CONTINENTAL
In the presence of knights and ladies from Italy and Greece, Helen was taken to the port of Trani where
Manfred was waiting for her. Amid the cheers of the people she was led to the tower where she was married
to A great feast was held on June 2. There were sports competitions, and public celebrations, while the two
citizens from Trani who were responsible for the safe transport of the bride were honored with knighthood
these events, underlines the polite Aipus and the good behavior of the young Elena who, if only sixteen
years old, combined magnanimity and prudence with
'
Construction. It is a description that agrees with al-Pun

j,iu of the Petraleifa family and confirms the good
M aortis gave her virtuous mother10.
..Mjrjjjia of Michael with Manfredo is now firmly established. One of the happy events at Trani
was the dispatch of four hundred selected German horsemen from Italy, possibly to Michael's
camp at Avlona17. With this in his forces, and to thank and reward him
ii
.:jV
orgy of his son-in-law, Michael then laid siege to the fortress of Beratio. j Veratio was part of Helena's
dowry. and it would definitely be invaluable as a basis for the recapture of Western Macedonia. But the
garrison of Nicaea was well fortified, and the high walls of the fortress were impregnable. "The strength of an
army and cavalry is not at all greater than a column of ants if God is not with them", as Quick observes
reverently. So when news arrived that his Frankish allies were already marching north, Michael abandoned
the siege of Beratius and headed south for the Ioannina and the
"Arta19.
William Villardouinos had in the meantime passed from Moria to Nafpaktos with his army. *0 his army
consisted mainly of Franks but also had a number of Greeks from Moria. Among these knights were Anso de
Toussy and the old war-experienced Gode-i-Freid de Brugier, baron of Carytaina. The troops of the Rulers of
Thebes, Athens, Salona, Voudonitsa and 1 Evia had received orders to march north to gather in Thessaly,
perhaps together with Duke John and his Vlachs. In Arta Villardouinos joined his forces with Michael who had
rushed south with his army, and the next day the united armies crossed the mountains of Pindus avoiding
John Palaiologos and reached Hypati . In the meantime, Villardouin's vassals had advanced northward
through Gravia and Sidiroporta, the present-day village of Eleftherochori, following the Athens-Lamia road,
and at the end of June or the beginning of June, the Greek and Frankish expeditionary forces gathered on
the plain of the sea, on the borders of Thessaly between Hypatia and Lamia. It was decided not to make a
direct march on Thessaloniki, but to try to defeat the army of Nicaea in open battle. From Lamia, Michael and
Villarduinos themselves went north to Larissa and from there along the valley of the Arandaporos, passing
into Macedonia by Katakolo, they advanced some twenty miles to the north of Elasona on the road to Servia.
More prisoners taken in an attack on the straw of the Ser-
"CONTINENTAL HOME"
bios were able to provide information on the movements of the Nicaean army and the arrival of
reinforcements from Adrianople19.
In the meantime, John Palaiologos had gathered his army in the region of Achrid or Pelagonia,
together with his allies and the auxiliary troops that had arrived via Thessalonica. He had a total of
27 divisions (allaya), of which only one, the German cavalry led by the Duke of Carinthia, was not
under his command. His main generals were Alexios Stratigopoulos and Ioannis Raoul. Paleologos
himself was commander-in-chief of the Greek infantry, the Turkish and Cuman auxiliary forces, and
the allied Hungarian, Bulgarian and Serbian detachments.
The situation in the enemy camp was very different. The Hepi-rotes, the Franks and the
Germans did not have a common administration. Michael led his army of Greeks with his son
Nikephoros as his lieutenant. The illegitimate son of Ioannis Doukas led the section of the Thessalian
Vlachs. The German cavalry and the Frankish army of Villardouin constituted two other independent
divisions. Villardouinus had twenty dukes, comets, barons and hierarchs and many knights and
sergeants, a total of 8 thousand heavily armed and 12 thousand lightly armed men. Michael had 8
thousand heavily armed and 18 thousand lightly armed men20.
Never had such an army been arrayed on the Despotate's side. The fate of the Kingdom of
Nicaea and the Byzantine throne itself seemed to hang in the balance. But Michael and Villardouin
had no coordinated plan of strategy and no common goal except that of victory based on the sheer
weight of numbers. Their alliance was illusory and unnatural and their relations were governed by
the spirit of mistrust and misunderstanding that existed between the Greeks and the Latins. The
army of Nicaea, on the other hand, was united under one leader and led by able generals whose
devotion to the cause of their Emperor was beyond question. The result was to demonstrate how a
Greek army supplemented by mercenaries and dedicated allies was more effective than a
heterogeneous gathering of troops with separate commanders who were each inspired by personal
springs21.
At the end of June 1259, John Paleologos led his army from Ahrida to the south, while Michael
and his allies marched north from Kastoria. The battle was opened by Paleologos in the hills between
Pelagonia and Kastoria22. The descriptions of the plot are given by Greek and Western historians
with great differences in the details. According to Akropolites, who, although he was then a prisoner
in Arta, is perhaps the most reliable authority, it did not actually take place battle at all. John
Palaiologos, acting on the advice of his brother Michael, who knew the enemy's methods of action,
deployed his forces in a manner best suited to their different abilities, placing the heavily armed in
strong defensive positions on the surrounding hills and holding the lightly armed Greek and Turkish
cavalry on the plain. He sent the most flexible of his men, the two thousand Cuman horse archers, if
See
ahead to watch and harass the enemy. At the same time use
t
"CONTINENTAL
He devised various tricks to create a false impression of the size of his army,
to spread panic among their officers. The villagers of the area were forced to
light big fires on the neighboring hills and fields "so that at night the mountain
slopes and the plains shone with moonlight from all sides and looked as if
they were burning." By day they raised clouds of dust sweeping the plain with
branches tied to the tails of their flocks, and in the evening the peasants and
soldiers were ordered to shout with one voice to impress the enemy with their
strongest forces. Spies were also sent to spread rumors of the invincible
superiority of the Imperial seers and to persuade the Frogs to return to their
country where it was safe.
In order to establish themselves in a less vulnerable position, Michael and

Villardouin decided to try to break through the enemy lines in the hope of
reaching Iirilapos to the north. But their retreat through Soscus and Moliskus
was seriously hindered by the harassing attacks of the Cumans who did not
let the Continental and Frankish troops rest day and night, insulting them when
they watered their horses and looting their transport. Their situation was
serious, and a rough plan of retreat made with the agreement of the two
commanders was thwarted only by the fierce remarks of the indomitable
Godefroid De Brugier, who could not bear the thought of retreat without
bleeding the enemy.
Finally, when tempers flared and opinions were divided, the mutual hatred
of the Greeks and Latins broke out even in the higher command, and the
whole edifice of the alliance began to crumble. Ioannis Loukas, out of jealousy
for the honors of his Thessalian wife whose beauty not only aroused admiration
but also insatiable fiery looks, joined hands with some Frankish knights, and
things got worse with the mockery that Villardouin was hurling against him for
his consecration. In order to take revenge for these insults, John Lucas
deserted the camp and offered his services to the commander of Nicaea on
the condition that they let him empty his bile only against the Franks and not
force him to take up arms against his father and brother.
Michael and Nikephoros, perhaps succumbing to the persuasive words of

John or remaining faithful to the original plan of truce they had made with
Villardouin, after that preferred to leave the Franks to their own devices, and
left at night following tracks that only the they themselves knew. The next day,
Sunday morning, Villardouin discovered how he had been abandoned by the
allies who had responded to their invitation . Only Manfred's German cavalry
remained. A council of war was immediately held at which, thanks again to the
warlike spirit of Godfrey de Brugier, it was decided to prove to Judas, who had
so cowardly betrayed them, the value and valor of the Frankish army and to
depose their hopes for victory in their unity as members of a race.
The news of Michael's departure had meanwhile reached the square of

Nicaea, and John Palaiologos had gathered his army and was preparing for
battle. The Frankish knights and the German
432LL/nnAAALLLLLLALA^nnnnAA^^^AA/nnnnA^"CONTINENTAL HOME"
Cavalry was sent forward to meet them. The 300 Germans with the Duke of
Corinthia began the attack from the side of Nicaea, and as they advanced,
Villardouin ordered his knights to isolate them for destruction. The Duke himself
fell upon Godefroid de Brugier in a duel with him, and his men fell under the
Frankish swords "like the grass of the meadow." Then Paleologos signaled to
his swift Cuman and Hungarian archers to strike the horses of the Frankish
knights who had engaged the Germans in hand-to-hand combat and not to
think of the lives of the Germans. Once again the Cumans excelled and the
knights fell thick and fast from the deadly accuracy of their arrows. The elderly
Godfrey de Brugier, although he was without a horse, continued to fight on foot
and Palaiologos, because he was impressed by his courage, rushed into the
fight with his horse to save him from death and captured him with dignity.
Villardouinos, while running to help him, was hit and his horse fell dead and he
set it on its feet. The flower of Frankish chivalry followed its leader and the
battle turned into a disorderly flight.
With the fierce pursuit of the army of Nicaea, the Franks retreated to the
south. But only the common soldiers managed to escape. Villa-larduino was
found near Kastoria hiding in a haystack. His hiding place was betrayed and
his identity was recognized by his protruding front teeth. He was led to the
stage of Ioannous Palaiologos, where, knowing Greek, he was able to answer
the accusations addressed to him by his conqueror. Those of the fallen rank
and file who managed to escape robbery and death at the hands of the
marauding Vlachs of Thessaly returned to Moria. Anso de Toussy and his
division were surrounded near Platamon on the coast and he as well as William
Villardouin. Godfrey de Brugier, and some thirty other Frankish knights were
sent with an escort to Michael Palaiologos and Lampsacus. The 400 German
knights of Manfred, foreigners in a foreign country, surrendered without
resistance to Alexios the General Poulos and three others (Trateges of Nicaea
and became prisoners of the Emperor23.
NOTES:
1) Nikephoros Blemmydes, kkd. Heisenberg, p. 45. A. Gardner, "Lascarids of Xicaea,"

pp. 209—10.
2) Acropolis 152—3. Gregory, I, 00—1. .Tirecek, "Serben," I, pp. 310—317. "Rul-garen," pp. 209—70.
Constantine Tihomir (fj Tichoslao, son of Tihoi) was the grandson of Stephen II Nemania, whose father ,
like Demetrius of Eloa-san, had taken Girigipato (probably Skopje) by marriage of with one of what?
daughters of Nemaniah. Grigoras considers him a usurper of a certain Mytxis. There is a joke that it is
a confusion with Michael Asan because the names Mitsa are diminutives) of Michael. But Ide Zlatarski,
"Istorija", pp. 373-5. A certain John Tihomir was Lord in Skopje in 1200 (Ide Chomatinos 203).
3) Acropolis 153—9. Quick, I, 57. Pachymeris, I, 80.

"CONTINENTAL
4) 'Akropolites 164 (large and extravagantly selected). Pachymeris. I, 82, verse

16—20.
5) ÿÿÿ ÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿ D. Forges - Davanzati, «Dissertation on the second wife of King

Manfredi and on their son», Naples (1790. G. del Giudice, «The Family of lie
Manfredi, in the Historical Archive for the Neapolitan provinces», III (1878), ÿÿÿÿ. 1, ÿÿÿ.
3—80, IV (1879), pp. 35 ff., and 291 ff., V (1880), pp. 21 f., and 470 f. M. Len-dias,
"Helen Angelina Doukaino, queen of Sicily and Neapaleo.. . "Epi-rotic Chronicles*, I
(1926), pp. 219-94. The extent of *Elena's dowry is highly disputed. Sanudo, ed.
Hopf, p. 107, mentions Durres, Auloina and Corfu as dowry. *0 Davanzati, op. cit.,
pp. 38-41, says: "Or Avlona, Vouroto and the islands of Sivota". Del Giudice, op. cit..
Ill, p. 19 and IV, pp. 92-3, says: "Corfu and the neighboring coast of Epirus together
with Ai'lona, Kanina, Hepsarra, Sivota and Vooroto ».
6) *0 Miliarakis et al. assume that no alliance was made between Michael and Manfredo
until the marriage of Manfredo with *Helena, in June 1259. However, Akropolites
(157, verses 21-3) shows how the marriage had -laws before he became the
Palaeologus Emperor, i.e. before December 1258. *A Venetian document dated
September 1, 1258 connects the name of Manfred with the name of Michael (Ide
Buchon, "Recherches histo-riques* , vol. I, pp. 104—5). Thalloczy, Jirecek and
Sufflay, 1, no. 254, p. 71, hint that the marriage and the dowry were arranged
immediately after the death of the bride? wife of Manfred in January 1258. *0 Geana-
koplos, op. cit., "Dunbarton Oaks Papers." 7 (1953), p. 105 and note 18, rejects this
theory on the grounds that Michael would have been unlikely by his will (i.e. as a
donor) to leave "the most important part of his lands" to the "ruler of a Kingdom
traditionally hostile to Epirus".
7) Chronicle of Moreos 3177-269. The alliance of Villarduinus with Michael is maintained

by Dandolo (RIS XII), 363-4, who confuses the Despot with Michael Palaiolagus. Ide
Ixmgnon, "ÿ Empire latin", p. 221. The battle at Karydi followed after the Assembly
held at Nikli Otis on May 20, 1258 (Chronicle of Moreos 3211).
8) Chronicle of Moreos 3111-37. Libro de los Fechos, ed. Morel - Fatio, 235. Sanudo 106
—7 (where he alone mentions Likonia). Acropolis 157—8. Grigoras, I, 71. Pa-
chymeris, I, 82. Dorotheos of Monemvasia (ed. Buchon, "Chroniques etrangeres", P.
XXXV. Or *Anna changed her name to Agni upon marriage and gave birth to two
daughters by William , Isabella and Margaret (Ide Longnon, "1, Empire latin", p. 223)
It is hinted that the comparison with Menelaus and Helen (made by Dorotheus) may
have inspired Goethe to the conception of Helen as the wife of a Frank Itrizipus of
Medieval Sparta Ide J.
Schmitt, in his reflection on his edition of the Chronicle of the Child, pp. lviii - Ixvi, and
G. Moravcsik, Zur Quellenfrage der I lelenaepisode in Goethes Faust, "Byz - neugr.
Jahrbuch.', VIII (1935), pp. 41—56.
9) Akropolites 160. Grigoras, I, 72, Ide DM Nicol, "The Date of the Battle of Pelagonia",
BZ 49 (1956), (pp. 68—71), p. 68. This campaign of Nicaea took place shortly after
the acquisition of the title of Deopotis by Michael Palaiologos (meaning the despotic
office, Gregoras, loc. cit.) and "before his coronation " (before he was royally
crowned, Akropolites loc. cit. verse 167). They crossed the Hellespont "mikron meta
tropas therinas" and reached Macedonia at the end of autumn-winter (Grigoras, loc.
cit.).
ROTIC HOSPITAL"
10). Livre de la Conqueste 255—62. Libro de los Fechos 250—3. THE chronographers
confuse John Palaiologos with John the Duke, son of Michael, and give an utterly
fantastic account of an expedition against him in Thessaly by Michael and Villarduino
(Chronicle of Moreus loc. cit., and 3637— 71. Livre de la Conqueste 275—6). *0
Pachymeris, loc. cit., makes it clear that Ioannis Doukas was on his father's side. The
Chronicle of Aragon
(Libro de los Fechos 253) also mentions Maio Orsini as one of the "Barons"
summoned by Villarduino.
11) * Acropolis 158—9. Pachymeris, I, 79—80. Dolger, "Regesten," p. 30.
12) Philis, governor of Thessaloniki after Andronikos Palaionogos in 1247, was blinded by
Theodoros Laskaris ('Akropolites 155). Akropolites, who gives the details of this
embassy, compares the humanity of Palaiologos, who willingly released the 20
prisoners he had captured near Bodena, with the severity of Michael, who would
close his ears to every petition. Constantinos Havarion was a personal friend of
Palaiologos. Akropolites was related to him by marriage and describes the inspiration
of the apostolic embassy as largely the result of his wife's entreaties.
13) Akrapolite 165. On the fate of Constantia, Ide del Giudice, op. cit., in?*. 26 —30* G.
Schlumberger, Le Tombeau d' une Imperatrice Byzantine, in "Byzance et Croisades,"
pp. 72—5. The Old Testament may also have sent an embassy to Pope Alexander
IV. Ide Norden, "Papsttum und Byzanz", pp. 382-3. Geanakoplos, op. cit., "Dumbarton
Oaks Papers," 7 (1953), pp. 118—29.
14) Acropolis 161. Chronicle of Moreos 3586-607. Livre de la Conqueste 268—70.
Libro de la Fechos 244. Cronaca di Morea, ed. Hopf, "Chronique grecoromanes",
441. Ide DM Nicol, op. cit., BZ, 49 (1956), pp. 68-70. The numbers of auxiliary troops
vary considerably. 1000 Serbs (Chronicle of Aragon), 5,000 (Italian). 4,000 Acans
and Cumans (Aragonese), 1,000 Cumans (Italic). Ide Geanakoplos, op. cit.,
"Dumbarton Oaks Papers, 7 (1953 >, pp. 124-5 and note 116, 117. Akrapolites (169,
v. 3), no doubt to exaggerate the victory of the Nicaean army, mentions only the
"Scythians and Turks" very generally. The "Duke of Carinthia" is an obscure form.
Buchon, "Recherches historiques", I, p. 135 note 3, and Schmitt (in editions of the
Chronicle of Moreus) identify him with Hugh III of Carinthia, but Ulrich was still alive
in 1269 (see "Monumenta Historiae Ducatus Carinthiae", vol. II (Klagenfurt 1906), p.
722— 3).Perhaps he sent a detachment to one of his officers whose bravery on the
battlefield made him a legendary figure and caused his name to be confused with that
of the heroic Baron of Karit'ina, Godefroid. De Brugier The Chronicle of Aragon refers
to both under the same name "Quarantana".
15) Akropolites 165-7 (even this was a year of protest). Quick, I, 72. Pachymeris, I, 83,
106. Ide D. M. Nicol, op. cit. B.Z., 49 (1956), in?.. 69. The mountains of Pindus are
named "Pirrhinaia" by Akrapos?*itis. Ide K. Amados, "E-peteris", I, (1924), p. 48.
Diavoli were located in the area of Lake Maliki, south of Achridos. Moliskos was a
bishop. belonged to A
Achrida (see Gelzer, "Der Patriarchat von Achrida", p. 20).
16) Anonymus Traneusis, ed. D. Forges - Davanzati, op. cit., pp. 11—13. Ide Del Giudice,
op. cit., pp. 18—21, 53—6. Toani is on the Italian coast opposite
"CONTINENTAL
from Durres. Its fortress is described as the Strongest in Manfred's Kingdom.
17) The German passage by Manfred is the subject of an article by M.

Dendias, "Le Roi Manfred et la Bataille de Pelagonie," "Melanges Charles Diehl," vol. I,
(Paris 1930), pp. 55-60. Lytos argues how the contradictory descriptions of its size
(Lkropolites 400, Pachymeris 3,000) can be reconciled with the assumption that there
were 400 Knights in charge of a corps of Saracen archers.
18) Grigoras, I, 73. The description of the siege of Beratius by Michael (which is given only
by the Quick) is generally rejected* but see D. M. Nicol, op. cit., B.Z., 49 (1956), p. 70.
19) Chronicle of Mireos 3618-37, 3672-95. Livre de la Conqueste 272—4, 277—8. For the
location of the Iron Gate, see Kalonaro's edition of the Chronicle of Moreos (A-thenai
1940), p. 156 note. Katakolon was probably located near the current Hani of
Sarantaporos, on the borders of Thessaly and Macedonia.
20) Chronicle of Moreos 3696-711. Libro de los Fechos 256.
21) The Quick, I, 74, verse. 4-7, comments wittily on the racial and deep-rooted differences
between the "Greeks and the Franks.
22) The place of the battle is unknown. ',0 'Lkropolites says how the attack of Nicaea was
launched "from the place of Borila longos tunoma", which is generally agreed to be in
the area of Kastoria, but the Chronicles refer to Pelagonia without transparency. Ide
Geanakoplos, op. cit., "Dumbarton Oaks Papers", 7 (1953), Appendix L. The date is
also uncertain, but late June or early July seems more likely. Ide D. M. Nicol, op. cit.,
B.Z., 49 (1956), pp. 68-71.
23) Lcropolis 167-71, Grigoras, I, 73-5. Pachymeris, I, 84—8. Frantzis 17. Chronicle of
Mioreos 3696—4091. Livre de la Conqueste 279—305. Libro de los Fechos 262—84.
Cronaca di Morea 442—7. Sanudo 107. "An attempt was made to combine the various
descriptions of the battle. The desertion of Michael and Ioannou Doukas is the one
given by Pachymeris. 'Lkropolites (171) says how the fate of Michael and Nikephoros at
night were the causes of the desertion of John the Baptist and the flight of Villarduinus.
Ephraim does not go beyond the siege of Michael in his description. But his words
about the espionage activity of Palaiologos agree quite well with the description given in
the Chronicles of Moreus. His statement that Manfred was present at the battle and
managed to escape only with difficulty is unsupported (Ide
:
Dendias, op. cit., "Melanges Diehh, I, pp. 57-60, and Miliarakis, p. 533, note
3). But there is no reason to assume, with Dendias, that the description of A- S-
'cropolis about the capture of the entire passage of Manfred from the
The Nicene generals series is fantastic. The rest for the above
^
writing, Especially for the heroism of Godfrey de Bruyère and his attitude
M Frankish army, come from the Chronicles of Moria. Geanakoplos, op.
I cit., 'Dumbarton Oaks Papers', 7 (1953), pp. 127 f., gives an overview of the various accounts of the battle and discusses
the possible motives behind

1 from the desertion of Michael by his allies. Its main spring was
% probably psychological which came from the deep and Ideological differences where
¥ existed between him and the Franks.
STELIOU K. SIOMOGIOULOU
Lawyer
THE DESTRUCTION OF THE CONTINENT BY THE ROMANS*
(167 BC X .)
II'
THE SPOILS OF THE MACEDONIAN WAR
It is necessary, before we even proceed with the investigation of the

whole carnivore. let's take a quick look, just for information, at what this war,
the chosen "Persian" (from the name of the enemy kingdom, according to the
custom of the time) "partially" gave to the victors. Only in this way will it be
more fully explained whether the reasoning of the order of the Senate to L.
Aim is convincing or not. Paul to destroy Epirus, at least in one part of it, that
is, that which concerned the fullness of the army. That's why, before we dig
into what happened, and which was the reason for writing this study, we will
go back a little bit a year).
All the unfathomable treasures of the avaricious kingdom passed into the
power of the victorious Perseus. This authority certainly had the meaning of
immediacy, but it was not absolute. Lord of the treasures was "self-righteous?"
or the Roman State, on behalf of which the whole and unyielding ruler had to
manage them, until he handed them over to the authorities. At this point,
Aemilius Pavlos surpassed the mythical Greek dog Cerberus. Of the
enormous booty, which would be talked about in Ropi for centuries later, he
himself did not mind a single drachma, and not only this, but, with an iron
hand, he did not allow anyone to seize the slightest). Apart from a few "gifts"
he gave to his immediate collaborators, as a reward for their undoubted
prowess, the entire treasure was sealed. A unique disagreement here among
the historians of Antiquity is Dion Cassius, Greek historian (155-235 AD),
supporting the following strange, both about the character of A. Aemilius, as
well as about the subject of the payment of the soldiers: "This is not only a
stain on this life) money is stolen, the looting of the soldiers' money is
allowed". CASSI DIONIS COCCEIANI: "Historiae Romanae quae su-pcrsunt."
Frag. ex lib. XXXIV, LXXVI, 2. Lipsiae TAUCHN1TII, 1818.
This information, despite its clarity and categoricalness, is not true, and
for serious reasons that we will examine elsewhere,
See above, ofA. 286.

"CONTINENTAL
but also for the fact that, if we assume it to be true, there was no reason for
the Senate to de-consecrate Epirus officially as a spoil to the soldiers. After
all, it is known that "plundering", in the sense known from the history of other
nations, was unthinkable for Roman soldiers, at least during the period of the
Republic. Not of course because the soldiers didn't have the desire to seize,
even then, but because they didn't have the ability, not only to commit it, but
not even to attempt it.
The fullness of soldiers

The Romans, with the practical thinking that distinguished them. they had
established by law, a simple, wise and fair system of distribution of the spoils,
which excluded, in an absolute way, any smuggling, and much more the
individual "remula" both on the battlefield and later. This system relied on a
single penalty: death. Polybius gives us details about this in the 10th book of
his Histories, and its development has no place here.
After all, and we note this from a citation - as if indicative of a side of his
character - the general, after only a few years died almost poor, something
that would not have happened if he had then allowed these soldiers to "break
away", because he would he also had his share, which would also be non-
gemonic.
Therefore, there is no doubt that the above information of Dion Cassius is
due to a misunderstanding of a basic principle of the operation of the
mechanism of the old Roman army. We persisted a little on the subject,
because if this point of view is considered correct, the Continental disaster is
placed on a completely different basis, and in fact groundless and unjustified,
while it is officially a matter of the payment of the army from the royal treasuries
and the need for punishment of the "Epirians who helped Perseus", - by order
of the Senate -, led the steps of the Roman army to Epirus.
How many were the "unspeakable treasures" of the last kingdom of

Macedonia? Disregarding, for the sake of brevity, any other information, we
note as being closer in time to the facts, an information of Polybius, according
to which, without the other household goods and the valuable movables "he
found the silver and gold treasures of more than six thousand talents"
(XVIII, 35, 4). That is, only his "cash" was so valued.
And in order to give an image, even if abstract, of the comparative value
of this amount, we will mention, again from the precious Polybius, an example:
Ironically in the beginnings of his History, our historian
And another, a contemporary of the author, Phylarchus, otherwise unknown to
us, who writes that during the Cleomenic War the booty of the Spartans from
the plundering of Megalopolis, the home of Polybius, amounted to 6,000 talents,
gives the answer, the historian of Megalopos-Aitis, that if all the possessions,
movable and immovable, of the entire Peloponnese were sold in his days, that
is, the entire Peloponnese minus its people, it would not be possible to collect
that amount , and that the exact same estimate had been made for Attica and
others
Athenians formerly, for tax purposes (B, 62, 1-5). Therefore, the wealth of the
king was truly unfathomable.
This absolute and strict honesty of the leader was next to displease his
soldiers, who were fighting the kingdom in the Greek mountains, but three
years before the silent general came to them and it was natural for them to ask
for a share of the gold that flowed in their feet, and indeed so defiantly. After
all, according to the above, the soldiers had a legal and undisputed right to ask
for a share of the spoils, which constituted the compensation for their labors
and risks.
However, on the one hand, the king tied up the king's gold, and on the
other hand, by order of the Senate, he declared autonomous and independent
all the cities that were part of the former state of Macedonia, divided into 4
apartments. So the Roman soldier quickly found to his horror that he could not
stretch out his hand anywhere, waiting to see what the Senate would decide
about him as well. The smile of victory left the lips of the soldiers, and as time
passed, their concern turned into agony, to end up in an underground river of
silent indignation which later, due to the great " fiasco" that their leader caused
them, which we will see below, broke out uncontrollably in the streets of Rome,
and almost drowned in its maelstrom the glorified commander-in-chief and the
Senate itself. But these happened later.
This large parenthesis was unnecessary, because the issue of paying the
soldiers was presented as the official justification for the plunder of Epirus,
while the alleged partnership with Perseus constituted the official non-form. So
we had to see what this war "earned" from a "financial" point of view, in order to
be able to judge the validity of the rationale.
For the time being, the soldiers, unpaid and with a heavy soul, were waiting
for the order to drag their feet towards the Ionian, which would lead them to
their homes.
III
CONTINENTAL RAPSODY
9 A n t I for release
While the victorious shouts of the Amphipolis celebrants had not yet died
down, the general slowly and majestically made his way back to Italy. He sent
two young generals (thousands), his son Quintus Maximus and his nephew
Publius Nasica to raze the cities of Illyria "that had helped Perseus", with
orders to meet him afterwards at the port of Orikou in I-Piro106.
106) This information of T. Livius (XLV, XXXIII, 8) is vague and nebulous. However, it is
clear that the declarations of the freedom of the Illyrians by the Council and Anicius,
the general who defeated and captured Gendius, were trampled before their ink
was even dry. This fact shows that
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8^b«^2iii!iiiiiiXX2i2
"CONTINENTAL
Lyus with the main commander of his army set out for Epirus. In 15 days
he reached Passarona, in the heart of Epirus and camped not far from the
camp of Anikios, at least this is what the sources tell us, whom he warned not
to worry "about what is going to happen"107.
We do not have, and perhaps never will, an accurate picture of what

happened in Epirus, how this tragedy unfolded. There is no, as we said at the
beginning, the chronicle of her calamity, and the echoes of her all-burning did
not pass over her mountains. Thus the lamentation of the proud inhabitants
of this first cradle of the Greeks, who for the first time knew the conqueror's
hand on their heads, passed into the "trifles" of History.
Since the narrative of the contemporary Polybius, who had established

close relations during his captivity in Italy with the family of Aemilius Paulus
and from whom we would learn the events "first-hand", we will not present an
affidavit. image of the event of the disaster, we will let the ancient historians
tell it to us, each one as he knows it or as he heard it from other older people,
thus bringing close to the reader the very voices of History, elsewhere clear,
and others confused, as they have reached our days, and let the reader make
his own representation.
We remind you that all these historians wrote when Rome was, as we
noted above), a world power, and not only that, but also when Rome itself was
terrorized by relentless despotism. The exception to this last case is the older
Polybius, whose only few words about the incident of the disaster have
survived.
Their era was not at all suitable for writing history and we prefer not to give
its image but to borrow it from a Rotmaian historian of approximately the same
era, Cornelius Tacitus. who confesses the following:
"After the conflict at Lactium, and when it became necessary that for the
sake of peace all power should be concentrated in one man, these great minds
were again enkindled. After this, truthfulness in historical writing was damaged
in many ways: First ex because of the citizens' ignorance of public affairs,
which were now completely foreign to them. "Then because of their passion
for flattery or, on the other hand, their hatred for their rulers. So among the
enmity
the treatment of the Illyrians by the provost Anikios, whose acts of brutality we have not encountered
even in Epirus, was not considered sufficiently severe by the "competents". By what right did Limilius
send his army to Illyria, while the renewal of his mandate by the Senate after the end of his servitude,
as we wrote above, only concerns Macedonia and Greece, this is one of the little secrets of History.
It is most likely that Aim. Paiaos himself called for an order from the Senate that this "Enterprise" be
entrusted to him.
107) Tit. Liv. 11.15, 34, 1 "To the quern letters sent, lest anything should happen to those things."
would move*
"THE EXPERIENCE POINT"
of the one and the servitude of the other, there was no care for the
descendants"108.
we will give, immediately below, the relevant excerpts from the works of
the ancients, historians or others that we were able to research, and, it is
regrettable that they are few.
We will present each author in his own language, Greek or Latin, and in
translation into modern Greek, where necessary, or a faithful rendering of
which, as with all the texts of the study, is our responsibility.
It is, of course, known how the continuity of the narration of the events
breaks up in this way, and the reader who happens to be unaccustomed to
this kind of reading or study, may feel some boredom, but we thought it unwise
to do so, because we are interested in something more than the narrative
performance. The proof that when the surviving texts are compared, in a direct
way, the conclusion is easily reached that he retains a wrong impression about
the Epirus holocaust, which is not the result despite the official view of the
Roman State, according to forgery. of historical truth.
The reader must know that what he will read below is, in our opinion, the
greatest "massive" destruction that took place up to that time in Europe, and
the greatest violent displacement of populations in Greece, after the descent of
the Dorians. And if the latter is the landmark of the beginning of Ancient
Greece, or the destruction of Epirus is the glaring landmark of its end, even if
the official Isgoria places it 21 years later, in the destruction of Corinth .
"EPIRUS IS DESTROYED"
The documents
We remind you that, following the historian Titus Livius, we left Leucius
Aemilius Paulus encamped with the bulk of his army, not far from the camp of
Anicius, which was in Passarona. It is obvious that his army had poured into
the comfortable plateau of Ioannina with its abundant water and fodder. Lefkius
thus planted his army in the heart of Epirus, ready to rush on every side. He
informed Annicius, as we have seen, not to worry about what was about to
happen, and, the most important thing: He informed him that the Senate had
granted him the spoils of the Epirotian cities, which "had defected to Perseus".
Those that will follow took place during the reign of Quintus Ailius and Marcus
Junius in Rome, in the year 167 BC109
We start with Plutarch and this because we considered his narrative to

be more "narrative".
So Plutarch writes:
XXIX, 1-3 "Anezeuxen (Aim. Paul) on Epirus, having doctrine
108) Tacitus: The Histories. Book I, I. ("ÿÿÿÿÿÿ Washington Square Press inc. N. Tork
p. 297).
109) Maximum td f-thinapofo.
"CONTINENTAL ES TIA"
Gather together the allies in this battle towards Jersea, soldiers from those cities you benefit.
Sitting down and not having any followers, but a brilliant leader, he sent the first of ten men
from each of them, and commanded them that the silver and gold should be in the houses
and in the holy places. Every one of them came up to this point with a guard of soldiers and
a brigadier pretending to ask for and receive the gold. At the end of the day, in the same way,
he rushed forward to raid and plunder the cities, so that when fifteen men were defeated by
a myriad, seventy cities were sacked, and from such destruction and destruction, every soldier
payment of the major eleven drachmae, frighten the people at the end of the war, in a small
way the every item and profit of a nation all fragmented".
His translation, although it does not present difficulties (like the texts of Polybius with condensed
meanings), we consider it necessary to give it:
"...he loaded them for Epirus having a doctrine (decision) of the Synod, to satisfy the
soldiers who took part with him in the war (more literally: in the final phase of the war) with
Perseus from the plunder of those cities, not wanting to fall on all the cities at the same time
and suddenly and unexpectedly, he sent and called the ten prefects from each city, and
ordered them to carry and deposit on an appointed day, as much gold and silver as they have
in the houses , as well as in the temples. Together with them he sent, for this purpose, a guard
of soldiers with an officer with orders to pretend that he would demand (from the city) and
receive the gold. "When the day arrived, the same time for all (the cities) they rushed to attack
and plunder the cities, so that in one hour one hundred and fifty thousand people were captured
and made slaves (exandrapodisthoun), and to destroy seventy cities, it fell to each soldier,
from such great damage and destruction, a dose no greater than eleven drachmas, so that all
people would be terrified for the end of the war, because thus an entire nation was torn to
pieces in order to get a share and profit, each soldier, so small".
We quote verbatim and in translation the relevant passage from the book
"AB URBE CONDITA" book of TITUS LIVIUS:
45, 33, 8. "He himself, seeking Epirus, reached Passaron in the fifteenth camp."
45, 34 1-6 "The camp of the Anicians was not far from there. To whom letters were sent,
lest he should be moved in regard to what was to be done: that the senate had given the booty
of the states of Epirus, which had fallen to Perseus, to his army. Having sent centurions into
each city, who said that they had come to conduct garrisons, that the Epirotes might be free
like the Macedonians, he summoned the Danes from each state. When he had announced to
them that the gold and silver were to be brought out into the public domain , he sent troops
through all the cities. He set out before further than in: proprieties, that one day he might reach
them all. Published by the centurion
* and there were things to be done with them. Many gold and silver were contributed; ho-
• the fourth signal was given to the soldiers to capture the cities; and so great was the booty,
that four hundred denarii were divided among the horsemen, and the footmen to be led. The walls
"THE PIRO TIC E S T .
then the plundered cities were destroyed; There were about seventy towns. All the
booty was sold, and the sum total of the soldier was then counted.
The following is a translation:
XLV, XXXIII 8 "the prince himself (from the city of Macedonia called Iellaion) set
out for Epirus and arrived at the camp of Passaryina on the fifth day".
XLV, XXXIV, 1—6 "'Not far from ket. it was the camp of Anikius. He (Aim. Paulus)
sent him letters not to be alarmed and not to be moved by anyone, no matter what
happened, and (notified him) that the Senate was bringing to his army the spoils of
the Epirypian cities which he had captured. even with Perseus. He sent centurions to
every city (with the order) to say that they had come to withdraw the garrisons, so that
the Epirotes would be free like the Macedonians. He ordered ten princes from each
city to go to him, and when they were assembled, he ordered them to collect the gold
and silver in the center (of each city). To these cities he sent troops (companies) 110
of which those destined for the furthest cities left first, than those destined for the
nearest, so that all the forces reached the same day in the two cities. The brigadier
generals and captains had received orders for their mission. When the gold and silver
were collected in the morning, at four o'clock the soldiers were ordered to plunder the
cities. The booty was so great that each horseman received 400 dinars and each
infantryman 200 denarii and 1500,000 people were robbed from their homes. After the
walls of the plundered cities were destroyed* the number of these inhabited areas was
about seventy. "All the booty was sold, and from these the sum above was paid to the
soldiers."
APPIANUS, Greek historian of the 2nd AD. century from Alexandria, provides us
with information which, despite being taken from the above ancient historians, has
some interesting points. Appianus, thinking that the 70 cities destroyed by Aemilius
Paulus belonged to Illyria and to the King of Genthio, writes:
"Seventy years because of him (Gentius) which cities, Aemilius Paulus and
Perseus, of the Council of Secrets, of Rome, surrendered on purpose, and of those
who If they had silver and gold, they were forced to surrender. The general of the
army passes this, and being instructed, if he preaches to each of them in each city,
,
thirty of them are to buy the money and bring the money together, the rest you plunder.
In this way, Paul plundered seventy cities with his sword"111.
110) "Cohortes" Or "kurtis" were the tenth of the Roman legion, with a strength of about
of today's infantry company.
111) Appiani: Romanorum Historiarum T. II «De Rebus Illyricis IX, p. 216, ?ÿÿ.
Leipzig 1829.
The following is a translation:

"Seventy-two cities that belonged to him (the Gentius) Aemilius Paulus, he
who captured Perseus. following a secret written order of the council (Syncletus),
returning to Rome, he deliberately went astray, and because the inhabitants
were afraid, he promised them that he would forgive them what had been done,
if they surrendered to him what gold and silver they had. After they had accepted,
he sent with them divisions of the army to each city, having appointed to the
leaders of the divisions the same day of arrival for all, with an order at dawn that
each of them should request by heralds in each city within three hours to bring
the money ( the inhabitants) in the market, since they do not bring them, the rest
of the property to plunder. "So Paul sacked 70 cities at the same time".
The above information of Appianus, apart from the confusion about the
location of the seventy plundered cities, is valuable, because it reveals to us the
extent of the treachery of the Senate, which promised in a public and official way,
forgiveness of sins ("promised acknowledgment of the facts" ) to the credulous
Epirotes. Also, from him we are informed of something self-evident, which we do
not learn from any other historian. that is, after the gold and silver ("the money")
were handed over, the other assets were looted.
Here too, "rippasei" and "rippasen" do not have the meaning of "whoever
caught up", but of the common contribution, as Titus Livius explicitly mentions in
his passage above about the destruction.
PLINIUS THE ELDER, Latin physicist and philosopher of the 1st BC. century,
in his work "Naturalis Historia", he writes the following:
BOOK IV, 39 "...this is the same Macedonia whose one day Paul Aemi-
Our emperor Lius sold 72 plundered cities.
And in translation:
"...on this side is Macedonia, of which, in one day, Paulus Aemilius, our
commander-in-chief, destroyed seventy-two cities, then plundered them...".
Pliny, whoever is after Appianus, whom we saw above, ignores Epirus, and
they describe the destroyed cities as 'Illyrian', this one. Macedonian. What
characterizes us in Pliny is that he is the only one among the writers of Antiquity
to provide us with the number 72. Shall we assume that the "inaccuracy" of the
number is due to another, unknown, historical source? Definitely not. Pliny did
not systematically engage in historical research, and the relevant information is
usually provided to him in a cursory manner, and therefore, when not cross-
referenced by another source, they must be accepted with caution. "Besides, this
sloppiness is also confirmed by the "Macedonian" placement of the "Continental
cities", in the very small excerpt from his work, which we quoted immediately
above. It is not excluded, however, that this "72" is a clerical error of the medieval
copyists of his work. Therefore, in order not to return to the subject, we can ignore
the "information" of Pliny the elder, which, after all, as it is placed, there is no fear
of misleading the researcher .
*
ESTIA
JUSTINUS, Rotmaian historian of the 2nd AD. century, he wrote a

compendium of the "Philippine Histories" of the Roman Trogus Pompeius, which
have been lost. In his epitome, Justin states in two words: "...Romani bellum
gessemnt; quae capto deleta est Epirus". Not so: ".. . The Romans won the war;
after that, after Epirus was captured, it was destroyed." (JUSTINUS: Trogi
Pompei Hi-storiarum Philippicarum Eritoma. Lipsiae. Teubneri MDCCCLX, p.
230).
EUTROPIUS, Latin historian of the 4th AD. century, in his summary of
Roman History, he states, roughly repeating the previous historians, "Moh LXX
civitates Epiri, quae rebellarant cepit? Praedam militibus distribuit? Romam cum
ingenti pompa rediit.' (Eutropli: Breviarium Historiae Romanum Adc (uravit) Car.
Weise. Nova editio stereo-typa. Lipsiae 1843. Liber iv. cap. vii).
And in translation: "He immediately captured 70 cities of Epirus, which had

revolted* distributed the booty to the Ottariotes* returned to Rome with a glorious
procession*.
Of the History of POLYVIUS, only a small apospa-ajia was saved, and this
one by the hand of Strabo, but it is very precious. like every word of Polybius that
refers to contemporary events:
Strabius Geographika VII, 7, 3 (or Z—C, 322, 20): "Of the Epirotes, seventy
cities were destroyed by Polybius, and Paul was overthrown after the overthrow
of the Macedonians* of the Molottes, and there were most of them* five and ten
myriads of people are exandrapodistasthai'. (cit. and Polyviou FRAGMENTA
LIBRI XXX, 15, 1 ed. LOEB).
History of that time, and especially about Perseus and this war, and in fact
in many books, as we are informed by Plutarch (Heim. Paul XIX, 4), he also
wrote "Poseidonios them". It is about the philosopher, historian, and even
metallurgist of the 2nd BC. century, and contemporary with the events we are
narrating, Poseidonius the Rhodian, a friend of Scipio, the son of the conqueror
of Epirus, whom he accompanied on his campaign in Egypt, together with the
historian Polybius, who, paradoxically, ignores him, as far as we know, completely.
Unfortunately, not many things were saved from his large and multifaceted literary
work, and from his history, almost nothing. Especially about Epirus and its
destruction, we did not find a single word from this eyewitness and local witness
in his "Sozomena*, at least in the 1810 edition of JANUS BAKE (POS-SIDONII
RHODII: RELIQUE DOCTRINAE. LUGUNDI BATAVORUM
HAAK AND ASSOCIATES 1810).

Our evidence, despite the effort it took to gather it, is not only minimal, but
also in some points - and indeed critical - conflicting with each other. It is a
diverse, poor set of historical elements, with a strong interposition here and there
of elements of political expediency. "All this needs careful comparison, analysis
and synthesis, we will attempt it as much as possible, faithful to our material.
Hopefully others will be luckier or more persistent in their research.
Goes on
CON. GANYATSA
Professor and former Rector of the University
of Thessaloniki
- -
HERBS QUACKERY COMBINED
ADVANCED ANNOUNCEMENT
The subject of the triptych BOTANA — MEDICINE — COMBOGIAN-^JTAI, is

closely interconnected and is of interest both from a scientific, as well as from a
general and especially folkloristic point of view. And from a scientific point of view,
because anywhere in the history of wild and semi-wild peoples of the world is found
the same use of empirical medicines and religious means and this empiricism led
scientists to the discovery of the most safe cures, it is the same it is also possible to
happen with the scientific research of the recipes of doctors based on herbs and
other substances, with the possibility of discovering new and effective substances
against the incurable diseases of modern synthetic drugs. From a more general
point of view, the research of the above topic is different for the history of medicine,
pharmaceuticals, botany, trade, also for paleography, literature, as well as for
highlighting bases and other related elements in the life of of the Greek people in
pursuit of proof of national continuity. As for the Kombogiannites, i.e. the practical
empirical doctors of the olden times, perhaps they are not worthy of ridicule and
satirism, because this is what, taking into account the conditions of the xpovojv, they
were from the point of view of medical and pharmaceutical treatment
I
I
i and regardless of many foolish therapeutic instructions, they serve him
*
suffering man with the acquired experience and with herbs, many
; of whom they have, according to the latest scientific research, valuable
therapeutic property.
The large pharmacy of Physiots, despite the leaps and bounds in the
development of pharmaceutical chemistry, continues to serve the sick man and is
even irreplaceable in many cases. It is precisely for this reason that the scientific
!
research of herbs that
; it has always been used empirically for therapeutic purposes as well
I or unsought new medicinal plants. The result of the scientific
researches, in fact the same ones of the last three to four decades, was or
The discovery of new herbal medicinal substances, which, following biological and clinical observations, have
been shown to be advantageous over
j of many synthetic drugs, while other plant-derived substances are
I irreplaceable. For this reason, pharmaceutical industries were established in recent years for the research and
exploitation of medicinal plants only. Rightly, then, GALINOS reformulated it
RP TIC E S T IA
»
phrase "Physicism is the same as the body and the soul" p r e t e s '.
Human life to move forward. in both its fields, it needs the nuggets of
knowledge and the elements of the past, the more we define and realize these
elements, the better we could appreciate the elements of illumination and the
latest progress and to progress even more. *No matter how much we go into
the details of new discoveries, we will never become worthy of knowledge if we
do not know what preceded our current knowledge. It is precisely for this reason
that we must make a brief historical review of our subject from ancient times to
the present day.
HERBS
Man discovered very early that Nature offers innumerable possibilities for
the relief of mental and physical pains and the treatment of his illnesses, and
from ancient times they sought refuge in Mother Nature for the supply of herbs
and various plant substances and products (e.g. alcohol , dpio, cocaine, quinine,
hashish), which are also the first drugs. This diagnosis may not be accidental,
but due to various incidents that led the person to this. "One such characteristic
incident is reported by the READER in his interesting booklet (1) entitled: HERBS
— LATIN PHARMACEUTICAL AND THERAPEUTIC, in the introduction of
which he writes the following:
"5 days lying in the shade? oak; with two friends? and where we were
talking, we noticed nearby a crab eating a snake killed and every now and
then leaving the snake and going further into the grass and eating something
and then returning to the snake. In half an hour? about time?, the crab? did
we do it 4-5 times? the same route. Out of curiosity we followed and saw
what the crab? he was eating ripe grass, and the moment he was eating the
blackened snake, we uprooted the grass and threw it away. Then the crab
just came back? in order to eat the grass again and did not find it, after
turning here and there and not finding that grass or any other thing, did we
make 2-3 jumps before? the above and fell dead?. Did we tempt the snake
that was eating the crab? and we saw that it was a viper, and since this snake
is poisonous, we concluded where? the crab? he was eating that ripe grass
that we pulled up. for an antidote? poison?. But didn't we think to keep and
give that grass to him? expert? to study it".
From these and similar incidents, the ancient peoples, especially our ancient
ancestors gifted with subtle observation, were led to pay attention to herbs, roots,
fruits, in order to find out which ones have healing properties and for which
disease.
CHINESE: The history of herbs goes back to very old times, the first
herbalists were the Chinese and the earliest evidence of plants as therapeutic
means is reported in 3000 BC.
"CONTINENTAL STATION >
and in a manuscript of the emperor of China SHEN NOYNFK (12). Over time,
other Chinese works were written about herbs, which the Academy of
Sciences of China has been trying to collect, study and utilize in recent times
for chronic diseases.
HINDUS: In the Vedas, the sacred books of the ancient Hindus

two, which only the priests were entitled to read and interpret, included, apart
from the cosmogonic and mythological stories about plants, and many
medicines of the three kingdoms of Nature. The Brahmins and later the priests
of the Buddha were the pharmacists and doctors, who prepared the medicines
in a magical way and used hashish as medicine. However, the spiritual paths
in ancient India became more and more narrow, so that they finally succumbed
to the burdened monastic life, without bequeathing any knowledge to the
descendants, except asceticism and begging (2).
EGYPTIANS: In ancient Egypt, the Egyptians had a finer imagination than

the Indians, a keen eye and observation of the phenomena of nature. In this
ancient people, carved and colored representations of animals and plants
symbolizing fertility or other phenomena of nature were popular on the
surfaces of funeral chambers or temples. From papyri found, it can be
concluded that there was some development of herbal medicine, because
medicinal plants were cultivated and the names of drugs and magical herbs
were even written down. Under the Egyptians, it was believed that superhuman
powers were obtained with medicines, e.g. the domestic god of Isis and her
husband Nosiris. And among the Egyptians, as among the Indians, the
religious element prevailed, because the art was performed by the priests,
who, however, did not transmit their knowledge to the people, and this in order
to protect and keep them under their control. In ancient Egypt, in addition to
herbal medicine, simila similibus was also treated, as it is written in the EB-
BERS papyrus of the 16th century BC. (e.g. using animal ears for otalgia, pig
eyes for eye diseases, etc.) (2, 5).
ANCIENT PEOPLE OF THE NEAR EAST: The healing of the ancient

peoples of Anatolia (Sumerians, Akkadians, Assyrians, Babylonians,
Phoenicians, Palestinians, Persians) had a theurgic or expert-theurgic
character and the art is performed by priests and magicians. These peoples
believed that even multitudes of evil spirits could cause illness, and for this
reason they used wishes, sacrifices, exorcisms and magical acts as rather
active, preventive remedies. In spite of these facts, these Orchaean peoples
also present evidence of pharmacognosy, because they also used herbs,
which were plentiful themselves in Ihersia (dpion, commioritis, shady plants),
where they treated them with various excipients and even cow's urine, which
held the first place. These ideas were associated with the Midian wars,
especially after the conquests of Alexander the Great. In Persia, the first
evidences of mysticism go back to the Persian prophet, founder of a new
religion and creator of Mangania, ZOROASTRAN or ZARATHUSTRAN (11).
CELTS: To the ancient Celts, the group of peoples who spread

during antiquity, in the 6th century BC, throughout Central Europe and Britain,
the art of medicine and healing was practiced by the pious Druids, Celtic
priests, who used the semiparasitic plant of the oak and fir Ixon (VISCUM
ALBUM) ) provide as a true panacea for specific diseases (5).
GREEKS: The history of Pharmacognosy begins mainly with the ancient

Greeks and the pharmaceutical art was limited almost exclusively to medicinal
plants, and the father of Pharmacy was considered to be ASCLEPIOS, deified
by the ancients, son of Apollo and the nymph Koronidos. ASCLIPIO taught the
Egyptian priests and learned the art, by extension they were called Asclepiadai
or the class of physicians who practiced the healing and medicinal art. because
these were the possessors of great medical knowledge and other abilities,
which, contrary to the cost of the Egyptian priests, they transmitted to the
people.
The father of medicine, HIPPOCRATES, born in Kos in 460 BC, was one of
the Asclepiadas and laid the foundation stone of the second Hellenistic period
in the field of medicine - therapeutics. He collected the numerous observations
of the Pythagoreans, which he combined and increased. worked and
experimentally and used about 200 herbal medicines from a similar number of
plant species. "ARISTOTLE also wrote in his famous but unsaved works about
the healing of plants, as did his student and heir to the manuscripts of
THEOPHRAS TO S, the so-called father of Botany.
In ancient Greece, certain non-edible plants played an important role as

mythological - magical herbs and with these plants the legendary pharmacists
and witches of Antiquity EKATI became famous. Medea and Circe, who knew
and exploited the intoxicating properties of certain plants of the Solanid family.
In fact, in the garden of KIRKIS, among others, the mythological liandragora,
Hyoskyamos, or Belladonna, or Scopolia was cultivated. The KIR-KIS
transformation of Odysseus' companions into pigs is explained pharmacologically
by the fact that the alkaloid substances present in these plants (atropine,
hyoscyamine, mandragorine, scopolamine) have the property of causing
hallucinations in humans (transformation into an animal, flying in the air,
visions of gods and demons, trances, etc.), mental disorder, insanity, eroticism,
impotence, etc. (2).
The preventions and the agyrtic means also existed in ancient Greece
and as a well-known agyrtis is mentioned EDAIMOS. botanist and apothecary
of the 4th century BC, also the physician CHARITON, who sells bags of herbs.
The agyrtae of Antiquity provided material for satire to the comedian
ARISTOPHANES, as well as to LUCIAN (5).
ALEXANDRIAN ERA: After the death of the botanic physician
OEOPHRASTO in 327 BC, botany remained stagnant, and Greek science and
art migrated to Egypt, they fled to Alexander where there was protection under
the Ptolemies. THE ,
"THE PIRO TIC STATION > 449
Alexander, of course, science remained as a greenhouse plant foreign to the place. During the
Alexandrian era, there developed a class of root collectors - root collectors, that is pharmacists, who
studied the collection of medicinal roots of plants. With the development of trade, a number of
previously unknown plants were introduced, especially Arabic and Indian, many of which gained great
importance in medicine as therapeutic means. Then a great interest developed in the knowledge and
acquisition of poisonous - deadly plant substances. Among the physicians - pharmacologists of that
era, we mention ERASIS-STRATOS (304-257 BC), APOLLODORUS (300 BC), the writer on antidotes
APOLLONIUS (200 BC) (2, 5) .
PERGAMOS: In Pergamon of M. Asia, with a library equal to that of Alexandria, the art of poisons
was cultivated with zeal, as it is deduced from the book of NIKANDROUS KOLOFONIOS (200-130
BC) "the ria and Alexi Pharma" (2). (Note:
I The rheumatism is a pulpy multi-composite preparation, which fe-

! is said to have been originally invented by the king of Pontus MYTHRIDATES. The
| Mythridate this drug, which was made from 54 plants and one
partly of animal substance, it gradually became, over the different periods of its two-year history, a valuable and
well-known medicine and a by-name
cure of most diseases and invoked almighty. Or beastly, or which
! j according to GALINON, it was used to drink poisonous energy,
j was modified later under Andromachus from Crete, a physician of the NE-
\ RONOS, and included 64 substances, of which 33 were of vegetable origin (7).
ROMANS: For the Romans, it was not sympathetic or medicinal, because the Roman citizen
considered death as the lesser evil.
1
Only a healthy person can sacrifice himself for his country. For this reason, in the most ancient Roman
times the role of doctors was played by fortune tellers and omens. Or searching for herbs and or
.
*
making medicines was the work of slaves. Thanks to the intelligence and the
tricks of the Prussian Greco-Asiatic ASCLIPIADS (120-56 BC), the right path was paved in Rome for
the entry of the art of medicine and the establishment of the first medical school, resulting in the
gradual appearance of pharmacists - doctors ( KELSOS, EUPHORVOS, MENE-KRATIIS etc.).
Pharmacognosy similarly occupied a suitable position in Rome with PLINION the Elder, who in his 37
books describes 800 plants. However, Pliny's writings have a lot of wrong opinion and are a straw of
critical spirit, considered only as a simple compilation of the works of Theophrastus and Dioscorides (2).
DIOSKORIDES: First century AD the greatest pharmacologist DIOSCORIDES appears in the field
of Pharmacognosy.
j ! He was a Greek physician from North Asia and wrote the famous work
! "On the use of medicine", in which he describes nature. them
property, real and imaginary, 600 plants. This work lasted for 15 centuries and was a necessary aid
to medicine, from this book a popular medicine was developed, which had a profound effect on the
people. He travels, he also studies the works of DIOSKOS-
I
RIDOU shed scientific light on the chaos of half-learning, and he is considered

the father of pharmacognosy (2, 5).
GALINOS : After HIPPOCRATES, the greatest of the ancient physicians
was GALINOS CLAUDIUS, who was born in Pergamon in M. Asia and studied
in Athens, Alexandria and other countries. GALENIUS in his works incorporated
the previously known starmakas and with his erudition he exerted a great
influence in Rome, where he destroyed superstitions with peculiarly inventive
means. GALINOS is the introducer of medicinal mixtures and formulations, the
so-called Galenic medicines. After GALINON, no name is worth mentioning (2,
5).
BYZANTION: In Byzantium, the main source of medical knowledge was,

as in other sciences, the writings of the ancient Greek teachers (HIPPOCRATES,
ARISTOTLE, DIOSCORIDUS, GALENUS), which were handed down from
generation to generation in full, or by choice , or adapted, and the most
important Byzantine healers are according to KRUMBACHER - SOTIRIADI (10
p. 414) the following: OREI-VASSIUS, who compiled around the middle of the
4th century a paraphrase of the oldest medical books and put them here the
basis of fundraising. AETIOS compiled around the middle of the 6th century
ouoiov a collection of ancient medical books and especially GALENUS.
PAULUS OF AEGINETIS wrote a medical handbook in the 7th century, based
mainly on the work of ORIVASIO, but with noteworthy surgical observations in
particular. STEPHEN THE ATHENIUS, who flourished in the 7th century and
wrote, among others, the "Memorials" to IIIPOCRATES, APISTOTELIN and
GALENO, as well as a treatise on the power of medicines. In later times and
for more than two centuries, darkness prevailed, because medicine and
pharmacy, like the other branches, remained sterile and barren. Only from the
10th century does more activity begin and this was done by the Lytocrator
KONSTANTINUS THE PORPHYROGENTOS, who, interested in the
preservation of ancient medical books, commissioned THEOPHANINE NONON
to compile a medical encyclopedia, at the same time as a writer Manual of
Veterinary Medicine . Soon after this, the influence of Arab doctors is observed,
while later around the end of the 13th century, the actuary (physician of the
imperial court) NIKOLAOS MYREPSOS wrote a large prescription of 48
chapters based mainly on herbs. The last of the Byzantine doctors-pharmacists
and with a remarkable work, is IOANNIS THE ACTUARY. We must note that
during the Byzantine era, medical didactic poems used to be a pleasure to
read, as for example the medical poem in three meters by M. PSELLOS, who
was distinguished by his philosophical tendencies and appeared as a Platonist
(10, p. 61). There is also an anonymous Greek poem about the power of herbs,
which is preserved in the famous Viennese codex of DIO-SKORDOS, published
in 1873)74. There are also observations about plants, which are scattered in
geographical and historical writings, especially by KOSMAS INDIKOPLEISTOU
and MICHAEL GLYKA (10, p. 454). The Byzantines dealt with Botany only
from a practical point of view for
use of herbs and fruits, while it is not possible to talk about scientific works in this branch, such as
in Zoology, Mineralogy, Alchemy, especially in the West. of the ancients are observed, every other
preoccupation is driven by fanciful assumptions, paradoxes and mystical theory (10, p. 453).
WEST — WESTERN MEDIEVAL: In the West during the Western Middle Ages and especially
during the first four periods of it from the 4th to the 11th century, scientific darkness reigns and
terrible and disgusting drugs of mostly animal origin circulate (e.g. dog feces, urine, brain, hair,
antlers, bile, cockroaches,
!
scorpions, worms, donkey's ears), or the preference for such products is due to unscrupulous
healers, who attribute hidden properties to animal medicines. The use of animal medicines is not a
medieval invention, but an ancient one, taught by GALENUS, the Cilicia physician SENOKPATHN
!
TO AFRODISEA. This was the introducer of animal medicines, which GALINOS calls impure and
\
filthy (6). During the Middle Ages, superstitions and prejudices prevailed in the West and the East.
The darkness of the Middle Ages was broken at times by some glimpses of a few bright men, the
i
second being CHARLES THE GREAT in the 8th century and later in the 12th and 13th, ALBERT the
\I; GREAT and ROGER VACON. Of these, the first, the one also referred to as CHARLOMAGNES
(742-814), was an ardent supporter of the agricultural and horticultural arts and gave a great impetus
to the progress of the cultivation of many new introduced plants, including 37 medicinal ones.
ALBERTUS THE GREAT (1197-1280) and ROGERIS VAKON (1214-1294) studied and commented
on the works of the ancient Greeks and especially? of ARISTOTELUS and DIO-SCORIDUS, but his
studies had almost no influence. The most prolific writer and the most educated of Dyceots,
ALBERTUS 0 MEGAS, was the greatest philosopher of his time and is considered the founder of
the Natural Sciences, being described as the first ARISTOTLE-THELES of the West. Parallel to the
crusades (1099 and 1200-1299) and the influence of the work of the Arabs, a relative flourishing of
letters and the arts and the founding of the University of Paris in 1120 began in the West from the
12th-13th century. shortly after and of the famous medical school of Montpellier, France. A woman
also appears in medicine, SAINT HILDEGARTH (.1099-1179), who in her medical writings also
makes an hourly description of 300 plants in the manner of MEGA-
i LOU VASSILEIOU (2).

ARABS: The quagmire of the 9th and 10th centuries AD came to disturb the guardians of Greek
wisdom, the Arab doctors, who had not developed and could not promote medicine and
pharmaceuticals beyond the learned, but sought it in the works of the Greeks (IP-YOKRLTOUS,
ARISTOTLE, DIOSCORIDUS, GALINO) and the Romans, as well as in his own observations. This
glimpse is due to the exile of prominent men of Byzantium, such as the heretic of A
of the Eastern Orthodox Church of NESTOR and his followers. The ex-
f
risthenian Nestorians froze in Persia and Syria, where they were a foreign-
friendly aulon and burned the treasures of Greek knowledge. For medicinal
and pharmaceutical purposes, the main source was the medical Botany of
Dioscorides. The Amathes also made many fruitful journeys to unknown
countries of the East and the Indies, from where they imported new herbs.
Another contribution of the 'Arabs' is their introduction to pharmaceutical
medicine. The most prominent of the Arad doctors, pharmacists, botanists and
herbalists are RAZIS, GALINOS of the Arabs, prince ABIKENNAS in the 10th
century, who wrote a medical book with many plants and spread it throughout
the world. -sin about the knowledge of plants of the Greeks, also AVEROIS in
the 2nd century. The influence of the work of the Arabs was more effective in
the West than in the East, due to the founding of the school in Salerno in Italy
and Montpellier in France in the 12th century. From the 9th-10th century, the
Arabs were far superior to the West in science and art, to follow after a halt
and backsliding, and for the Arabs to prevail under the West, where science
marked an extraordinary evening. but steady progress (2, 5, 13).
POST-MEDIAEVAL PERIOD — RENAISSANCE: At the beginning of the

16th century, various Frenchmen of the Montpellier school and Spanish al-
chemists also dealt with pharmaceuticals, the Swiss PARAKELSOS
(J493-1541), who was one of the last alchemists of the 16th century and keen
observer and commentator and toured many countries, sellers of knowledge
and magic, astrologers and communicators with spirits, he insults the medicine
of the Arabs and Galen, abolishes polypharmacy. but he also praises the great
pharmacy of Nature with the words: "All the mountains, the meadows and the
Lagkadia is God's Medicine". From the 16th century, we made the appearance
of YARACELSOS and chemical drugs as the main concept, who is considered
the father of Pharmacy (5).
The people of the West began to make gradual progress in letters and the
arts, and the most important role for this was played by the crusades and the
invention of printing, as well as the flight of the Greek sages from the collapsed
Byzantine Empire to the West. The result of these factors was a shift to
classical studies and an increasing emancipation, spiritual rise and flourishing
of the middle class, while previously education was the exclusive privilege of
the clergy and feudal lords. The Euripaic peoples, understanding the form
themselves , learned to think and write in the language without foreign
standards. Gathering observations and the classification of these after the
acquired spiritual autonomy, were not new discoveries. The issue was: all old
material should be put on new foundations and a new building should be built.
Thus) the first reformers of science appeared in the 16th-17th century, such
as GALILEO, KE. HILER, IOS CARTES and others. In the field of Botany,
KAISALPINOS (1516-1613) also appeared in the 16th century, who, imbued
with the spirit of ARISTOTLE, had a complete philosophical education and
wrote a work on plants in 16 books. But the season
"THE EXPERIENCED ESTATE"
KLISALPINOU was not yet ripe for a deeper study on the nature of living organisms, because the
then educated world of the West worked for more than 100 years to spell out the meaning and revive
the Greek science that had migrated to the West. Although significant progress was made in the
natural sciences, they still remained until the beginning of the 18th century at the point where their
creator, ARISTOTLE, started.
During the 16th and 17th centuries there was also a momentary boom? in Botany due to the
scientific trips to unknown countries and the works of some naturalist botanists (BELON, WILLD,
AFRICA-NOS etc.), a parallel was also given elsewhere for a significant advance in Botany and
herbs and this was the need for accurate knowledge of medicinal plants, given that they are an
integral part of Medicine. For the cultivation of drugs, university botanical gardens were established
and for the cultivation of medicinal plants from foreign countries (botanical garden of Pisa in Italy
1547, Heidelberg in Germany 1547, Leiden in the Netherlands 1553, etc.). The fathers of German
Botany of the 16th and 17th centuries and authors of old works on herbs BRUNFELS, BOC,
DODONAIOS and others, gave further impetus to the better knowledge of herbs, as well as the
establishment of new botanical gardens and scientific trips in unknown countries, which enriched
Pharmacognosy with new introduced medicinal plants (2).
GREECE DURING THE TIMES OF SLAVERY AND AFTER LIBERATION: Medicine followed
the other aspects of life in enslaved Greece after the dissolution of the Byzantine Empire and the
flight of the Greek sages to the West.
Ignorance and indolence replaced the brilliant medicine of the last years of the Byzantine Empire and
the country was corrupted by charlatans, empirical doctors and Koboiannites. The folk medicines of
the people were peculiar and strange and not modern inventions, but medieval traditions, in the past
we do not have in our hands an old and anecdotal manuscript of a medical doctor, the main
therapeutic means were herbs, but medicines of animal origin were also used, as well as animal
organs (eg dung, urine, worms, spider, hair, frog eggs, wolf guts, rooster feathers, crayfish eyes,
snake shirt, bat bone, etc.). Charms (chaimalia), sympathetic medicines, cabalistic symbols, the bat
bone, the scorpion's shirt, the male herb, the herb of love, the exorcisms for diseases, the superstitions
and the preventions, the recipes of practices of doctors and medical sophies that cause shyness,
have a historical origin and come mainly from medical sophistry, partly also from family traditions
and their origin is based on empiricism and superstition (2, 5, 13). From time immemorial, all peoples,
and especially the Greeks, have especially appreciated some of the special healing properties of
herbs. The various diseases, epidemics, or desires, the people try to cure, prevent and obtain with
various herbs, or other natural or artificial products together with various performances and prayers
to the god, or appeals to the Devil, according to of habit, prole
beliefs, traditions and beliefs of the people of each place. The people's appeal
to the magical properties of certain herbs (e.g. Nettle chases away the fodon,
Helidonion makes a person invulnerable, Melissovo-tanus calms the one who
gets angry, Teucrion the pollion accelerates childbirth and removes his ears,
or creeper cures impotence, etc.), obviously came from the actual healing
properties of the herbs in question. However, in order for the herbs to work
effectively, it is believed that they must be collected at a certain time and
season of the year, mainly on the eve of the feast of "St. 712), which is
perhaps explained by the fact that the active substances of many herbs,
according to special scientific research, increase in parallel with the progress
of the plant's development and with the maximum content during the summer,
when the plant is close to closing the cycle of development. of course
During the times of long slavery, when there were few or no scientific
doctors and pharmacies, the people used for therapeutic purposes whole
herbs, or other natural products and indeed according to family traditions, or
the directive of the of a practical doctor, or of the old doctor, or of the medical
philosophers, because often accidents or even death become inevitable from
a bad choice or excessive use of herbs. It is a fact that many patients were
cured by the herbs and pigs of a doctor's instruction, as it is equally true that
many patients died from the wrong use of herbs.
In the Greece of recent years, Pharmacology, which was first taught at the
Ionian Academy of Corfu around the end of the 18th century by ATHANASIOS
POLITIS, born in Lefkada, began to be developed since the pre-revolutionary
years. With the founding of the University of Athens under Kapodistrios on
Othonos in 1837, Pharmacology gradually made progress after the other
Natural Sciences, so that man gradually and more or less did not use the
herbs and other natural products of the great Nature's workshop. others
industrially processed by pharmacies and with a doctor's prescription. However,
many people still use herbs in this way. Nature offers them both in an empirical
way and with magic, as his ancestors, and people still live with the traditions
and ancestral habits, either because there are no doctors and pharmacies, or
because the patients despaired of the weak and ineffective modern synthetic
drugs and medical care. There are many cases of the treatment of diseases,
which could not be cured by science, but by herbs, and some of these cases
we were informed about during our botanical research in different regions of
Greece and from the patients themselves (e.g. effective treatment of kidney
stones with the medicinal plant Tseterach, arthritic diseases with the plant
Louisa, treatment of high blood pressure with the plant Ruskos the hypoglossus,
etc.). It should be noted that many of the herbs used empirically and with
favorable results by the people are unknown to science. Because the flora of
Greece is richer than that of the countries of Europe due to geohistorical and
^
"CONTINENTAL ES TIA" ^l a l a l l l l a l l 55
ecological causes (climatic and territorial), with the exception of the Iberian
Peninsula, and with a great wealth of medicinal plants, it includes the
collection and research of the therapeutic means and instructions used by the
people, because modern scientific research and methods are possible to
reveal) a new and unknown substance in Pharmacognosy and Pharmaceutical
Chemistry. The writer STAMPOLIS, addressing the aforementioned booklet
of ANAGNOSTOPOULOS "TA VO-TANA", writes, among others, the following:
"The subject of herbs and the combined folk experimental and practical
therapeutics that accompany it and various practices and other customs and
traditions, is full of difficulties and dangers for an author who wants to safely
and scientifically preserve this wealth of the popular imagination and the
centuries-old tradition. It's a hard subject that requires a lot of imagination, a
lot of creativity. countless labors of contemplation and research of the customs
and morals of the people". And he continues further: "It is worth noting how
much this work is instrumental in a deeper appreciation of the unchanging
roots of our linguistic treasure, as we will see in the names of the herbs the
metaplastic capacity of the people who preserved almost everywhere the
original ancient word of of every herb".
RECENT TIMES: The advances in Physics and in particular the great
discoveries of Chemistry and above all the work of AVOISIER (1743-1794),
have indeed contributed. at the beginning of the 18th century, research into
the physiology of plants began, resulting in the discovery of substances with
certain physiological effects in certain empirically used herbs, such as tonic
substances (1804, 1816), alkaloids, glycosides. tannins, saponins and others.
Prominent in the field of Phytochemistry are EALEN AMP.OT (1886, 1887)
and ETKMAN. of which the first examines plants in general with regard to their
substance contents, and the second the alkaloids (17). With the further
development of Physical E
beliefs and the discovery of alkaloids, more detailed and successful chemical
researches of herbs continued, resulting in the enrichment of Drug Chemistry
with new and important medicines. The more detailed study of animal and
plant organisms, the discovery of new drugs and the progress of Physiology,
also contributed to the discrediting of the animal drugs of the past, which
served the charlatans until the 18th century.
From the historical review of these herbs as therapeutic means and in the
light of today's scientific knowledge, it appears that among many correct data,
there are also a number of unclear and incorrect ones. This must be attributed
to the criteria of the time and each way of examining the herbs, (which, in
ignorance of their real properties, created erroneous opinions about the real
value of many pharmaceuticals, opinions which are common to our days.
WHAT underestimate This of herbs was strengthened even by the rapid
development of synthetic drugs. the refined and more precise research
methods (e.g. chromatography), as well as the great progress of
456 ESTIA
»
biological, clinical and pharmacological methods of examination, during the last

three to four decades a shift is observed again in herbs and drugs began to attract
more and more interest. And while the drugs were once used in the form of a
decoction, today they are found in almost all the Gallic forms of essence of plant
origin, which were prepared by isolation from raw materials of extracts of medicinal
plants with great active properties. It should be noted that herbal preparations have
also evolved in terms of the form of administration due to adaptation to contemporary
requirements, because, parallel to the use of drugs in their natural state, medicines
are also prepared from extracts in various forms that have been shown to be suitable
and beneficial. , in the form of suppositories, injections, sugar drops, tablets, drops,
ointments (15, 16).
Scientific research has shown that the uniqueness of a medicinal plant is due
to the existence of one or more substances, which may exhibit such an
interdependence that the plant or its part has better results than a single substance.
A drug made of a single chemical substance and in a certain form, certainly has
certain advantages. On the contrary, however, there are also a series of cases in
which plant substances that were once mistakenly considered inactive and useless
have been proven to be useful and necessary because they promote energy. These
auxiliary factors ensure a favorable action of the medicinal substances of the drug,
because they promote absorption, contribute to a longer-lasting effect and generally
ensure a healthy and normal action. Precisely because of the advantages of these
plant-derived drugs compared to synthetic drugs, interest has increased in recent
years in the utilization of medicinal plants. Pioneers in the field of industrial production
of pesticides and phytotherapy in Europe are two West German industrial companies
(e.g. NATTERMANN), which deal exclusively with medicinal plants (15, 16). Whether
industrial enterprises in question try to standardize medicinal plants and the
preparations obtained from them, or standardization is sought for the cultivation of
selected varieties of plants with a high yield of active substances.
QUACKERY
The Yatrosofia are old handwritten popular books, containing medical

prescriptions for all diseases and demonstrating the defeat of the medicine of those
times and its transformation into an amalgam of nonsense and superstition, because,
in addition to the strange therapeutic prescriptions with various products of Nature,
of which herbs occupy a prominent position, they also include various directives,
which have nothing to do with medicine (e.g. manganese, wishes, exorcisms,
Kabbalistic words and symbols, solving magic with anti-magical means , agricultural
advisor, weather forecasts, prophylactic means in case of illness, i.e. talismans,
etc.). With these popular medical manuals are connected all the smaller treatises,
which were advocated under
"PIRO TIKI
of medical superstition and whose roots reach the Oriental and Greek
mysticism of the last years of antiquity (10 p. 426).
The first medical treatises date back to the Byzantine era and are
extensive and largely incomprehensible with poorly crafted summaries and
adaptations of the classic works of the ancient Greeks, from which the original
medical works of the Byzantines were originally created, first of all by
ORIVASIO around the middle of the 4th century AD, after AETIUS and later
by PAULOS OF AEGINETOS, STEPHANOS OF ATHINAIUS, THEOPHILOS
NONOS and others. The popular selections and adaptations of Orcheian and
Byzantine works for the writing of the prescriptions, became tireless, since,
according to KRUMBACHER - SOTIRIA-DI (10 p. 425), "national education
waned and the gap widened between spoken and written glosses ».
Translations, copies of translations and supplements were made by individuals
who had ancient writings in their possession, and later, for the easier
understanding of practicing physicians and the public, explanations and
supplements were made mainly most guide ignorance and superstition. In this
way. the main Yatrosophias were gradually created over time. Thus they serve
the agyrts, who had undertaken the practice of medicine, especially during the
times after the fall of Constantinople, and taking advantage of the popular
faith. Over time, the Yatrosofia multiplied, constantly being modified and
supplemented by individuals and especially monks, who collected stray healing
instructions and recorded them in a special book and in a language that was
sometimes pure and sometimes mixed and barbaric and adapted to the
linguistic habits of the time. especially the spiritual development of the author
or copyist, as well as the intellectuality of people. These strange popular
prescriptions, which were also used as medical injections for families and
monasteries, multiplied during the long centuries of slavery and were full of
misspellings, inconsistencies, and quite archaic, as well as foreign words,
especially Turkish and Italian. (e.g. manjunion, recipe). The Iatrosophys were
a source of knowledge of the uneducated, ignorant, empiricists and charlatans,
considered even today as a refuge for the uneducated and hopeless for
incurable diseases. In these prescriptions are found recipes against many
diseases, some of which are also mentioned by Dioscorides, such as for
example "if a rabid dog bites your man: Take garlic to fill him and river crabs
put it on and it benefits a lot". According to DIOSCORIDES: "About a sly and
rabid dog: wild garlic licked", he also recommends: "see and burn rivers of
cancer". Another recipe of a 17th-century physician, which was also
recommended by Dioscorides, is this: "Put the tender sprouts of cottonwood
and mix the living one with honey and then wormwood broth and pour it into
the ear." And DIOSKORIDES: "aid to the ears of sufferers: or cottonwood
leaves in oil" (8, 9, 11, 13).
There are many Greek medical sophies, found scattered in different

foreign countries (e.g. in the national library of Paris, in Venice, also quite old
in the libraries of Leipzig, Vienna,
458 "THE EXPERIENCED ESTATE"
of Constantinople), as well as in the esyperikos of Greece (eight in the

National Library of Athens from the 15th to the 19th century, in various
Monasteries of Mount Agios and indeed of the Iberians, as well as elsewhere).
Some of the Yatrosophys were published and studied, dpyk? on the example
of Professor EMMANUEL, under the Frenchmen Legrand and BOURCHION
in 1881 and 1873 of the library of Paris and Leipzig from a codex, and most
of them are unknown and await the scholars. In various Greek Cypria and
especially of H
of course, there must be Medical Sophies, which will remain unknown and
are in danger of being lost, if the right people are not found to be involved
and the teachers themselves will gather them. Thanks to a relative of mine,
a teacher from Epirus, I came into my hands an unpublished manuscript of
Komitoyannito's manuscript, which was discovered by him thrown on the roof
(astrekha) of a peasant's house in the province of Filiaton. This manuscript,
according to the expert scribes of the University of Thessaloniki, is from the
18th century and contains 411 recipes for the treatment of diseases, the
prevention of epidemics, the acquisition of desires, the prevention of evil and
others. According to the recipes of this vagina, the main role is played by
herbs, but without omitting also those of biological origin? drugs, or organs,
or parts of animals (mosquitoes, urine, ants, horns, crayfish eyes, turtles,
snails, wolf intestines, feces, spiders, etc.). Because, according to the relevant
literature, the disgusting animal medicines are brought out of the pharmacies
in the 18th century, we assume that the reason for engolpion is older than this
century. Among the 411 recipes of the one-word manuscript of the Greek
medicine, they are included and it is perhaps sufficient on a scientific basis
due to the currently known medicinal properties of the active substances of
the herbs listed in the recipes, while sacred recipes are difficult to executed
or inaccessible, as for example or under no. 136 for the treatment of human
speech paralysis: "ah? the wild dove of the one whose tongue is seized by
paralysis. In this case, the ancient Egyptian prescription of treating like for like
(SIMILA SIMILIBUS) is applied. Another hard-to-fulfill recipe is the following:
"a live and male hare". It is enough that the sentences otherwise cause fear,
as for example or in no. 8 for "malai>ranjan", or under no. 68 "for women who
miscarry", or under no. 72 "for the slanders of women", or under no. 146 "for
the pain of women's breasts", or no. 165 "for those who urinate at night", or
no. 306 "so as not to fear sorcery", or under no. 316 "peri arroootou to know
if he is alive or dead", or under no. 330 "about to be a woman faithful to a
man", or under no. 341 "peri gyunaikos na idis &n he is a virgin", or yp' no.
410 "about when she's drunk or broke and you want to stop" and so on. It
should be noted that not a few of the 411 recipes of the os ano) engolipio
iaero, are also included in very old Yatrosofia, such as in the publications of
the libraries of Giarisi, Vienna, Venice, Athens, the Monastery of Iberi of Agios
Oros, from which it can also be concluded that the newer Yatrosofia are a
copy and adaptation of the older ones with some additions and variations.
With the study of the above passage, we intend to deal in more detail and in
particular with the herbs of the recipes and a syn-
In contrast to our earlier botanical research on the flora of the fascinating and
wild beauty of the Vikos - Zagori gorge, then, based on the findings that will
emerge from the pharmacological examination of the Vikos herbs, we could
draw similar conclusions about correctness or otherwise of Yatrosofia.
A critical assessment of the Medical Sophies, which according to

KROUMVA-HER-SOTIRIADI (10, p. 417) are "monuments of cultural and
linguistic interest", will become possible only when they are published and
studied by those who are still unknown in the dust of libraries , of the
monasteries, as well as in a private club. The study of the Medical Sophies
has a multifaceted interest, and in fact so much in terms of the historical
evolution of medicine and the role played by herbs in the history of civilization,
finally drawing useful conclusions, also from a folklore point of view. According
to folklorists, the content of folklore research is not so simple (14, p.
9), because "besides the identification of surviving elements in the life of the
Greek people, in order to prove the national continuity, there were other
related scientific problems. "It was necessary to search for the origin of these
elements and to study the reasons for their survival and their importance in
modern life* to clarify which are essential components of the national culture
and it is necessary for them to survive as long as possible, to be based on
them or a new creation...”
COMPOGIANNITAI
After the dissolution of the Byzantine Empire and the flight of the Greek
sages to the West, as well as the aristocracy in general, as well as the wealthy
of the upper class, those who did not break with the conqueror, enslaved
Greece plagued by pseudo-doctors, rogues and charlatans , experienced and
practical doctors, and in fact not only "Greeks and above all from Epirus, as
well as Turks and Albanians, but also Italians and French are employed as
doctors, or pharmacy employees in their countries. These pseudo-doctors
were given the a derisive nickname (nickname) Komboiannite from kombono
= apato and ian-niYis = Ioannitis, or because they had the herbs tied in
handkerchief knots. The etymology of the words also shows the origin of most
of them from 'Ioannina' or other parts of Epirus. commonly used herbs in bags
(Sack-kouliarides), or tied in handkerchief knots. Among the chiefly suggested
therapeutic instructions were moldy bread, manjunias, excoriations,
suppositories, and bloodletting. enemas, powders, etc. For greater
seriousness, they also opened the hand held doctor's book in order to find
and study the appropriate medicine for the case. The "exalted" self-proclaimed
as the descendants of great and well-known personalities, passing with
seriousness on horseback through the cities and especially villages and
proclaiming themselves or through preachers that "the most excellent has
come
that doctor..." The "Parakatians" also give sanctified flowers (Epi-tafiou,

Stavrou, Agios Topoins) and act immediately through manipulations on some
diseases, such as e.g. on stretch marks of the lips by applying an old iron key,
on eye diseases (barley, squint, blepharitis, etc.) by observing in oil in a bottle
from a church candlestick, on Basque exorcisms. Against snake bites, they
offered the snake plant as a preventive measure, as well as medicines, usually
herbs, for pregnancy. The Komboyannites, ignorant of Latin, invented their own
Komboyannite language, a kind of ravens.
In the same category are the Viko doctors, who procure herbs from the
rich medicinal flora of the Vikos - Zagori ravine. Continuation of the
Kobogiannites, were the Kalos
for the doctors, who were itinerant practical doctors and, flaunting their status,
carried the samurokalpakon on their heads as a large cartridge-bearing display
case containing the first-need herbs. A special form of Kobogiannitos were
also the Spaso doctors, i.e. specialist healers of hernias and providers of
surgical assistance and specialist healers of fractures and dislocations of the
body members and indeed not infrequently without success (8, 11, 13). Apart
from the above categories, there were also the Botanists or Botanists, who
were itinerant sellers of herbs and herbal medicines and provided instructions
on how to use them.
The Epirus poet and uncompromising populist IOANNIS VI-LARAS

(1771-1823) satirizes practical doctors with the following verses:
Does fat bodies lose your fat

ones? are you straight? He
humbles the short and
exalts them; he speaks the
language of the dumb.
Also A. SOUTSOS (1803—1863) wrote the following satirical

poem for the Kombogiannitas:
I'm not a Zagorian walking down the street with

ointments and plasters, herbs on my shoulder
and toothpicks, syringes and scalpels, running
around on my head and shouting from my ,
lame and dead mule, good doctor! sells life! who

wants! who will take!
Perhaps the above-mentioned practical doctors are not worthy of such a

dia-urmus, because thus, taking into account the state of those years from the
point of view of medical treatment and independent of many foolish therapeutic
instructions, they serve the sick man with the they also gained experience with
herbs, many of which have valuable therapeutic properties according to the
latest scientific research. Reinforcing these opinions, is also a botanical
research of ours in the Vikos gorge, famous for its wild punctuality, from where
*
"THE PIRO TIC E S T
the legendary Vico-doctors were preparing the herbs. According to the botany
of this research, among several hundreds of collected plant species, 57
pharmaceuticals with valuable medicinal properties due to the active
substances they contain are also included. It is very likely that these indications,
as well as the findings that will emerge after the completion of the investigation,
will advocate in favor of the restoration of the satirized Kobogiannites.
"Besides, even today there are fake doctors even in the most advanced
countries. It must be noted, however, that no conscientious experienced or
practical doctors anointed those times, such as the Doctors, who founded a
School of Surgery in Lakonia during the War of Independence, also the
surgeon of Sulkots LUKAS VAGIAS and others.
During the times of slavery, there were also Greek scientific doctors,
because the history mentions several from the 16th century onwards, of which
not a few became chief physicians of kings, professors of universities, ministers
of foreign rulers, received diplomas. But also in Greece they began to be
established and in fact from the 17th century in the Ionian islands, such as the
Academy of the Insured (1556), the Academy of the Sons, the Academy of
the Wanderers (1732), where after of the other sciences, medicine was also
taught, but the most important is the Ionian Academy (1824). Those Greeks
who studied in foreign universities and themselves in Italian and French, and
later also in English and Austrian, few returned to the treacherous homeland
and those who came. Preferable is Bucharest, the Danube-6in Hegemony, the
Ionian Islands and the great cities of the enslaved homeland. where
Kisstanpnoupolin, Siirn. the Ioannina (11, 13). Among the Greek certified
physicians, we mention only PYRRON DIONYSIO THETTALON (1774-1853)
and for the following reasons: He was vicar of the Greek church in Livorno,
Italy and studied philosophy and medicine at the University of Pavia , who,
upon his return to Greece, practiced medicine unprofitably throughout the War
of Independence and devoted himself to writing works. Among his scattered
works, one was found in Epirus, which was kindly given to me by a friend of an
Epirus physician. This book is of a small size of 630 pages and is inscribed:
THE BOOK OF PHYSICIANS AND PRACTICAL MEDICINE, containing three
hundred diseases, the Oath and Aphorism of Hippocrates, the Physiology and
Anatomy of the Bone, the material of medicine and Botany, which is explained
never in Athens, and now composed by Archimandrite PTRROT THETTALOT.
In Nafplis 1831. The tenth year of the Talinic Freedom.
The scribe of the os ano) engolipio, even though he is a herbalist and with
a good training in botany and herbal medicine, as he describes the character
of plants in detail and taxonomies these according to the system of LINNAUS,
although he does not avoid the preventions and manganese , as it is for
example or on page 34 prescription: "Treatment of pupil for catamenia where
they do not come by phlebotomy in Tioda, near the new moon". According to
the recipes of the said book, herbs play the main role as means of treatment,
and secondarily
^CONTINENTAL E S T IA »
some minerals, as well as "humic" substances. The strange thing is that, while the
animal medicines of the Middle Ages and later years are said in the relevant
bibliography to have been removed from pharmacies in the 18th century,
nevertheless the above-mentioned engolpion published at the beginning of the
19th century includes several recipes for the preparation of such animal pre-
emergent drugs (eg oil of earthworms, snails, goldflies, crayfish eyes, beaver fat,
whey, etc.). "Perhaps some of these animal substances are not without interest, if
some important medicinal substances (e.g. antibiotics) are discovered in unlikely
materials.
CONCLUSION
From the historical review of the subject heading of this study, it emerges
that herbs played an important role in the history of civilization, because all the
peoples of the world present from ancient times evidence of the utilization of the
medicinal powers of plants. them in a combination with various manganese,
superstitious prejudices and religious belief. The use of herbs for therapeutic
purposes was mainly based on experience, a fact which over time made the
medicinal value of herbal medicines doubtful and the creation of erroneous
opinions about the real value of many medicinal plants. These erroneous views
have been preserved until our days and this underestimation of herbs was
strengthened even more by the rapid development of Pharmaceutical Chemistry
and synthetic drugs. With the progress of Chemistry and Physiology and guided
by Empiricism for the discovery by scientists of mostly safe remedies, as well as
new important substances in herbs, their isolation and detailed research, thanks
to the evolution and perfection devices and sophisticated research methods, as
well as the progress of biological, clinical and pharmacological examination
methods, proved that many herbs are irreplaceable. The result of these findings
and discoveries was the shift back to herbs and the establishment of pharmaceutical
industries for the exclusive exploitation and utilization of medicinal plants. "Just as
empiricism contributed to the discovery of most safe medicines, the same can
happen with the study and research of the recipes of the anecdotal, especially
medical, with the possibility of discovering new and effective substances against
incurable diseases under modern synthetic drugs The research of this complex,
but also very difficult subject, is not only interesting from a purely scientific point of
view, but also from a more general point of view, for the history of medicine,
pharmacy, palaeography, and literature On the other hand, as creations of the
anonymous sage and with elements that have their roots in ancient times, such
as in Byzantium and even in ancient Greece, it has a special interest, because it
would be possible to assimilate it with other related issues. and problems of
folklorists according to which (14, p. 9,
"PIRO TIKI
10) as creations of the people, and especially superstitious ones! prejudices

and prejudices, embody the ethnic soul, the national spirit, the content of
folklore research, in addition to pointing out bases in the life of the Greek
people, also seeks to prove the national continuity and other related elements.
"The deeper we study the tradition of our place in every manifestation of life,
the more we investigate our roots, the better we face our mental existence
and see more clearly who we are and where we came from, what course we
could and should take and where we can reach ».
BIBLIOGRAPHY
ÿ) IF UNKNOWN BIRD, FOREIGN. -1961: The herbs. Folk Pharmacology and Therapeutics
(Folkography). Athens.
2) GANIATSAS, KON.-19G8: Historical evolution of Botany in ancient times
years to date. Rector's speech. Thessaloniki.
3) GANIATSAS, KON.-1971; Botanicals! research on the ravine of Vikos. THE
pirotic Home, Issue 228—230. Janina.
4) DIONYSIOS PTRROS THETTLOS. -1831: Engolpion of Physicians, i.e. Practical Medicine.
Nafplion.
5) EMMANUEL, EM.-1908; * Pharmacognosy through the ages. Athens.
6) EMMANUEL, EM. - 1937? Animal medicines of the past. Athens.
7) EMMANOUEL, EM.-1938: Or Theriaki. Athens.
8) EMANUEL, EM.- 1938: 'Medicine and Charlatans. Athens.
9) gONTHBR. -1968; Dioscoridis Grek - Herbal. New York.
10) KPOYMBAXEP — SOTIRIADIS. -1900: History of Byzantine Literature.
Volume II pp. 47, 414, 425, 235. Athens.
11) GREAT GREEK ENCYCLOPEDIA IDEIL. -1927: Volume 12, p. 828. A
it happens.
12) MEUSEN, ÿ. G .-19G8: Medicinal plants and drugs in the service of health.
Life, p. 182. WIESBADEN.
.13) NEW ENCYCLOPEDIA DICTIONARY: Volume 4 p. 436, Volume 3, p. 833—734, Volume 8
p. 888, Volume 9 p. 675, 690, Volume 10 p. 572, Volume 11 p. 153.
14) PETROPOULOS D.-1963: Educational importance and problems of Folklore.

Thessaloniki.
15) STAPEL. -1971: Are phyto - research and phytotherapy actual today?
Life, No. 2, p. 32. WIESBADEN.
16) STAPEL. - 1972: Phytochemistry - Phytopharmacy, Life, No. 1, p. 17. W IES-BADEN.
17) SWAIN, J . - 1963: Chemical Plant. Academie Press. NEW YORK.

LITERATURE
JOSE ORTEGA Y GASSET
Translation: MAGIA-MARIA ROUSSOU
"Life is to be felt
fatally compelled
to exercise Freedom"
*
THE REBELLION OF THE MASSES
PoalogosgiaGallous
I
i
This book - civ suppose what a book it is - was published in a newspaper in Madrid in 1926 and the
subject it deals with is too human for it not to be affected more by the passage of time. There are times
when human reality, always changeable, accelerates, swirls with vertiginous speed. Our era belongs to this
genre because it is an era of decline and collapse. This is due to the fact that the events left the book
behind. Many things that were announced in this, soon became present and are already past. Moreover,
as this book was widely circulated during those years outside of France, not a few of its formulas reached
the French unread by street names and are now commonplace, it would be
* 'Our time is a time of suffocation. And I'm not saying this because I read Ortega y Gasset. I
say this because nowadays the cord has tightened unbearably and our lungs or rather our
brakes suffer more than ever. And not only on a European scale, but also internationally.
It is time that I prepared the "Revolt of the Masses" but did not have time to offer it)
from these pages. I was overtaken by another, more worthy, who offered it in a book. Does
not matter. It doesn't matter who does something good first. It is important that many
people do this good, the more they do it, the more they do and the more they say the same
things are bad.
The need for peace is not simple but imperative. The truth, where is the fresh air of
the mind is the reflection of our time. Our years do not only see literature. Reading,
"handling", or dealing with History in general, is what is needed in our times.
History is our truth. Not a history of any purpose, but a history in the light, clear and
prophetic.
Believing that this introduction, which was omitted in the Greek edition of the work and
which was given by the author together with an "epilogue for "Anglous" in the popular
edition of 1937, offers much to the reader, I give it in my turn and I wonder how much
Ortega y Gasset would have given us today had he lived.
M. M. ROUSSOU
^CONTINENTAL HOSPITAL"'
It is a wonderful opportunity to practice being more respectful of our time: not to publish unnecessary books. In this field I did
what was possible - it's been five years since the Stock publishing house asked me to publish this book -.
Finally I was forced to recognize that the body of ideas enunciated in these pages is not clear to the French reader,
and whether right or wrong it would be appropriate to submit to his thought and judgment. I'm not entirely convinced about
that, but it's no reason to be upset. I am interested, however, that no one starts reading this book with impressions that will
i
not be correct. It is, therefore, simply a series of articles published in a Madrid newspaper with a large circulation. "Like
almost everything I have written, these pages are a-addressed to some Spaniards whom fate has placed before me. Is it not
a figure of speech improbable that my words, now changing direction, end up explaining to Frenchmen what it is about? I
can hardly expect better luck since I am convinced that speaking is a much trickier business than it appears to be, as is the
case with most things that man does our thoughts. But a definition, if it is ironic, has cautious implications, and when it is not
presented like this, it creates sad results. Even our language serves to hide our thoughts, so that We lie. The lie would be
I
impossible if the original and normal conversation were not honest. The false currency is supported by the sound currency.
In the final analysis, it ends up being the humble parasite of authenticity. However, the most dangerous thing about this
definition is the excessive optimism with which we end up hearing it. Because he himself does not assure us that through the
tongue we will be able to express with sufficiency or correctness all our reflections. He does not commit to so much, but
neither does he let us freely see the pure truth: why? being impossible for man to get along with his peers, being condemned
to radical loneliness, he increases his efforts to approach his fellow man. One of these efforts is language which sometimes
manages to express with the greatest approximation some of what happens inside us. Nothing more. But we usually don't
use these stocks. On the contrary, when man begins to speak, he does so because he believes that he will be able to say
what he thinks. Well, that's the trick. The language does not lend itself to so much. He sees more or less, a part of what we
think and puts a trench, impenetrable, in the transfusion of the rest. It works quite well for ads and math proofs. Already
starting to talk about physics becomes insufficient and wrong. But even as the discussion deals with issues more important
than these, more humane, more "real", its weakness, its inaccuracy, its confusion increases. Vulnerable to deep-rooted
prejudice, how when discussing we don't get along, we speak and listen with such good will that we often end up
misunderstanding ourselves much more than if we were mute and tried to guess what each other was saying.
k -s-
S ,
s/
IN
*1
IT"
"I
It is too often forgotten that every authentic conversation is not only about
saying something, but also about how someone is talking to someone. In
every conversation there is a transmitter and a receiver that are not different
from the literal meaning of the expression. This varies when the words vary.
Duo si idem dicunt non est idem. Every word is random. Language is in
principle a dialogue and every other kind of speech highlights its effectiveness.
That's why I believe that a book is good according to the secret dialogue it
provokes, when we feel how the author knows how to specifically imagine his
reader and he feels as if an ectoplasmic hand pours through the lines and
touches his personality and wants to caress it, or rather very politely wants to
give it a punch.
There has been much abuse of the language because of this, and it has
fallen out of favor. As in so many other areas, the abuse was caused by the
thoughtless, unconscionable and limitless use of the instrument. For two
centuries or so, it was believed that speaking urbi et orbi, that is to the whole
world and to no one, is a conversation. I detest this way of speaking and
suffer) when I don't know exactly who I'm talking to. They narrate, without
insisting too much on the authenticity of the event, how when Victor Hugo's
jubilee was celebrated, a great reception was organized in the Elysian palace,
where representatives from all states gathered. The great poet stood in the
great reception hall in the stately posture of a statue with his elbow resting on
a mantelpiece. The representatives of the states were advancing in front of
the public to give their credentials to the poet of France. Someone in a
stentorian voice announced to them one by one:
"Monsieur le Representative de C Angleterre!" And Victor Hugo, in a

voice with a dramatic tremor, raising his eyes, said: "or England! Oh
Shakespeare!' And at the reception he continued: "Monsieur le Representative
de Y Espagne!" And Victor Hugo: "Spain, yes, the Cervantes." Again:
"Monsieur le Representative de G AllemagneU And Victor Hugo: "Or Germany!
"Ah, Goethe". Then it was the turn of a small, stocky gentleman with a slow
gait. The man at the door announced: "Monsieur le Represen-tant de G
Mesopotamia!" Victor Hugo, who up to that moment had preserved his
courage and confidence in himself, seemed to lose them. His eyes full of
anxiety made a big circle as if they were looking in the whole world for
something they couldn't find. But he quickly felt how he discovered it and how
he was once again master of the situation. In the same passive tone, he
replied with no less persuasiveness to the round representative's greeting,
saying: "O Mesopotamia! Ah, her Man!” I mentioned this in order to show,
without the formality of Victor Hugo, that I have never written or spoken about
Mesopotamia and I did not address anyone to 'Humanity'. This habit of
speaking to Humanity, which is the highest and therefore the most repulsive
type of demagoguery, was adopted until 1750 by derailed intellectuals, who
did not know their own limits and being by occupation, the Excellent orators,
men of "Word" they were treated carelessly, without realizing how language
is a mystery that needs a more delicate treatment.
"PIRO TIKI 467
II
This position which nurtures the insufficiency of the radius of action

effectively, making concessions to language, could be seen crippled by the
very fact that this volume acquired so many readers in almost all the
languages of Europe. "Even though I believe that this fact is probably a
symptom of something else very serious: The strange homogeneity of the
situations towards which the Western world seems to be heading. From the
appearance of this book, with the mechanism that within this same described,
this identity increased to an agoniodic degree. I say agoniodic, because I
really, what is felt in every country if a painful case, multiplies its oppressive
effect infinitely, while he who suffers it perceives that it exists by force in the
place world where exactly the same thing does not happen. You could once
clear the suffocating atmosphere of one country by opening the windows
I
facing another. But now this attempt is of no use, because in one country the
atmosphere is so and to the other. This is also due to the torturous sense of
suffocation. Job, who was a terrible prince sans lire, asks his friends travelers
and merchants who have traveled the world: Unde sapientia venit et quis est
locus intelligentiae? Do you know any place in the world where there is
knowledge?
It is necessary, however, in this simulation of the circumstances to

distinguish two different dimensions and with conflicting values. This smarmy
of the Western peoples that began to flutter over history, from the ruins of the
ancient world, has always been characterized by a two-genius form of life. So
it happened that each of them came to form their own special spirit and
between them or above them a common repertoire of ideas, ways and
enthusiasms developed. And also: This destiny which made them, in times
gradually homogeneous and evolved diverse, must be understood with a
relative exaggeration of paradox. Because for them homogeneity was not
unrelated to difference. Opposites: Each new principle of unity makes
differentiation more fertile. The Christian idea creates the international
churches. The memory of the Roman Imperiiim the various forms of the State.
The "restoration of letters" of the 15th century hastened the divided literatures.
The science and the centralizing principle of man as "pure criticism" gives rise
to the various types of intellect that shape in different ways even the extreme
abstract concepts of mathematics.
And ending: Until the extreme idea of the XVIII century according to which
the two peoples must acquire the same constitution, the phenomenon of the
romantic awakening of the different consciousness of the ethnicities is created
and ends up being an incentive for everyone to rediscover his particular
inclination. And what is happening is something for these so-called European
peoples, life has always existed — apparently from the XI century until Otto III
— to move and act in a common space or environment. In other words, for
each one, life was a symbiosis with others. It didn't matter if this coexistence
was peaceful or warlike. Intra-European wars have almost always shown a
peculiar form which makes them look like domestic quarrels.
i
)*>
1
"THE P ERO TIC E S T IA »
They avoid the annihilation of an opponent and it is rather a philological difference, antagonisms
like those of two children in the field, or a fight between heirs for the division of a family inheritance.
Each time in a slightly different way, everyone ends up the same. Eadem sed aliter. As Charles V
said to Francis I "my nephew and I are in absolute agreement: we both want Milan".
The least is that this common historical space where the entire Western world felt at home is
matched by a physical space that geography calls Europe. The historical space that I am alluding
to is calculated from the radius of influence and increased coexistence, it is a social space. So now
coexistence and society are equal terms. Society is that which is automatically created by the simple
fact of coexistence. Naturally and inevitably, it separates morals, customs, language, law, political
power. One of the most serious mistakes of "modern" thinking, the impact of which still weighs on
us, is the confusion of society with partnership, which is roughly its opposite. A society is not
constituted by the agreement of the wills. On the contrary, an agreement of wills presupposes the
existence of a society of people who live together and the agreement can only be established by
determining one or the other form of coexistence, that of the pre-existing society. The idea of society
as a "concentration" is conventional, therefore legal, or the most absurd attempt made, to put the
cart before the oxen. Because justice, or the reality of "justice" - not the ideas about it of the
philosopher, the jurist or the demagogue - is, if I may use the baroque expression, the wellspring of
society and could not be anything another. To want justice to be the arbiter in the relations of people
who do not live beforehand in a meaningful society, seems to me, and forgive my insolence, to be
a rather confused and ridiculous idea of what justice is.
On the other hand, it should not alienate the superpower of this confused and ridiculous
opinion about justice, because one of the greatest curses of the time is how the Western peoples
are beaten by the terrible international conflicts of the present , found themselves armed with an
archaic and rusty weapon, of concepts of what society is, collectivism, the individual, morals, law,
justice, revolution, etc. Much of the modern panic comes from the inconsistency between the
perfection of our ideas about natural phenomena and the scandalous stagnation of so-called "ethical
sciences". The minister, the teacher, the eminent physicist and the writer end up having opinions
about these things, worthy of a local barber. So isn't it completely natural that it should be the
neighborhood barber who sets the characteristic tone of the weather?1 But let's go back-
1) WHAT should we say that in France and only in France an explanation began
mise au point of all these Ideas. At another point the reader is given some allusion to
this, and moreover to the reason why this beginning was destroyed. For my part, I
tried to contribute to this effort of explanation, starting with the recent French
translation, superior at this time to all others.
risui.ie on the topic nios, I would like to indicate how the European peoples
form a society from very old, a totality in the same sense that these words
have attributed to each of the nations that make it up. Does this society
express the characteristics of its eidos? There are European habits, European
morals, European politics, European law, European power. But these social
phenomena are given in the characteristic form of the stage of development
in which European society is, and it is not, as we know, such an advanced
structure of the members of the nations that make it up. For example, a form
of social pressure? where political power is, it is realized in every society,
even those primitive ones where there is no separate body charged with
exercising it. "If we want to call this separate body that was given the
mandate to exercise political power a state, we would say that in some
societies there is no state, but we cannot say that there is no political power
in them. "Where there is public opinion, how could there be a lack of political
power, since this is nothing more than group violence, born of that opinion?
Well, here for centuries and with increasing intensity there has been a
common European opinion - another technique to influence it - and it would
be foolish to deny it. This is why I recommend to the reader, to hold back the
malice of a smile when he comes across the last chapters of this book, to do
it with some boldness, with the reflection on the horizon of the present facts,
or the validation of a possible, a possible e-national union of Europe. I do not
deny that the United States of Europe is one of the rarest fantasies that exist
and I do not become co-responsible with what others have thought of) from
the same verbal points. "But on the other hand, it is absolutely improbable
that a society, a totality as mature as that which the European peoples already
constitute, will not come close to the creation of its state realization, within)
which it will shape the practice of the Eurasian political power that already
exists. So it is not my weakness in the face of fantasy demands, or my
tendency towards an "idealism" that I detest and have fought against all my
life, that makes me think like this It is historical realism that has shown me
that the unification of Europe is not an "ideal" but a requirement of a very old
reality will fulfill this request can be anything: For example, a piglet of a
Chinese sprouting in the Urals or rather some indiscipline of the great Ialamic
magma! these same funds I intend to show. The national state was very
different from the city-state that the ancients knew. I have tried in these pages
to shed light on our spirits so that we can learn to be faithful to this delicate
idea of the state and society that the European tradition proposes to us.
In Greco-Roman thought it was never easy to conceive of reality as

dynamism. He could not escape his sight or his outbursts, as an infant
understands no better from a book than from pictures. "All the efforts of its
native philosophers, to
470 "THE EXPERIENCE POINT"
beyond this limitation, he stood in vain. In their essays, so you can understand, the physical object that
is for them the "thing" par excellence acts more or less as an example. It is enough for them to see a
society, a state, where unity has the character of visual relevance, e.g. a city. The intellectual tendency
of the European is opposed. Every visible thing appears to him, when it is, as a mere surface presuptite
of a latent force which steadily produces it and is his true reality. Where power, or "forces"2 act
collectively, there is a real unity even if outwardly things appear to us as its manifestation otherwise, it
would be a slip back to the ancient limited conception not to let us discover the unity that exists in
political power where it has taken on the familiar and established guises of the state.
I absolutely deny how the political power, actively decisive in each of them consists exclusively in
its internal or national politics. We must feel, once and for all, how for many centuries - and consciously
for four - the states of Europe have been living under a power which, from its very dynamic authenticity,
allows no other denomination than that which came out of mechanical science: the "European balance"
or balance of Power.
So is the authentic government of Europe that regulates its flight through history towards the hive
of peoples, beggars and philanderers, like bees that escaped from the ruins of the ancient world. The
unity of Europe is not a fantasy, but it is either reality, and fantasy is exactly the other: the belief that
France, or Germany, or Italy or Spain are subjective and independent entities.
However, it is clear that the reality of Europe is not obvious to the world because Europe is not a
thing, but a balance. As early as the 18th century, the historian Robertson called the European balance
the secret of modern politics.
A great and paradoxical secret no doubt! Because balance or the equal weighting of forces is a
reality that fundamentally consists in the existence of a polyarchy. "If this polyarchy is lost, that dynamic
unity will disappear. Europe is indeed a swarm: many bees with a single flight. This centralizing character
of the great European polyarchy is what I would call temporal homogeneity, the one who is abundant
and desired, the one who would make him
Montesquieu to say: L' Europe n est qu* une nation composee de plusieurs3 and Balzac would
romantically make him talk about the grande famille continentale, dont tours les efforts teudent a je ne
sais quel mystere de civi-lisation4.
2) S.M. In the Greek text.

3) Universal Monarchic: two pamphlets 1891 pag. 36.
4) Oeuvres Completes ( Caiman — Levy } Vol XXII pag. 248.
III
•
This multitude of European manners, which is constantly launched from its root, unity,
and returns to it while maintaining it, is the greatest treasure of the West. Unturned heads do
not even want to think of an idea as acrobatic as this, where it is necessary to advance by
leaps and bounds towards the affirmation of polyarchy in order to recognize the union and
vice versa. They are dry heads born to bow down to the endless tyrannies of the East.
today triumphs over the whole continent a form of homogeneity that threatens to
completely swallow this treasure. Everywhere has spilled out the man-mass, with whom this
book deals, a mere man-who, hastily made, perched on nothing more than a few wretched
abstract concepts and who, in spite of all this, is himself from one one end of Europe to the
other. It is due to him the sad aspect of the suffocating monotony that life is taking over the
entire continent.
This man - mass, is the man emptied in advance of his own history, without roots in the
past and for this reason susceptible to all the so-called "international" factions. More than
being a human, he is only a shell of a man made of klola fori. He lacks an "interior", a
personality of his own, relentless and irreplaceable, an ego that cannot be ratified. That is why
he is always available to pretend to be everything. He has only appetites, he believes that he
has only rights, and he does not believe at all that he has obligations: He is the man without
the politeness that obliges - sine nobilitate - snob\ This international snobbery that appears so
clearly, e.g. to the modern worker, blind the souls from understanding that if the whole or given
constitution of the life of the continent is to be overcome, this must be achieved without a
serious loss of its inner polyarchy. As the snob is empty of personal destiny, as he does not
feel that he exists on this planet to do something fixed and immutable, he is incapable of
understanding how there are special missions and special messages. For this reason, he is
hostile to liberalism with a hostility similar to that which nurtures the deaf to debate. Freedom
has always meant honesty in Europe to become who we truly are. It is understandable how he
aspires to overcome anyone who knows that he does not have an authentic destiny.
With strange ease, the whole world agreed to fight and drag out the old liberalism. The
thing is suspicious. Because human beings do not succeed in agreeing except for laborious
or slightly stupid things. I'm not saying that old liberalism is a perfectly reasonable idea. How
could he be, since he's old and he's also ... cetacean! But I am thinking how it is a theory about
society much more profound and clear than its deniers, the collectivists, suspect.
5) In England, the municipal registers recorded next to each name the a-

office and title of each citizen. Next to the name of common citizens there was an abbreviation s. nob. that is, sine nobilitate: without
nobility. Solution is the origin of the word snob.
;
"and
5
1
^CONTINENTAL E S T IA »
seen, where they begin to ignore him. There is even in this theory an intuition,
for what Europe has been, of supreme insight.
When Guizot e.g. contrasts the European civilization with the others,
making it noticeable that in it no principle, no idea, no group or class has ever
triumphed in its absolute form, and how its steady development and its
evolutionary character are due to this, we can only pay attention to what he
says6. This man knows what he is talking about. Of course, the expression is
insufficient because it is negative, but his words come to us loaded with
immediate visions. As odors of the abyss come from the emerging diver, we
see how this man successfully reaches the deepest past of Europe where he „
knew how to sink. It is indeed incredible that in the first years of the XIX
century, years of rhetoric and with great confusion, a book like Histoire de la
Civilization en Europe was written. Can today's rookie learn poker? freedom
and polyarchy are two things interrelated and how both constitute the eternal
heart of Europe.
Despite this, Guizot was always judged unfavorably by political theorists in

general. It doesn't surprise me. When I see pock: to a man or a group is
addressed easy and persistent applause, a violent suspicion arises in me that
in this man or group, even if they are chosen together, there is something dirty.
Maybe this is wrong but it is the overflow of my experience. I must always say
that this group of political theoreticians, whom the whole world laughed at and
ridiculed, is, in my judgment, the most valuable thing that the politics of the
continent has to show during the XIX century. They were the only ones who
saw clearly what had to happen in Europe after the Great Revolution, and
furthermore there were personalities with dignity and reserve in the emerging
vulgarity and lightness of the century. "Defeats and no glory, characterized the
century, in almost all the norms by which society offers some purity to the
individual, who could not muster a dignity but rejected it from the depth of his
existence. This can hardly happen without some exaggeration, even if it is
done to defend himself against the orgiastic abandon that exists in his
environment. Guizo knew how to be like Buster Keaton, the man who didn't
laugh7. It was never abandoned. Condensed in him many generations of
protesting ancient wisdom that had remained on eternal guard without ever
being able to go with the current of the social environment, without being able
to be contained. It had reached the point of being transformed into an instinct
or innate impression as being equal to resistance, to put your heels into the
ground to resist the current. In an age like ours, with pure "currents" and
abandonments, it is good to keep in touch with people who do not let
themselves "go uphill". Political theorists are an excellent case of intellectual
responsibility. That is, exactly this one
6) “The coexistence and combat of diverse principles> Gruizot. History of Civilization

zation in Europe at 35.
7) With some satisfaction dvacftoei or Mme de Gasparin where? mi/.(onta? the Pope? C
o the border? the XVI with the French ambassador for Gixo, he said: "E un gran
ministro, Dicono che non ride mai". Correspondance avec Mne de Gasparin pag. 283 .
"THE EXPERIENCED ESTATE" 473
thing, which has been most neglected by European intellectuals since 1750,
a defect which is one of the deep causes of modern confusion.
But I still don't know if, addressing French readers, I can refer to political
theorizing as something recognized as important. So it is a scandalous case
that there is not a single book that has been written or attempted to determine
what that group of people thought* and yet, although it seems incredible,
there is not a single mediocre book either about Guizot or Royer-Collard0.
The truth is that neither of them ever published a sonnet. But in the end they
bent down, thought deeply, originals, about the most serious problems of
European public life, which formed the most absurd political theory of the
entire century. Nor will it be possible to reassemble its history if the way in
which the great questions were presented to these men was not revealed8
*10. Their style is not only different as a genre but also as from another class
and other elements from the rest that triumphed in Europe before and after
this. That is why they were not perceived despite all their classical clarity.
However, it is very likely that the future will belong to spiritual trends very
related to theirs. At least I swear to those who intend to formulate with
systematic vigor the ideas of the theorists, unexpected intellectual pleasures
and a sense of the social and political reality completely different from the
8) If the anagnoist intends to be more fully informed, he will often find that the materialists
did not have the same theory but different ones. You say that this also happens with
every spiritual school and is not the most important difference between a group of
people and a group of gramophones.
0) During the last few years, M. Charles H. Pouthas devoted himself to a great effort to
collect Guizot's archives and to offer us a series of volumes, a resource without which
it would be impossible to work. For Royer-Collard there is no such thing either.
Ultimately we are forced to resort to Faguet's studies, regarding the idearium of one
and the other. There is nothing better, and although it is a very lively work, it is
absolutely inadequate.
10) For example: No one can be with a clear conscience - that is, anyone who has a
spiritual "conscience" when the purely and simply conservative politics of "resistance"
has been presented. It is very obvious that Royer - Collard, Guizot, Broglie, were not
conservative at all. The word "resistance" which betrays to Ranke the influence of
Guizot on this great Historian and brings in its turn an abrupt change in meaning and,
so to speak, reveals to us its secret bowels when in a Royer-Collard's speech we
read:
des Libertes publipues ne sont pas autre chose que dcs resistances'. (ide de Barante:
La vie et les discours de Roger —- Collard II 130). I have here once again the best
European inspiration that reduces the dynamism of any static effort. The "stage" of
freedom results in an inflation of powers that are deliberately flourishing. But Royes-
Collard's speeches are so little read today that it will resonate strangely to say that
they are simply brilliant and that reading them is pure intellectual pleasure, that it is
amusing to the point of mirth, and that these speeches are precisely the last
manifestation of well-written Cartesian style.
ESTIA
»
clothed. It lasts in these living or better rationalistic tradition where man is

forced to search for absolute concepts. In contrast to the lymphatic rationalism
of the encyclopaedists and the revolutionaries who find the absolute in
abstract bon marche concepts, they discover historicity as an absolute truth.
History is the reality of man. He has no other. Through her he became who
he is as he is. To deny the past is ridiculous and fanciful, because the past is
"the nature of man who comes galloping back". The past is not here and so
much labor was experienced not to deny it, but to complete it. The theorists
rejected the "rights of man" because they are absolute, "metaphysical",
abstract and unreal concepts. The real rights are those that are here
absolutely because they appeared and were consolidated in history: such are
the "liberties", or legality, or judicial power, the "abilities". In order to breathe
today, they would have recognized the right to leave (not politics) and the
collective agreement. For an E c-glaze this would be more natural. But we
continentals have not yet reached this stage. Perhaps from the time of Alcuin,
we live at least 50 years behind the English. The modern collectivists also
suffer from the same misrecognition of the old liberalism when they consider
it, neither more nor less, as an undoubtedly individualistic matter. On top of
these issues, as I said, excessively vague ideas wander. 01 Russians of these
last years called Russia "the Collective". Wouldn't it be interesting to discover
what Ideas. or images spread conspiratorially with this word in the mind of the
somewhat gassy Russian where as often as the Italian captain of whom
Goethe speaks to us, bisogna aver una confusionc nella testa? Faced with
this, I would ask the reader to take into account, not to accept them, but to
discuss them and then pass them through criticism, the following positions:
First: individualistic liberalism belongs to the flourishing of the XVII

century. It partly inspired the legislation of the French Revolution but died
with it.
Second: The characteristic creation of the XIX century was precisely
collectivism. It is the first idea he invents at his dawn and in the long passage
of his hundred years he has done nothing but grow, covering the horizon with
water.
Tuesday: This idea is of French origin. It appears for the first time in the
arch-reactionaries de Bonald and de Maistre. Fundamentally, he is immediately
accepted by others with no other exception than Benjamin Constant, a
"backslider" of the previous century. But it triumphs in Saint-Simon, Ballanche,
Comte and lies everywhere11 e.g. e- *
11) The Germans argue that they are the ones who discovered the social if reality separate
from individuals and "prior" to them. The Volksgcist is considered as one of their
ideas by the natives. This is one of the cases that require the detailed study of the
Franco-German transaction by
*from 1790 to 1830. But the term Volksgeist shows too clearly what Voltaire's esprit
des nations means. The French principle of collectivism is not something coincidental
and obeys the same causes that made France the cradle of sociology and the place
where it flourished until 1890 (Durkheim).
“THIS CONTINENT
being a doctor from Lyon, M. Amard will speak in 1821 about collectivisme
against personalisme12. Read the articles published in 1830 and 1831 in
L'Avenir against individualism.
But more important than these is another thing. When, advancing through
the century, we come to the great theorists of liberalism—Stuart Mill or
Spencer—we are struck by how the altruistic defense of the individual is not
based on showing how freedom benefits or interests that individual. , but
exactly the opposite, that it benefits and interests society. The presumptuous
title that Spencer chooses for his book—the individual against the state—has
become the occasion for stubborn misinterpretation by those who do not read
from books but from titles. Because individual and state mean in this title two
simple instruments of a single subject: society. And what is being discussed is
whether certain social needs are better served by one or the other organ.
Nothing else.
Spencer's famous "individualism" constantly struggles within the collective

atmosphere of his sociology. In the end, both Spencer and Stuart Mill end up
treating individuals with the same harshness of socialization as the termites
certain of their kind, who feed them in order to later suck them out of existence.
Up to this point, priority was given to collectivism, the depth of which is self-
evident, and where their ideas danced carelessly on top of it. From this it
follows that Loegrinia's defense of the old liberalism on my part is absolutely
selfless. Because it happens, I am not an "old liberal". The discovery—
undoubtedly glorious and elementary—of the social and the collective, is
extremely recent. Those people felt more than they saw, the fact that the
collective is a different reality from the individuals and their simple sum, but
they did not know well what it consists of and what are its real characteristics.
On the other hand, the social phenomena of the time falsified the true
physiognomy of collectivism, because then it happened to be busy with feeding
individuals. The time for leveling, appropriation and distribution to all classes
had not yet arrived.
Because of this fact, the "old liberals" opened up without enough

precautions to the collectivism they were breathing. This is how it happened
even when it was clearly seen that the social phenomenon, the fact, of
collectivism, simply as it is presented, has, on the one hand, the beneficial, but
on the other hand, it is terrible and horrible. And the only thing one can do is
to join a liberalism with a radically new look, less naive, with more skilful
polemics, a liberalism that is already sprouting and will soon bloom on the very
horizon.
! 12) "Ora Doctrine de Saint - Simon with introduction and notes by G. Bougie y E.
llalevy (pag. 204 note). Quite similar to this edition of Saint-Simon's Life, made in 1829, it
is one of the most ingenious things of the century, and
|i labor of the notes of others is one of the most important contributions I know of to the
effective elucidation of the European psyche between 1800 and 1830.
And it is not possible, these people being as they were, with a surplus of
prudence, that they did not dimly see sometimes the struggles that time had
in store for them. Contrary to what we end up believing, it has been natural
in history for the future to be prophetic13. In Macaulay, Tocqu-eville, Comte
we find our hero sketched since then. See for example what Stuart Mill wrote
here 80 years ago:
"Besides the peculiar individual theologies of thinkers, is there in the
world a strong and ever-increasing tendency to spread itself into extreme form
or power? of the community over the individual, both with its power? opinion,
as well as the legislation. Now, of course, as all the changes taking place in
the world are characterized by the increase of communal power and the
weakening of individual power, this over-exploitation is not an evil that will
disappear automatically, but on the contrary it will become more and more
terrible every time. And men being disposed either as sovereigns or as fellow-
citizens to impose upon the rest as a rule of conduct their opinion and their
desires, this is so Actively supported by some of the best and some of the
worst hereditary traits of the human race. of a nature which are almost never
intercepted except to deprive him of power. And as this power does not seem
to be found in life to decrease but to increase, we must wait, unless some
strong barrier of moral proof is erected against evil, we must wait, say>, with
the present conditions in the world , this disposition to do nothing but
increase"14.
But what interests us most about Stuart Mill is his knowledge of the
homogeneity of the evil class that he saw developing in the western world.
This makes him embrace a great thought formulated by Humboldt in his
youth. According to Humboldt, the existence of a "variety of situations" is
necessary in order to enrich, steel and perfect the human being13. Within
each nation and taking the nations as a whole, different conditions need to be
offered. So if one fails. other possibilities remain open. It is absurd to classify
European life in a single category, in a single type of man, in one unchanging
"situation". The avoidance of this phenomenon has been the clever secret of
Europe today and the awareness of this secret is what made the lips of the
eternal European liberalism move with eloquence or stuttering. In this
awareness it is recognized as a positive value, as a virtue or as a curse or
continental polyarchy. I am interested in clarifying this so that the idea of a
supranationalEurope, which deserves this book, does not escape.
The way we are going, with the progressive decline of the "variety of
states" we are heading straight for the same fate as the Roman Empire. This
too was once characterized by mass and pernicious homogeneity.
13) An easy and useful thing that someone should undertake would be to read the
prognoses that were given in each era for the immediate future. I have collected
enough to be amazed at the fact that there have always been some people who
predicted the future.
14) Stuart Mill: L a Liberte trad. Dupont — White.
16) Collected Writings. I, 106.
"CONTINENTAL ES TIA" 477
Since the time of the Antonines, a strange phenomenon has been evident,
less underlined and analyzed than it should have been: Humans had turned
into fools. The evolutionary course of the phenomenon kept the past at bay. It
has been said, with some justice, that the stoic Posidonius, Cicero's teacher,
is the last archaic worthy of placing himself in front of the facts, willing to
investigate them with a porous and energetic mind. After him, the heads go
empty and, apart from the Alexandrians, they do nothing but repeat and be
stereotypes.
But the essence and the most terrible element of this form, once
homogenous and alienated - and these go together - which life adopts from
one end of the Empire to the other and which one would least expect and
where, since d, what I know, no one has researched it is another: It is a
language. The language that does not serve us well enough to express what
each one of us would like to say, on the contrary reveals and shouts without
us wanting it, the most secret state of the society that speaks it. In the part of
the Roman state that was not Hellenized, the language that flourishes is what
has been called the "vulgar or common Latin" matrix of our own Neo-Latins.
This common Latin is not well known and for the most part we approach it
only through attempts at confusion. But what is known is enough and enough
to cause us wonder with two of its characteristics. One is the incredible
simplification of its grammatical mechanism compared to classical Latin. The
wonderful Indo-European diversity that preserved the language in the upper
classes, was eclipsed by a plebeian dialect, with a mechanism very simple but
at the same time brutally mechanical. Stuttering grammatical paraphrasing,
untested and far-fetched like a toddler. It is indeed a childish language and
even such that it does not allow for the occasional outburst of meditation or
lyrical iridescence. It is a language without light or spirit, without intelligence
and without mental warmth, a sad language that proceeds blindly . The words
look like old copper coins dirty and missing, ready to circulate in Mediterranean
taverns. What meaningless lives, desolate, condemned to eternal daily life are
distinguished behind this dry linguistic industry!
"Another characteristic abomination of vulgar Latin is precisely its

homogeneity. Linguists, who are perhaps next to aviators, the people least
capable of being disturbed by anything, do not seem at all surprised by the
fact that countries so distant, as or Carthage and Gaul, Tagore and Dalmatia,
Spain and Romania speak the same language.
I, on the other hand, who am quite timid and still tremble when I see how
much the wind is tiring the reeds, I cannot suppress a calm agitation before
this event. It just looks monstrous to me. The truth is that I am trying to present
what it would be like from the inside of what from afar seems like homogeneity.
I am trying to reveal the living reality that this fact is but an immovable
characteristic. Of course there were African, Spanish, French idioms. But if this
is really how things are, then the origin of the language is common and the
same despite the distances
sions, the rare transaction, the difficulty of communication, and where he could not contribute to the
creation of a literature. How could the Tibero-Celtic and the Belgian, the inhabitant of Numidia and
that of Lutesia13, the Moor and the inhabitant of Dacia meet, if not thanks to a general flattening that
reduced existence to its base by annihilating lives? Vulgar Latin is there in its archives as a chilling
fossil, proof that history once struggled under the homogenous rule of vulgarity simply because it had
an extinct or fertile "variety of situations."
IV
Neither this book nor I are politicians. The subject discussed here is prior to politics and belongs
to its prehistory. My work is the dark underground toil of the miner. The apostolate of the so-called
"intellectual" is in some ways the opposite of the politician. Intellectual work aspires, mostly in vain,
to enlighten things, while political work, on the contrary, consists in obscuring them more. Being on
the left is like being on the right: one of the endless ways a person can choose to be stupid: both
really are forms of moral hemiplegia. On the other hand, the stability of these definitions contributes
not a little to the further distortion of modern "reality", already distorted by itself, because it became a
volley in the wind of the political experience that corresponds to them, as the fact proves where today
the right promises revolutions and the left tyrannies.
"We have an obligation to work again on the questions of the time. Undoubtedly. And I have
done so all my life. I have always stood on the pulses. But something that is now called — a train —
is as if in spite of all the difficulties it presupposes This is what the world should do sensu stricto. They
say it, of course, by invoking Pascal for me, an elemental hygiene. The totalitarianism, or the absorption
of all things and the whole of man by politics, is one and the same with the phenomenon of the
uprising of the masses described here. The mass in revolution lost all ability for religion and knowledge.
It cannot have in it anything more than politics, an excessive, frenzied politics, given that it replaces
knowledge, religion for sagesse—after all, the only concepts that by their constitution they are apt to
occupy the center of the human intellect. Politics deserts man from loneliness and interiority and for
this reason the preaching of holistic politics is one of the techniques used to socialize him.
When someone asks us what our political position is, or dismisses it with the clumsiness that
belongs to the style of our time, he classifies us as one
1C) Ancient name of Paris,

Machine Translated by Google do ABC—
_
"CONTINENTAL HOME" J79
i
faction, instead of answering him we have to ask him what he thinks about man and nature and
history. What is society and the individual, collectivism, the state, habits, law.
Politics is in a hurry to turn off the lights so that all the cats look like tigers.
It is essential that the European thinking gives these issues a new shine. That is why he is
here and not to show off at academic gatherings. And it is necessary to do it quickly or as Dante
\ says to take the road, .. .studiate il passo I
I
Mcntre que ÿ Occidente non s' annera. i
(Purg. 27 62-63)
I
This would be the only thing that could make us hope, with some vague possibility, for the
solution of the terrifying problem that the modern masses are sowing. This book does not even
remotely intend to do anything similar. "As his stern words say, it is only a first look into the problem
I
of modern man. To talk about it more seriously and more deeply, there would be no other medicine
than to step into the footsteps of the abyss, put on the diving suit and go down This must be done
without pretensions, but decisively, and I attempted it in a book of mine that will be presented in
the future.
Once we got a good feel of what this human type is like that dominates
today and that I have called anthope - mass, now is where the most fruitful
and most dramatic questions are asked:
Can this type of person be reformed? I want to say: Do the serious flaws that exist in him, so
serious that if they are not eradicated they will cause in an inexorable way, the as>anism of the
Solution, to be corrected? Because whatever the reader will say, this is exactly a hermetic person
who is not open to any truth with higher claims. The other decisive question, on which, in my
judgment, the possibility of sanitization hangs is this: Is it possible for the masses, even if they
want to, to awaken the private life? It is not possible to unfold the big issue here because it is
terribly virgin. The terms where it should be placed are not calculated by common consciousness.
It is not even sketched or a study of the different framework of individuality that each era of the
past left in human existence.
Because it is pure intellectual inactivity of "progressivism" to consider how adjusted history progresses,
how the width offered to man increases so that he can realize a personal individuality as believed
by the most eminent engineer but bad historian
' Herbert Spencer. "No: "History is full of regressions of this kind, and the structure of life in our age
excessively prevents man from living as a person. Observing the big cities, these immense
accumulations of human beings that go to and from the streets, gather at festivals and political
events, this thought comes to me obsessively: can today a twenty-year-old man lead a life that has
nothing to do with it? individual and where for this reason! does it need to be realized through his
independent initiative and personal efforts? Trying to unfold this image
in his imagination he will find how, if not impossible, it is almost impossible for such a thing to
happen, because there is no available space where he can stand and move according to his
personal judgment. He will soon perceive how his plan stumbles upon his fellow man in the same
way that the life of his neighbor oppresses his own. Discouragement will easily lead him to embrace
the familiar of his age, to renounce not only all energy but also all his personal desire and to look
for the opposite solution: he will imagine for him a standard life, composed from desiderata common
to others and how to achieve it one must seek or demand it collectively with others. This is where
the mass activity begins. The thing is terrible, but I don't believe that I am exaggerating the real
situation in which almost all of Europe finds itself. In a prison where there were many more people
than could fit, no one can move a hand or a leg on his own initiative because he will hit the bodies
of the others. In this case the movements must be performed in unison and even these respiratory
muscles must work in a defined rhythm. This will be Europe turned into a termite nest. But not even
this inhuman image is a solution. The human termite nest is impossible, because there was the cry
of "individualism" that enriched the world and the world and it was this wealth that so mythically
multiplied the human plant. "When the remnants of this 'individualism' disappear, the gigantic
extermination of the Roman Empire will make its appearance in Europe, and the termite's nest will
bend as under the breath of a rigid and vengeful god. There will be far fewer left who but they would
be more inhuman.
Faced with the wild passivity of this issue which, whether we like it or not, is already in front
of us, the issue of "social justice", being so respectable, pales and fades until it appears as a
rhetorical and insincere romantic sigh, But at the same time -but he orients us on the right paths to
achieve what this "community justice" is possible and fair to achieve, paths that do not seem to
pass through a sad socialization but that lead straight to a magnanimous co-responsibility. This last
word is at least untried, because so far no active system of historical and social ideas has been
concentrated in it and it only attracts vague charities. The first step to an improvement of the
modern situation is to feel well its enormous difficulty. Only this will help us to strike evil in the
deepest social layers from which it is truly born. It is indeed very difficult to save a civilization when
the time has come for it to fall into the hands of demagogues. The demagogues have been the
great stranglers of cultures. Greek and Roman civilization succumbed to the hands of this hideous
beast that made Macaulay exclaim: In the last few centuries, the worst examples of human nature
were found among the demigods17. But he is not a humane demagogue simply because
17) History of James II, I. 643.
«
481
·
“THIS CONTINENT
stands and exclaims in front of the crowd. This in some circumstances can be a holy action. The elementary
demagoguery of the demagogue is in his mind and is based on his irresponsibility for the very ideas he handles and
which he did not create himself but received from the true creators. Demagoguery is a form of intellectual degeneration
i
which, as a broad phenomenon of European history, appeared in France around 1750. Why then? Why in France? This
.?
is one of the critical points of Western destiny and especially of French destiny. Since then, France, and from its
radiation, almost the whole continent believes that the only method to solve the great human problems is the method of
revolution. This is what Leibniz meant when he said "General 'Revolution'"18 the will to completely transform the
situation10. Thanks to this perception, that miracle that is France, arrives with bad roads in the difficult structure of the
I
present. Because this country has or thinks it has an e-revolutionary tradition. And if being a revolutionary is already a
serious thing, how much more serious is it to be, absurdly, a revolutionary from tradition. It is well known how a Great
I
Revolution took place in France. And some cruel and ridiculous ones. But if we extend ourselves to the bare wholeness
of the annals, we shall find that these revolutions have chiefly served so that, in the course of a century, except for a few
days or weeks, France has lived longer than any other country under political conditions of one degree or another.
absolutist and counter-revolutionary. Above all, the great moral chasm of French history that existed during the twenty
years of the Second Empire is clearly due to the enormous selfishness of the revolutionaries of 1848, a large portion of I
whom, as Raspail himself confided, were previously his followers. .
In revolutions, the abstract is intended to prevail over the concrete. That is why failure is synonymous with
revolution. Human problems are not like astronomical or chemical problems, abstracted. Yes-yes problems of the highest
specificity because they are historical. And or mo-
18) “I even find that similar opinions insinuating themselves little by little into the minds of
the men of the great world, who regulate others and on whom their affairs depend,
and slipping into fashionable books, have all cho- Its to the general revolution with
which Europe is threatened. New Essays on Human Understanding IV Chap. 16,
ÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿ ÿÿÿ ÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿ ÿÿÿ ÿÿÿÿÿÿÿÿ:
First: a man around 1700, close to when Leibniz wrote the above, was able to predict
what happened a century later. Second: WHAT modern evil demonization of Europe
has its beginning in very ancient times.
19) "... our century which believes itself destined to change the Tois in all ages..." D*
Alembert: Preliminary speech to the Encyclopedic. Works: 1, 66 (1821).
20) Cette honnete, irreprochable, mais imprevoyante et superticielle revolution de 1848 eut
pour consequeuee, au bout de moins d* un an, de dontinement con' servateur de
motre pays". Renan: Quesrtious contemporaries, XVI. *0 Renan, who in 1848 was
young and liked that movement, finds himself in his maturity forced to make some
compliments, characterizing it as "honnete" and "irreprochable".
I·
nadic method of reflection that ensures some possibility of certainty in its handling
is "historical logic".
"When one takes a panoramic look at the public life of France during the
last 150 years, it becomes clear how its geometers, its physicists and its doctors
were almost always wrong in their political judgments and how, on the contrary,
its historians were justified. But what physico-mathematical rationalism was too
glorious in France not to tyrannize public opinion.Malebranche broke off relations
with a friend because he saw a Thucydides on his table21.
In these last months pushing my loneliness in the streets of Paris, I realized

that in reality I didn't know anyone in this great city except the statues. Some of
these are indeed old friendships, old irritations or eternal teachers of my
loneliness. And as I had no one to talk to, I discussed with them about the great
human issues. I don't know if these "discussions with statues" will ever see the
light of day, which cleared up a sad and barren chapter of my life. To these will
be referred the discussion with the Marquis de Condorcet who is on the Quai
Conti about the dangerous idea of progress. With the Comte's little boisette in
his apartment in the rue Monsieur le Prince I discussed the pouvoir spirituel
which was insufficiently exercised by the mandarins of letters and a University
which remained completely out of the active life of the nations.
At the same time I had the honor of accepting the responsibility of an

energetic message which this man sends to another great man who is erected
in the Place de Sorbonne and is the man of the false Comte, Officer de Littre.
But it is natural that I am more than interested in listening once more to the voice
of our greatest teacher Descartes, the man to whom Europe owes the most. The
grave danger that surrounds my existence has caused me to publish these lines
in view of the part of Holland where the new inventor of raison lived in 1642.
This place called Endegeest, whose trees shade my windows, is now a
madhouse. Twice a day, and even more often, I see the idiots and frenzied
people passing by, cooling off for a while in the unsettled weather their wasted
utility.
Three centuries of "rationalist" experience compel us to re-think about the

brilliance and the aridity of that amazing Cartesian raison. She or raison is only
mathematical, physical, biological. Its mythical triumphs over nature, much higher
than what could have been dreamed of, thus further emphasize their bankruptcy
in front of the mainly human issues and challenge you to complete them with
another, more radical logic, which is the "historical logic". . This shows us the
futility of any general revolution and any energy that attempts the immediate
transformation of a society and the re-start of history as the riots of '89 intended.
The method of revolution is opposed by the only valuable thing, the long
experience that the modern European has on his side. Revolutions both
21) JR Carre La Philosophic de Fontenelle pag. 143.

"THE PIRO TIC HOSPITAL "' 483
immoderate in their force, hypocritically generous, to proclaim rights, they always

trampled and crushed the fundamental human right, so fundamental that it is the
very definition of its existence: the right to continue. The only fundamental difference
between human history and "natural history" is this: you can never start over. Kohles
and others have shown that the chimpanzee and the orangutan differ from man not
in what we call intelligence, but because they possess much less memory than we
do. The poor animals find themselves every morning having forgotten almost
everything by which they lived the previous day, and their brains must work on the
least material of experience. The tiger of today is the same as the tiger of six
thousand years ago, because every tiger must start from the beginning to be a tiger
as if no other tiger had existed before. Man, on the contrary, thanks to the ability to
remember, de-assimilates his own past, owns it and benefits from it. An-man is
never a first man. It begins to exist at some height of the accumulated past. This is
man's unique treasure, his privilege, his symbol. And the smallest wealth of this
treasure consists in the fact that it seems appropriate and worthy of discussion. The
important thing is the memory of mistakes that allows us not to commit the same
mistakes over and over again. The true treasure of man is the treasure of his
mistakes, or widely lived experience dripped drop by drop over thousands of years.
That is why Nietzsche defines the Overman as the one "with the widest memory".
To break the continuity from the past, to want to start from scratch, is to be ambitious, to go
down and re-design the urakotago. It pleases me that there was a Frenchman, Dupont-White, who in
1860 dared to say:
“Continuity is a human right . It is a tribute to everything that distinguishes

him from the beast”22.
Before me is a newspaper which I have just read, with the description of the
festivities with which England celebrated the coronation of the new king. It is said
that here and for quite some time the English monarchy is a purely symbolic
institution. This is true, but by saying it like that we miss the best part. Because,
indeed, the Monarchy does not perform any material and tangible function in the
British Empire. Its role is not to govern, nor to administer justice, nor to command
the army. It is an empty institution, out of service. The Monarchy in England is a
function strictly defined and of great inefficiency: of symbolism. For this reason the
English people deliberately gave unusual solemnity to the coronation ceremony. In
the contemporary turmoil of the continent, he wanted to underline the stable norms
that regulate life. Let me give you one more lesson. As always - since Europe
seemed like a tapestry of peoples - the continentals, full of spirit but without calm,
never mature, always childish, and deep down, behind them England stands... like a
remnant of Europe.
This is the people who always arrived first in the future, who preceded
22) In the preface to the translation of Stuart Mill's La Libert^, page 44.
i
m "THE EXPERIENCE POINT"
of all others and in almost all sectors. In practice, we should omit "almost". And I see
here how this people charges us with some insolence of the purest dandyism to attend
an ancient ceremony and see how they act—for they have never ceased to be modern
—with the most ancient and magical works of their history. , the crown and the scepter,
at the time when we are ruled by the cards of the deck.
The English have made us think of the end of the because he is with me and it is
all there for him. From a future we have not yet reached, they show us the orgiastic
heyday of their past23. This people circulates in this present time, it is truly the master
of its ages maintaining an active occupation. And this is for a nation of people to exist:
to be able today to continue on yesterday without therefore ceasing to live for the
future. To be able to exist in a true present since the present is only the presence of the
past and the future, the place where past and future really exist. With the symbolic
celebrations of the coronation, England once again resisted the revolutionary method,
the method of continuation, which is the only one that can prevent from the dew of
human things this pathological view that transforms history from a glorious eternal
struggle, a struggle between paralytics and epileptics.
IN
As in these pages the anatomy of today's dominant type of man is made, I proceed
by leaving his outer form, so to speak, from his skin and penetrate) a little deeper by
directing his bowels. Here are the first chapters that mostly have an outlier. The skin of
the weather has changed. The reader should, while reading, go back to the years
1926-1928. A crisis has already begun in Europe, but it still looks like one of many
others. The world still feels absolute security. They still enjoy the luxury of inflation. And
mostly they think: Here it is or A
partial ! ;
It was America or mythical prosperity. The only thing that I have said in these
pages that makes me feel a little proud is that I did not fall into the dishonest visual error
that Europeans almost did then, even
23) This "peak" today is not a simple figure of speech, but absolutely true, especially in
the area of law. In England " aucune barriere entre le present et le
pass. “Without discontinuity, positive law goes back in history to time immemorial.
English law is a historical law. Iridically speaking, there is no “old English law”.
“Therefore, in England, all law is current, whatever its age.” Levy - Ulimann: the
legal system of England. I ÿÿÿ. 38—39.
. . .
and the economists. Because we must not forget how at that time we very seriously
believed that the Americans had discovered another organization of life that would
forever abolish the eternal human plagues that are crises.
It made me blush that the Europeans, who have invented the highest thing ever
conceived by the human intellect: the i-historical sensorium, showed in that situation
what they completely lack.
The old common place where, according to him, America is the future, had
clouded their vision for a moment. I then took the courage to oppose a similar fallacy,
arguing that America, in addition to being the future, was a reality, a vague past
because it was primitivism. And even contrary to what is believed, Spanish America
was and is much more North than South America. Now the matter has been clarified
and the United States no longer sends young ladies to the old continent - as someone
told me at the time - "to convince them that there is nothing of interest in Europe"2*.
By doing exactly rape, I isolated in this so-called book, from the universal problem
that is for man and especially for the European, his immediate future, a single factor:
the characterization of the average man who today goes ahead appropriating
everything. This obliged me to a harsh asceticism, to refrain from expressing my
beliefs more than superficially. CG still: often presenting things in a form that was
either more favorable to clarify the exclusive subject of this study, but it was worse
to be able to show my opinion on them.
It is enough to highlight a fundamental issue. I examined the modern average

man sometimes for his ability to continue modern culture and sometimes for his
attachment to culture. Everyone would say that these two things — civilization and
culture — are not a problem for me. The truth is that exactly these topics have
occupied me since my first writings. But I was obliged not to complicate matters.
Whatever our attitude towards civilization and culture, it is here as a first-class factor
with which we have to do, the arrogance that was presented with man - the mass!
That's why we have to crudely isolate its symptoms.
So the French reader should not expect more from this book which is, in the end,
nothing more than an essay on calmness in the middle of a storm.
Jose Ortega y Gasset

«The White House» Oegstgeest - Holanda
May 1937
24) See the essay "Laughter and America" 1928 and the articles "01 United States"
a little later.
/GOMBID
A RSE N I GERO NTIC O Y
THE NEW THEATER
I ATTEMPT TO INTERPRET A CONTROVERSIAL CONCEPT)
(Essay)
Faithful to the purpose that Koon has set in his life: the close contact of
our theater with the concerns of foreign theatrical life, Theatro Techni staged
three Greek plays to essentially celebrate its thirtieth anniversary. The first, the
only one I could see. it is by Loulas Anagnostakis: "Antonio or the Message". I
saw it because I appreciate the type of her writing, the richness of her thought
and her daring dives into the bowels of an era, which is by no means easy. I
will not deal with the project in detail here. I will only present a few thoughts
that this and, in particular, the program that introduces it gave rise to me.
Both the title of the work, but also the combination, in the distribution of
the roles, our own and foreign names: Helen, Antonio, Charlie, Judith, show
that this is not an orthodox structure of ethnography - because the characters
are formed by the ethos of an age — and external behavior depends on the
mental quality that gives birth to it. Thus, the artistic weight of a play is directly
connected with the intensity of the era and with the sharpness of the eye that
considers this era and records the action of specific individuals within the social
body. Here it is an ethnography that does not isolate the individual as a
theatrical character, but uses him as a simple carrier of group Ideas, anxieties,
anxieties and desires, which form the general ethos of an era. So what we have
here is the classic theater of characters. The faces of the new theater are
conventional. They are the necessary carriers of moments and conflicts, they
are, as it were, mechanical means - because how else would we have a theater
-, so that these moments and these conflicts can be projected on the stage*
This is what Guillaume de Lloris's antagonizing faces remind us of in the first
part of the Roman de la Rose. Of course, this does not reduce the value of
their offer. But it explains why, when the scene closes, the listener's memory
does not turn ad hominem, it does not seek the expression of a specific human
unit, it searches for the general meaning of the sermon, which just echoed in
his ears, it searches for the alloy that gave birth to the fusion of various Ideas
on the stage, that is, for the general meaning of the sermon. This is certainly
what a medieval hearer of the mysteries did.
The work itself is the essence of a theory, one of the many theories that
try to provide an explanation, perhaps even a solution, to the complex
problem of today's life. There are so many and so dynamic, new elements
that have invaded like a bull in a glass shop, in the familiar to us older
established order, the so convenient, but also so hypocritical, that
nw-gae
not too roughly can their impulses be calculated and their results predicted,
when their momentum "will be softened to the point where it is necessary to
make it possible for them to co-operate rationally to establish a new status
quo. Now, of course, before the impulses subside, we live in a pandemonium,
which gives the impression of the absurd both in our daily life and on the
stages of the theater. But we can reasonably hope that the sacrifices that
the age requires of us will be fragrant before the Lord, and that the
cosmopolitanism that is woven, from the need for an indivisible humanity,
from the sudden invasion of a powerful science into our lives , that which
facilitated the brutality, if only through contact acquaintance with the
inhabitants of the earth, will sprout and flourish in the fertile soil prepared for
him by our present trials, which we cannot now untangle* with their crazy threads.
This unraveling is particularly difficult in the theater, because its lesson
addressed to the student mass called viewers.
The concept of spectator is attributed to a collective entity and denotes
the essence of a heterogeneous sum of people, starting from the primitive
and ending with the adapted, in the era and its problems. The audience needs
a lot of filtering to become a suitable audience for pioneering works. Good
criticism could certainly help the theater lover to better understand the
meaning of the problems the author poses on stage. However, this pedagogical
preparation must be done in time and, I dare say, even before the work is
carried out. This, of course, cannot be done by unborn criticism, which rejoices
in its obscurity and deliberate obscurity with insincere self-righteousness. The
critic must be a useful person. Because otherwise his work takes on an
unpleasant anti-social flavor and in the end, it becomes almost unnecessary.
Because it may be like Anaxo at Delphi, but when all this important remains
for him as an oracle for those who read it, it can feed his self-righteousness,
but it does not benefit the great mass of his readers.
So what should happen? I believe that the author himself has the duty
to inform the viewer through the program.
Something like this seems to be what Mr. Anagnostakis wanted to
attempt in her pre-introductory note. Unfortunately, however, he quickly left
athletics, limited himself to parties and did not reach the end. He believes
that dialogue between writer and listener is of no use and that "any
coincidence and exchange between them has never been helped, I believe,
by an analysis of intentions and goals on the part of the writer". So he avoids
- and this for me is a mistake - ear) the analysis and notes that. I will limit
myself to some generalities about the "reality" of the work. Although this
word: reality created significant questions for me, I confess that, although it
is limited to generalities, it helps the viewer significantly. Which viewer,
however, since as we said, this concept is analyzed in a whole scale of
nuances. Unfortunately, Ms. Anagnostakis is addressing the most media-rich
viewer and leaving aside the meagerly provided, precisely the one who has
the greatest need for support. The average spectator must learn to make the
play his subject, to see clearly its aims, and to feel its technique: to edify,
because today's theater must no longer be treated as an indulgence as a help
to trace the grid of the holy
Wt»l
i
I·I
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one that envelops us, and to create the emotion, not the sweetness of
melodrama, but the one rich in penetrating intensity, the one that makes man,
and especially the young man, able to detect his future more directly than his
reason allows.
Ms. Anagnostaki's work stems from real situations, that is, from that crazy
fluidity that characterizes our time, where the asthmatic average person is
weakened by a rate of change unprecedented in our world. He feels that he
is changing from a spectator to a spectacle, from a benefactor to a beggar of
foreign favors, from an observer of a foreign city to a clinic bed number. The
ascent and descent on the ladder of emotions is so rapid, the positive and
negative numbers intertwine so tightly before our eyes, or discretionary logic
with discretionary irrationality, that it would be a mistake to ask from the
theater today the strictly formed human types of the theater of the past. We
must become aware that a grain of madness is necessary in life to make it
dynamic and fruitful. This has been proven throughout the ages, because ours
is not the only one, which pushed something new onto the world stage, with
the firm belief that in this way they do not harm it, but benefit it. "Out of
differences, harmony is most beautiful," said the old Heraclitus, and a Roman
put it epigrammatically: Nullum est magnum inventium sine mixtura dementiae.
These completely justify the theater of the absurd, which, although they
say that it is in its death throes, it is certainly not going to die down, since,
whether we want it or not, it will mark our time as the time when the re-
classification of the young of forces that have now appeared in our society,
will give it its new peace, after the storm that has now been raised by new
and nameless winds. Ms. Anagnostaki, both in terms of technique and in
terms of substance, follows the theater of the absurd, and is thus faithful to
the mandate of our time. The movement, the speed, the sudden change of
scenes, d noise, the intrusion of the unexpected, dli this demonic activity,
which fights against the noble logic, which is for us the faithful counselor,
when we judge the a foreign act and a useless rag, when we judge our own
behavior, all this means that the demands of new times force us to think about
new territories, which man had never set foot on, although it had always been
his. . Thus, in ancient times, violence and necessity forced him to adapt and
live, leaving the temperate regions, in the polar zone. Our present effort to
notice the new arrival is a welcome awakening, and a serious hint of what we
shall be able to do to meet its claims. Now we are doing our basic training for
this new battle. And the theater is always in the foreground as a basic trainer.
Unfortunately, it cannot be addressed to everyone. The elderly, rooted in the
present, lovers of turbulence, require reasoning in modo et figura to start from
their familiar haunts for troublesome adventures. For them, all syllogisms that
show some deviation from the evidential rules are pseudonyms. And the large
mass of the rest of the public, who attends a theatrical performance, does not
have the intellectual flexibility needed to realize the lesson that is played out
in front of them, and thus does not leave the theater rich with new baits that
can activate thought to find some solution to the anxieties that accompany
her: To discover that special note,
r.rrg
heard in genuine modern plays, always the same, but so nightmarish as to resemble a
depressing lyre-motif of a symphony. And so she sees, hears, is surprised, agitated without
worrying, and leaves the theater, as if emerging from an unnecessary ordeal, only to return
to the daily routine, with intact the enclave that regulates her behavior, Baudelaire's verse: je
hais le mouvement qui displace les lignes.
And yet the New Theater must be careful. From the beginning of our century, and especially
from the end of the first world war, an endless series of Cassanders, Especially historians, with
Guillielmo Ferrero as the canon, presented our era as a prelude to Armageddon, as a prelude to a
new Middle Age. They did not think that the Middle Ages emerged from the barbarian invasion of
the Roman Empire and that the new era that is coming to us is shaped by the invasion of science
into people's lives. And this new barbarian is not like the old ones, because - and everyone
II understands this - he does not come to destroy, but to nourish and enlighten.
f —,
The new theater now besieges the blissful stillness, which nourishes the epiphany of bliss
in the souls of all those who do not see around them. And he calls them to the start of an
61 adventure, where there are reasons to believe that it will not be wrecked, like that quixotic
foray into the ecumenical state, which the papacy was planning in the early Middle Ages. It
seems now that we are starting for a new universal state, which will not be based on truths
from revelation, but on the common effort, both materially and spiritually, of the people of the
whole earth, those who are again becoming nodus et vinculum mundi , now that the mass of
their agony exceeded and their blood was wasted, in order to found the new 'Renaissance',
which now frightens and excites us the appearance of its vanguard on the stage of the world.
From the serious avant-garde theater that gave birth to it or the drama of the moments
that the world is now living in, the viewer, and above all the young, must leave charged with
concerns, And in this the author must help him, informing him, with through the program,
regarding its intentions and the mechanism it uses to project them. And then to discuss with
him. Because this will help him realize what his specific gravity really is. For who can be his
own just judge? And especially, which playwright? For him, in addition to the official, first-hand
criticism, the criticism of the mat is necessary, the criticism of the average person, who is
both a victim of the age's agony and the subject of its theater.
ARSENIS GERONTIKOS
IMIA I·I
FROM FOREIGN SPIRITUAL ZQH

Italy: A New Book of Modern Greek Poetry
In Milan, Italy, a book related to modern modern Greek poetry was printed in Italian. Its title is:
"Album di poesia Grecia d'oggì" and its author is the Italian columnist, excellent translator and valuable
friend of modern Greek literature, Mr. Cristino San-giglio. Mr. Sangiglio, who until now has had the honor
and great pleasure of presenting and commenting on his books and articles published in Italian
magazines and newspapers, all relating to modern Greek literature, continues his painstaking translation
work for modern Greek poetry, which he loves very much, he knows it well in its language, he watches
it with sympathy and in some cases with admiration, he looks back on its history and its past. "If we take
into account the series of his works and studies on modern Greek poetry, which are very many, we can
say without any exaggeration that modern modern Greek letters owe a lot to the distinguished Italian
translator and essayist "If we even think, how much of a struggle is needed to translate into a foreign
language a poetry, such as the modern one with its hermeticity, its dark symbols, its conceptual
deficiencies, its hyperlogical images, its experiential substratums of the psychic of the world, then we
will confess that Mr. Sangilio is a great friend of our letters.
His book, at the beginning, contains an informative general introductory article

on modern modern Greek poetry and then follows in order the poets, Giorgos
Themelis, Nikos Pentzikis, Yiannis Ritsos, Nikos Eggonopoulos, Nikiforos
Vrettakos, Giorgos Stogiannidis, Giorgos Geralis, "Aris Diktaios, Renos Apostolidis
and Panos Thassites with a separate note for each, an informative note and a
translation of several poems. Because Mr. Sanjilio's general introductory article
on modern Greek poetry is of particular interest, we present it in its entirety in
translation. us:
"Even today, despite the arduous work of those who study and spread the
Greek language and modern Greek literature, we cannot say that we know enough
about the poetry of new Greece.
These notes of ours and the poetic translations are not so much aimed at
addressing the problem of a similar ignorance, as rather they have a more specific
goal in front of them, or rather, they aim at a synthetic presentation of some Neo-
Greek poets worthy of every attention and this as an introduction for a greater
investigation of their poetry and in continuation of the entire modern Greek poetry.
As a matter of space, our introduction cannot necessarily give a

comprehensive view of this poetry, but
for this he will be able to present a panorama, which despite its partiality will
try to somehow extend to a general view of some essential poetic
achievements, in a period of time that we can roughly include between 1940
and 1960. This it is a fruitful period in modern Greek poetry, which finally
makes the long preparatory works for a metamorphosis of the best in terms of
form and content poetic searches of the European avant-garde. If it is indeed
true that modern Greek poetry until the beginning of our century was still
mostly tied to the vehicles of the 18th century as far as poetry is concerned,
it is equally correct, that in a short period of time with the work of poets gifted
as a Palamas, a Cavafy, a Sicilian, modern Greek poetry once again follows
living European poetry, finally escaping after countless attempts the imitation
in which it was in danger of remaining trapped. All the most notable and anti-
conformist movements of European and World poetry become through Greek
poetry experiences and metamorphoses into original forms* and not only
exclusively poetic but also artistic, philosophical and generally educational in
a way closely connected to the with the four* and then various useful and
generative manifestations, such as symbolism, surrealism, futurism, cubism,
existentialism until the most recent ones invade the living modern Greek
poetry, giving it blood and soul and uniting it with the culture of of European
culture, also giving them their technical means and experiences for an
integrated expression of its own. In this way he achieved the goal for which
he fought for a long time and with stubbornness, a more noble and sensitive
modern Greek poetry* or its reunification with European poetry and its fusion
with the younger currents, or the repetition of a communication that had been
interrupted for a long time.
In the course of this modern Greek poetry, as was natural, it has enclosed
its own primarily ethnic character, its own way of life and expression, its own
personality, its own most glorious traditions, its own sensibility, the her own
difficult and torturous problems* in other words, she has poured into the
search for a modern form, her own essence full of life, truer, more modern,
she has filled it with her own soul, with her own hot problems, finally giving
them a completely personal and new character.
This is the new atmosphere in which the poets presented here move and
work. Reunited with a tradition and a culture from which they had been
estranged for a long time, regaining possession of the most modern and
effective means of expression, confronting the hottest problems of the new
renaissance and expressing their anxieties and their bitterness, being able
now to manifest with perfection and abundance what fills their soul.
What really weighs on today's Greek poetry is the fluidity of the verse, the
spontaneity and agility with which it moves and flows from page to page, one
would say, without any effort for the poet, that he has recaptured the primary
and classic copyright.
While the form oozes natural and autonomous, its content differs so much,
as never before, as will be seen from the poetic texts that
1IIA IMI
we present and he is not afraid to deal with the most diverse topics from personal to collective, from the inner soul
to social, from the happy to the sad.
Our present collection joins the long line of the translator's previous efforts to introduce modern Greek
poetry into the living movement of our own culture. "· And this one, far from the previous works, intends to continue
the same purpose: to broaden our known works towards modern Greek poetry C
which is incomplete, to present new worthy and interesting poetic figures, to for this reason our work once again
omits great poetic voices, such as those of Seferis and Elytis, who had the good fortune to be widely disseminated
by us and also, as is well known, they have now taken their place in the intellectual baggage of the 'Italian
intellectual*, he is more interested in presenting other voices of poets no less great and important but completely
unknown to us. poetic achievements such as those of Pentzikis, Apostolidis and Thas-oitis are presented for the
first time in 'Italy* of other outstanding poets, such as Dikteos and Engonopoulos, they become more widely known*
finally others, of which the founder is Ritsos , Vrettakos, Stogiannidis and Geralis, their wider dissemination is
sought, which they justly deserve".
, . KOSTAS N. NIKOLA/I DIS
A SONG
''
Give us a song about the .
changing rivers
those drenched with the bitterness of .
* -
tired states, with the blood of
dead hopes
drunk with betrayed ideas.
A common goal! Like then, „ \
companionship with the stars on lonely nights
the distant lights of summer, . bride, we , .
decorated with sounds the orphan

of the earth, the daughter, mother with a
lullaby on the breast, the cry to sweeten the
hearts of the angels X when they were bathed by the tears ,
* "
of the Virgin with the morology of wounded „ IN
-
years* * a human rhythm n
*
praise song give and I will wake up
' ·
> among the reeds
flute of the world or mute breath silent
nightingale or Fountain.
NIKOS A. TENTAS
LUIGI FIORENTINO
LAMENT OF THE VIETNAMESE WOMAN
In this blurring of memories, the news about my

husband and the war did not soften the truth, the
correct one, I would say: vain talk
it is not freedom.
In this vortex of falsehoods, if ideas
remained like a treasure that violence
does not cause to perish, I would exclaim
saying: vain talk
it is not freedom.
In the cities, the burning with
the momentum that increases us in the olive
trees, if I could not find what I am thinking, I
would retort, saying: vain talk
it is not freedom.
In this martyrdom of carnage -
again is the monsoon, which relieves - I could not
even believe in the love I would exclaim, saying:
vain talk
it is not freedom.
In this slaughterhouse of the
innocent, Cain did not lack
a shadow, and each one was
slaughtered according to his law. .
it is not freedom.
On this long road to death like hares being chased, with no
way out, at least I couldn't hug my husband, I would
scream saying: vain speech
it is not freedom.
You were the joy of the dream — and you are
horror, you were an innocent mouth —
and you are malice, you were love, freedom
— and you are hate Give me a
little hope This is with a white flower, and
even less I am a slave: crying I will cry how I'm not dead.
(Red occio-- green occio) Performance of SIOMOPOULO MUNICIPALITY
i
LU K IA POU
ALGOS
Sorrow of the man who
sees what
others do not see. Sorrow of the
man who understands what
others do not guess.
Sorrow of the man who takes care of
what others neglect. Sorrow
of the man who
knows what others are ignorant
of. Sorrow of the man who
affirms what
others deny. Sorrow of the man
who loves what others
mock. Sorrow of
the man who defends what others
betray. (Anecdote) AEM
emission.
SIPMOPOULOU
LU IG I FIO REN TIN O
THE DREAM OF ODYSSEA

I
Good morning,
day, good night,
night* holding hands,
you and I,
uphill and downhill. you m*
me good
morning day
good night night
II
I climbed to the highest peak to see
more light from there* and there
you were. I went
down into the deepest abyss to see
more of the darkness* and
there you were. And
you were a dream and heaven and you
were life. I bent like
a stem hugging the wind.
(Red occio - green occio) performance by DIM. SIPMOPOULOS
Three poems by) SALVATORE QUASIMODO
Translated by Lampros Malamas
—
Ogero
heimonas
Of your white hands, the

desires that are the shadows
of my love: The wheels and
the lilies feel death, old man - winter.
Searching for miles, the birds

quickly found the snow
like these words of mine,
a small herami of the
sun, an angel's halo, then
the dragon, and the trees,
and we the genera of the wind in the east.
Kaiein aifnidiotowrady
Each one of us stands alone

on his land, his heart wounded
by a ray of sun: And it's suddenly
evening!...
Ahortagoanoihtomouheri
In the poverty of the

body, how am I, father,
see me, perched in the
army! The ogre
marches straight to the
helpless village. But if I lose
I 4 ;**;
the carcass for a while,
where will I know it, or a proto-speaking
i '·/ voice, a voice that is still uncultivated
in the insatiability of my
open hand! You hurt me, my beloved, I feed you every day.
playgrounds
In the mud dream I saw a resurrected little children's

park of carefree games. You had changed
so much, but I met you without
hesitation, without any concealment,
— you see, love is not afraid of the transformations
of the post-war urbanism of the utilitarians —.
They made you wire netting as fences, to
close the infinite receptiveness of your
spaces, they
pierced your ears with bright inscriptions,
they splashed your grass with dirty coffee
houses, they took away your voice that came from the mouth of
the morning swallows, with the inarticulate cries
a neighboring center. With your humble sweetness,
the good companion of our childhood games
in the deserted alleys,
no matter how much they marked it, they could not
pollute it with their modifications. I singled it out
in a few wild autumn leaves, in a
tuft of harvested nettles, in the laughter of a
child who closed his eyes, in the morning sun, among your green pines!..
NIKOLAOS VARDARIS
PEACE IN THE IONIAN SEA
At this time,
when the Ionian peace
has spread around,
where in the bright light of the
sun it sails, in the fire of
darkness, at this time,
A storm fills my soul.
It is not enough for the Ionian
or peace to break the bayonets, the
dead, to resurrect the
war, At this hour,
Screams and cries of lament
disturb the peace of the Ionian.
Extinguish the fires of Vietnam,
in the land of Jordan,
set up the Cross of Peace
Leave us,
this peace of the Ionian.
KOSTAS ZOTOS
"A Slovak poet in Greece
EUGENVESNIN
I
(Introduction by Helen & translated by Antonio Alecci)
Eugen Vesnin, pseudonym of Ignak Zelenka, was born on January 22, 1913, in
Mokry Haj, a small village in western Slovakia, at the foot of the White Carpathians. He
I
came to Italy as a young man and settled in Rome, where he did various studies and
graduated from the Faculty of Philosophy of the University in 1945.
He was rightly considered "The forerunner of Slovak literature in Riomi". In 1948 he

founded and subsequently managed for several years the first Slovak language literary
magazine in Rome under the title Rim (Rome). In a series of the same name, he published
mature Slovak works for his compatriots around the world. It has already held a prominent
position in the Vatican Library for many years.
The abundant and varied poetic production of Vesnin (which in Slovak means son of Vesna, goddess of
spring in Slavic mythology), presents two main characteristics: simplicity and spontaneity. "A trip, which the poet
made to the most evocative locations of Greece on the occasion of his fiftieth birthday, was a source of inspiration
for a collection of poems under the title: "From the shores of Lesbos". poet appears fascinated by the beauty of
the Mediterranean landscape and poetically expresses his admiration not only for the monuments of the past, but
also for the simplicity, warmth and hospitality of the inhabitants, which summarize the eternal values of Greek
culture.
The three published poems belong to the collection "From her shores
Lesvos" (from the book "The mimosa oasis").
CORFU
Corfu is the entrance

of sunny Greece.
He rules the Sea
with its natural beauties.
Corfu is the island

of the famous Phaeacians.
There Odysseus found
v.fy *
the sweet princess.
II
^ d ^^ L L L A A A A A A A A A A A L L A A L A A A A L A A A L A ^L ^CONTINENTAL FOCUS*
. :(
Corfu is a forest of infinite

peace. There everything
shines with the joy of life.
Corfu is the refuge of the old and the

sick, who draw enthusiasm from
the same source.
Corfu is the homeland of artists

and poets. Countless works of art have
matured on the shores of the calm
waters.
Corfu is a garden where the birds

of the south sing to restless
travelers the paean of eternal spring.
A DAY AROUND IN THE ISLAND OF THIRA
"When it is a festival day on the island of Thera, they

dance happily. And I had to
take part. Being invited to the
evening open-air celebration.
With the accompaniment of the flute and the pipe, my

heels seemed to flash,
while from the shadows the sweet wine

dripped intoxicatingly into the guests' cups and the
shepherds roasted the goats on the
fire, munching on rosemary.
The small orchestra played in the starry night and the sweet
songs happily poured out from the fiery breasts of the
young Greek women, who lit up the rocks of the sea.
In your embrace, sweet Alexandra, who could

admire even a single corner of the
sky that shines on the blooming
rhododendrons?
Love on the island of Thera is as fiery as lava in the

crater of a volcano.
FROM THE SHORES OF LESVOS
My ship sails from the shores of Lesvos now that

the storm has stopped, the sea
is calm, the sky is radiant, and the flock of
seagulls is accompanying me.
From the shores of Lesbos I wander melancholic: I am

sorry to leave the island of poets, where I
lived intoxicating moments:
I fear how my heart will suffer from homesickness.
From the shores of Lesbos someone greets me,

it is not a shadow or an abstract face;
is it perhaps Alkaios, or Quirky Sappho?
They are waving my straw hat in the wind.
From the shores of Lesbos I bring home a

scented branch of Aeolian poetry and like
Horatio I will transplant it into my garden so that it
appears more punctual and happier.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
*
"Zo zatiais m im oz" ("*The mimosa forest ] Buenos Aires, 1965
"S tem ena tnojich hor" ("*From the top of my mountains * J [ " Journey to RONZA "] » 1966
« Costa na Ponzu > « Ja nie > 1967
son potomok zlatokopov » » 1968
"Aj ÿ etrurskych zahradaeb > "K ytica n azab [ " And in the Etruscan gardens " J * [ " "A bunch of 1970
udok" « ÿ, more, ÿ ra:>re ! » > 1971

mysotids"] [ " the sea, the sea ? " ]
Collection of poems. *Reprint
The poet is preparing three more collections:

*
" Prehrna juc svoj rim scy žretnik * [ " Leafing through my Roman album " o, zvodne grecke brehy " [ " *O tempting Greek ]
shores > J. Collection dedicated to Greece.
*
« Slovenskd synfonia "Slovak Agreement" ]
"CONTINENTAL HOME"
L A F O N TA IN
THE] FUNERAL OF LEAINA
Die or Leaina and everyone

for the yard he moved straight,
to offer to his grieving king
consolation: debt bitter where does
heavier the burden of death.
And this revelry in the realm comes out,
where they speak: "in such and such a place,
and at a precisely appointed time,
they bury the Queen* 9s run young and old.
the Master will arrange this ceremony,
as the King has commanded,
and, according to the protocol, it will be put in order".
Consider now whether one was
missing from the crowd or from the nobles.
Sneezing, Riga's sighs and lamentations.
His entire den trembles in his terrible agony*
— because the cave is the palace of the terrible monarch —.
And you could hear together, as he ruled, the
courtiers weeping, mourning.
Is Avli a place other than that?
long live a neurotic people, without soul and color.
He stands ready for everything at the King's side* for
foreign concerns or joys he rejoices or mourns* but not
with his heart, only with his mouth* like a monkey,
he looks at the master in his eyes*
Tell him: The donkey is flying, and you will say: It is flying.
"One mind, you used to say, moves a thousand
bodies, and man becomes a mere machine.
Be that as it may, some Alafi had not mourned, but,

truly, if they were touched, it was nothing but nature:
such joy had never been experienced
before: let the blessed woman and child mourn.
Finally, he did not cry. And some flatterer moves and
says to Riga: "instead of crying, I saw him laugh".
To the mighty, said Solomon, is the fear of the mighty or
the fierce rage* what is the rage of the Lion, think!
Was Alafi unreadable in the Old Testament* The Lion snorts:
"humble man of the forest, are you laughing?" don't you
see, don't you hate the mourning all around you?
It is not for us to enter, O lowly beast,
in your flesh our divine claws. Eh! Wolves, you, come closer!
take revenge, you, for the dead woman! sacrifice
in her holy memory, this wicked man".
And A Lafi says: "Your Majesty, it doesn't work
"PIROTICS
to cry The tear seems to be rolling down my face.

Leaning among the flowers, the Queen appeared to me,
like a drama, on this side.
I saw her, unfathomable, wearing the bright wreath,
and mupe: when this body will be buried,
and I will move for the gods, do not cry at my burial.
A thousand joys in Elysia I will taste
with those who sanctified with me.
Let only the King weep, for his own lamentations are for
my consolation." As soon as they heard it, they
shouted: "Holy and blessed." And Lafi now, instead of
breaking him, they loaded him with gifts.
If you tell many lies to the Kings, if you satiate

them with flattery and fairy tales, if they don't see
you well, if they even hate you, they will take the bait and
change their minds.
Attribution: ARSENI GERONTIKOU
GOATS HAPPEN
Alexios was proud. Mainly

because of his name. Name
Byzantinon.
The dictionary was dogmatizing.
Drowned while swimming.

Before the bride.
Before childbearing.
The sea was also proud. As the dictionary
fell silent.
DIMITRIS LENTZIS
*
502 "THE PIER TIC H E S T
SPYROYKYRIAZOPOYLOY
THE PUBLIC
A journalist found them in an attic
— Don't betray us, they told him, take

50,000.
He looked at them smiling.
— For every murder
100.000!
Another journalist entered:
— 200,000 the crime,
continue!
— Who pays? they asked.
GRASS BOTTLES
An old paraplegic from

Nagasaki — a
teacher in his youth — read
American literature at the
hospital for the victims
of war.
It was on page 198
of the WALT WHITMAN collection
«LEAVES OF GRASS»
(NEW TOPRK 1954):
"Soaring high, or
flightless science, as if
watching us
moderns from high
heights—absolutely
constantly sending us edicts!"
INVENTION
You throw in a drachma

in M USIC — BOX
and you buy two pounds
silence.
^C^ ·
TIVOULLOU
THE SECOND ELECTION OF THE FIRST BOOK
Introduction — translation — YOUR

comments. I. LASAGNA
I. Tibullus (Albius Tibullus) was born in 54 and died in 19 BC. As a youth he

took part in the war against the Gauls and then, after his return, he preferred the
quiet life of nobility in the suburbs of Rome. He was a friend of Horace and Virgil.
During the prescriptive period he lost a large part of his property. He left four books
of Elegies, which exude deep tenderness and melancholy, while, at the same time,
they are distinguished for the harmony and sweetness of the style. Tibulus turns
against war, against greed and greed. He loves peaceful life, family comfort, fields
and trees, idyllic loves. The Elegies of Tibullus express, in an original and
spontaneous way, his emotional vibrations.
That's why their verse is unpretentious, effortless, simple.

II. The second Elegy of the first book seems to have been written in 30 or 29
BC. Specifically after the poet's return from Aquitania (the old name of a part of
Gaul), where he had followed Messala in the war against the inhabitants of the
region who had rebelled against Rome. After his return to Rome, Tibullus connects
with Delia and offers her all the passion of his young heart. He proclaims with
exasperation and passion that no one can tear him from this bond. In vain, a relative
of his, as verse 87 suggests, tries to convince him or even pressure him to abandon
Delia and follow Messala again in his new campaign in Gaul. But the poet also faces
other obstacles. He is mainly Delia's husband, who, among other things, has sent
guards to guard her dormitory. At exactly this point the Elegy begins. "Let's analyze,
briefly, its content: The poet, after finding the door of his beloved closed, returns to
his house sullenly and begins to empty goblets of wine (1-b). Soon he begins to
plead with the door, the inexorable He calls her to open, finally, to give in to his pain
(7-14). He calls her to be brave, to show indifference to the guards and
In this way it is possible for her to cheat on her husband, while at the same time cheating on her
"THE EXPERIENCE"
*
she is faithful to her love for the poet. There is, he tells her, a witch. This witch has cast
some spells. *So if she whispers to them at the right moment, then her Desires will be fulfilled:
and she will cheat on her husband and be faithful to her love for the poet (41-58). The witch
could certainly redeem the poet from his passion for her. However, the poet does not even
think of such a thing (59-64). His love for her is his only dream, the only purpose of his life. In
fact, it is better to live with her in poverty and share her love, than to live in opulence and
purple, without her (65-78). But what's going on? Why does it encounter obstacles? Did he
offend the gods by committing, perhaps some sacrilege? *If such a thing really happens, then
he is E-ready to do anything to purify himself (79—86). No one should be mocking or mocking
their situation. Maybe he will find himself in the same position one day. And then he will
recognize, with a crash, the omnipotence of Venus. ^Besides, in verse 40 he has already
declared that this goddess is cruel. It has been analyzed through waves that were crimson,
from the blood. The poet is not always satisfied with this image. In verses 87-96 he details
the punishments that Aphrodite inflicts on those who mock their power. And the Elegy ends
with a short prayer and supplication: *May the goddess of Love have mercy on the poet. He
has always been her obedient follower.
III. This Elegy of Tibullus bears clear influences from the "Pa-
raklausithyra", of ancient Greek literature, from the songs that were sung in front of the door
of their beloved by young people in love. Alkaios, the well-known Mytilenean poet of classical
antiquity, is one of the exponents of the genre. Unfortunately, only one phrase from the
hymns of this type that he composed (Dexai me komazonto, dexai, lissomai se, lissomai)
survives. In Aristophanes' "Ekklesi Azouses" there is a whole "Pa-raklausithyro" in the verses.
The "Amaryllis" of Theocritus also belongs to this type. In the epigram writers of the
Alexandrian period, we will find several "Paraclausiuras", such as in Callimachus of Cyrene
(P-Latin Anthology, V, 23). to Asclepiades the Samian (Palatine Anthology, V, 145) and
others. Finally, in Athenian literature, we note Horace's Ode 3, 10, Propertius' Elegy 1, 16
and Ovid's Elegy 1, 6 contained in the "Amores" collection.
TIVOULLOU
THE SECOND ELEGY OF THE FIRST BOOK
Even pour pure wine to extinguish my woes and let sleep,

your master's tired eyes close.
And when Bacchus makes my temples dizzy, yes, if they don't come
to wake me, my loveless soul will sleep or pain.
Oh, a watchman cruel to my friend's house stood
and he has secured the relentless, firm door.
Mind, door, master of awkwardness, or wild or rain may lash you
"THE EXPERIENCE"
and above you the thunderbolts that Zeus will throw, open the door
for me, you, see that they will defeat you at last
10— these my supplications. Turn to your cranks and open to me quietly* for the
curses that my foolishness is longing to utter, forgive
me! Don't let them fall on my head!
You better remember my prayers. And to add: tanthi to your supporters, my
begging voice! courage, Delia! Don't hesitate to cheat your guards.
you should be bold. Aphrodite helps the brave; she meets the young man
who treads, defying danger, the threshold* even the girl who cares
for the door* she teaches you the bed of pleasure
20— how to glide silently* nods how to change again

in front of the husband. And with "points" sweet words to hide!
He does not, of course, teach these things* only to those whom
fear does not bend* and does not prevent them in the darkness of the night
from getting up. Even so I, or Aphrodite, as I wander restlessly in
the dark, does not allow me to be wounded with a manual or to
seize my clothes.
He, who is possessed by love, can walk everywhere calmly, like a holy
person, without fear of traps.
I defy the cold, yes, the frost of a rainy night
30- and the rain, and the river does not even fall* these pains
they don't bite my soul* as long as Delia pulls the latch, the fingers of the
snake crackle - our motto!
Turn your eyes to someone else, whether you are a man or a woman,
whom I meet on my way. Aphrodite always wants her deeds in
silence and in the thick to remain dark.
Don't disturb me with the noise of your footsteps* don't even ask
me how they call me* so don't bring the flames* in front of me and
don't know me, finally, be silent and remember the gods. Don't forget,
Venus
40— from the sea the waves, tight with blood, rose.
But her husband still won't believe it. He told me this
a witch right. I myself saw her call the stars,
with the river's song the current turns,
n the earth opens, as he asks* for the souls to come out of the monuments
of the dead* and the bones from the fire to fall to waste.
He blows this whistle and Behold, with one, the multitudes of demons arrive,
but, sprinkling milk, away, far away, he drives them away again.
As he wills, nearby, he scatters the clouds that grieve the sky* and
even that summer trump
50— it can cause heavy snow to fall from above.
He tells Medea how she alone possesses the herbs and has tamed,
yes, the terrible dogs of Hecate. So he taught me spells to deceive third
parties, three times to say them and three times to spit
afterwards.
*
"THE EXPERIENCE POINT
He will no longer believe, no matter what others say to him, nor will
his eyes, even when he sees us in the pleasure of bed. Protect
me, Delia, beloved, do not give your love to another. Your man
will see everything then. If you're only with me, he won't see!
60— Let's believe her! Even this is a sorceress:

Her spells can even extinguish my passions for you, and this was
guaranteed to me by one of the flames, the light, and while she
sacrificed the altar to magic, to the meek the darkness.
'No! I don't want my passions to be extinguished for you. I just
want you to love me too. I don't want to be far from you. Wrought
from iron, he says, what is his, while he could have made
you, however he prefers the two. Captive the multitudes of
the Cilicians, he prefers to see the enemies as well, he,
the earth to set up his camp.
70— I would rather, on the contrary, always be with you,
my oxen to live and my flock to graze on that hill* and to find
sweet sleep in the soil above, it is enough, warmly - warmly, in my
heart, to close you, Delia! In the purple of Tire I should still sleep,
above, without asking you, as if what joy, what indulgence I have,
when the night will only bring tears and wakefulness; the
feathery blankets, not even these, nor the feathers and the waters
whatever floisvos never in my restless eyes will drip peace.
Have I ever insulted Aphrodite with words?

80— and tongue or ungodly weight makes me pay now?
Don't accuse me of blasphemy, why did I enter the sanctuary
and take the crowns of the gods?
'No! I would not hesitate, if I were guilty, to fall forward to the
temples and embrace the holy thresholds, I wouldnot hesitate
to crawl on the ground on my knee, to beg, to knock on the
door, there, my head.
*Oh, don't laugh at my pain, the time of payment will come for
you too. Divine wrath on me will not fall alone. So someone was
abusing the loves of the young,
90—but, later, as he grew old, listen to what happened:
Of Aphrodite, he put the chains around his neck and said
with a trembling voice erotic love that he cared for the count
and was not ashamed to stand outside her door and stop at the
market for his love.
And the young people around him to get together, to make a
row on him in turn, on his clothes, to spit like this?
In a faithful, warm healer of ills, 'Aphrodite* cruel, the ready harvest, why should
you burn all at once?
Translation: VAS. I. LASAGNA

AVINAGORASOS A'
Our Great Patriarch Athenagoras the First, 6 a visionary of love and the reconciliation of the
Christian faiths of the 'Confessions', no longer exists in earthly life.
"He closed his eyes forever at dawn on July 7 AD, after a few days of illness, which was a
consequence of his fatal fall in the dormitory of the Theological School of Chalkis.
The Church has lost him, Orthodoxy has lost him, Romanism has lost him
you know/ at the moment when they needed him so much. "Epiros" lost .
him. Despite his 86 years, he did not say to throw down the chariots,
"He fell like a royal tree smitten by a wild dragon.
Simple, lavender, lean body, light eye, pleasant face.
He generously spread love and kindness. The consolation for the sick.
He had the heart of a child. His worship was the children. And* when he was still burning in
the divine liturgy, in the Lantern or anywhere else, a crowd of children, like Cherubim, you saw,
sitting at the feet of the throne, on its steps and accompanying Him.
He was always the joy and comfort of His flock, especially in difficult times.
He considered it a "blessing", as he himself said, to receive people in His Office.

On the day of His 40-day commemoration in the Patriarchal church, you could see clearly
painted the emotion on the faces of the Synods, the officials and the people. Eyes blurry from tears.
Here and there sobs rose from the aisles along with the incense and prayers. . .
In the Temple, in the courtyard, in the alleys of the City, on the ships to Halki and Prince or
the Bosphorus, everywhere at the end of every encounter the first words are homogeneous: "The
Great One is lost! . . .».
Loss for Orthodoxy, for His homeland, for the Romanity of the City, His flock.
"A short and simple preface to the excellent book "Ek Fanariou" by the other Grand
Archdeacon and now Metropolitan of Perga, Mr. Evangelos, gives us the outline of His being the
infamous Patriarch*
"I have no personal joys. "I have your joys. Every day I converse with you. I converse with
each one separately. . . . I liked the dialogue very much, for the greater part of the speech of men
is a mystery. . . . I remember what the villagers used to say to me." in my homeland, when I was a
deacon: "we came to see each other".
^^^^^^^^ *
d The d
L L A L L L A L L L A A A A A A A A A A A A / "THE EXPERIENCE
"Every night I go down to the narthex of the Church and when you are asleep I add one
more dialogue to my dialogues, with the Master Christ and the Lady Panagia. For you, for
you. Here, in America, in Australia, in Europe, everywhere. . .
"In my heavy responsibility, you, the great Romans, strengthen me in the world...".
But even at the last hour on His deathbed, His last words were "Love, love, to others. . .».
Love was really the purpose and work of his life.

But before we close this brief sketch of Him, we need to add something else:
*0 Our blessed Patriarch, who - an unusual thing - was justified while alive, was an
Ecumenical figure of the first magnitude.
It awakened the world consciousness and placed the Christian world, v
these anxious times of surprises, in the face of great responsibility.
For this reason, His journey on our planet, as well as His death, have now become a
milestone for History, which sets great tasks for those affected.
This is in a few words or his drawing.

His memory is now eternal.
* Time, the catalyst of everything, will never be able to erase from the memory of all of
us His biblical, luminous form.
CON. PHOTOPOULOS
AT ATHINIAGORAN THE 1st
The Ecumenical Patriarch Athenagoras I was a great figure who covered the dimensions
and borders of the expectations of modern Christians. An ecumenical consciousness and a
vision beyond conventionality, which strove to soothe the troubled man of this century, who
walked, as an apostle, over the fences that separate Christians, to bring with him his peaceful
blessing the love and wisdom from the Word of God. There was, even, the biblical
physiognomy with the sweetness of that peace that overflowed in the tame gaze and the large
head, with the high and upright stature, that ministered to the Church and was consumed in
its great mission. That is why his demise, despite all that it happened in the fullness of time,
under the voice of God and the shadow of the City with Hagia Sophia, was noted as a great
historical event for all civilized people peoples. *Thus, the Venerable Ecumenical Patriarch
Athenagoras the First, having passed through this world as a modern apostle of love and
peace, a traveler among the holy shadows and splendor of the City, conversing with history
and the times, -he fell asleep in Kyrif, there across from the eastern Bosphorus, leaving a
great empty and far-off path towards the road of Love. The successor of Demetrius, first, and
all of us afterwards, must justify the faith of this great shepherd, who started from the rough
land of Epirus to arouse the conscience of the Christians of our century.
D. RED
"CONTINENTAL HOME"
THE NEW GREEK SPUAON SYMPOSIUM AT HARVARD
The Third International Symposium of Modern Greek Studies, at Harvard University, on

May 7-9, 1971, in honor of the 150th anniversary of the Greek Revolution of 1821, was an
unprecedented success. Over three hundred (300) people officially attended. The Karagiozi
performance, by Mr. Panagiotis Michopoulos, specially invited from Athens, was attended by
more than four hundred and fifty (450) professors, students, scholars and Philhellenes, who
expressed their enthusiasm for the spirit and performance technique, staying in the Fogg
Museum's Norton Theater an hour after midnight!
The First Symposium of the MODERN GREEK STUDIES ASSOCIATION — MG

SA — was held in 1967 at the University of Maryland, the second at Princeton University in
1969. In addition to MGSA President, DR. EDMUND KEELT, special organizers of the Third
International Symposium were professors Mr. JOHN ANTON, of Philosophy, JOHN
PETROPOULOS of History, and PETER TOPPING of Modern Greek Studies. The professor
Mrs. Lili Makraki and twenty student assistants took care of the details and the reception of the
members and speakers.
The Symposium was held under the auspices of the Department of Comparative Literature
of Hardard, whose late Director DR. WALTER KAISER, (translator of G. Seferis), duly addressed
the members and declared the official opening of this celebration of Greek Freedom.
From the professors of Harvard we made an excellent impression or detailed explanations

of DR. CEDRIC WHITMAN on the sociological importance of Karagiozis as a model of the
"liberal, resourceful, and insatiable Greek". The classical philologist DR. ALBERT LORD (spoke
on the topic "The heroic tradition of the Greek epic and folk song - Continuity and change". *0
and Dr. Dionysios Skiotis, professor of Middle Eastern Studies, developed the topic "Or Greek
Revolution: the last game of Ali Pasha".
Of the professors of other universities (they spoke at length (about an hour each)): DR.
DENO GEANAKOPLOS, of History and Religious Studies at Yale University, on "The role of the
Diaspora Greeks in the development of the New National Consciousness".
Mr. Ioannis Nikolopoulos, of History at the State University of Nea Torkis in ALBANT, on the
topic: "The Greeks of Russia and the origins of the Neo-Hellenic Nationalism".
DR. JOHN PETROPOULOS, Director of the History Department at Amherst College, spoke
on the topic: "Ways of Cooperation after Enmity during the War of Greek Independence."
*0 DR. SPEROS VRTONIS of History at the University of California

in Los Angeles, with the theme: "The Greeks under Turkish Rule".
DR. BARBARA JELAVICH, of History at Indiana University, on the topic: "The Greek
Revolution and the Balkan Nations".
DR. ANTHONT BRTER, Neo-Hellenicist at the University of Birmingham, England, with the
subject: "The Greeks of the Sea and the Greek War of Independence".
Dr. Lefteris Stavrianos, of History at Northwestern University,

of Chicago, with the theme: "Greece in an international historical perspective".
Philologists and linguists were represented as follows:
The well-known writer and visiting professor at the State College of
5101 ÿ "THE P IROTIC H E S T"
Saint Francis, Mr. Nannos Valaoritis spoke on the topic: "Rigas Feraios and the pre-
revolutionary intellectual ferments".
The ex-Cyprus Dr. Kostas M. Prussis, of the Nine Greeks in the Greek College
speech by Brookline, on the subject: "The 'Memoirs of Makrygiannis'".
*0 Dr. Kostas Kazazis, of Linguistics at the University of Chicago, with
topic: "Examples of Linguistic Greekocentrism — or why Turks act like Turks".
*Dr. Anna Farmakidou, of 'Greeks at the Canadian University of Mac-

Gill, on the subject: "The combination of teaching Ancient and Modern Greek".
Other specialties were represented as follows:
Dr. Evangelos Vlachos, of Sociology at Colorado State University, on the topic: "Social
organization and social conflicts during the war of Greek Independence".
DR. HARRT PSOMIADES, of Political Science at Queen's College of the University of the
City of New Torquay, on the subject: "The Character of the New Greek State". The study was
read by the student Mr. Nikiforos Diamantourou.
Part of the program was also the study, "The Friendly Company and the Greek
Revolution", which was submitted by MR. GEORGE FRANGOS, PhD candidate at Columbia
University.
Some of the above studies have already been translated and published in "Ethnkion
Kirska" of Nea Torki, "Macedonia" of Thessaloniki, and elsewhere. 01 leading the organization
of the Symposium and its general supervision, professors etc. PETROPOULOS and ANTON,
with the help of MGSA President, DR.
KEELT, are already working to publish a million of the above studies in book form, on behalf
of one of the best university publishing houses in the USA. We wish them every success,
because the proceedings of these Symposia and Conferences are very important and often
pioneering offerings in the field of Modern Greek Studies outside of Greece. This makes it
easier for those who do not know Greek to come into close contact with the problems and
achievements of the New Greeks and the Byzantines.
The events of the Symposium closed with a visit to the Boston Hellenic College in
Brookline, the first School of Theology of the Holy Cross. The visitors had the opportunity to
meet distinguished members of the teaching staff there, such as Prof. Leonidas Kontos, then
President of the College, Rev. Dr. Dimitrios Constantelos, the Rev. Dr. N. M. Vaporis and
other clergy and laity. The members also admired the building facilities, the library, the chapel,
and the tranquil and beautiful landscape.
Similar celebratory events for the 150th anniversary of the Revolution of 1821 were held
by Greek-American associations in the major cities of the USA, and in several well-known
universities of the country.
MARIOS V. RA-I ZIS (Professor,

University of Northern Illinois)
EXHIBITION OF P. VRELLIS IN LONDON
*The well-known Epirotian sculptor and poet Pavlos Vrellis, one of the most
promising chapters we have in the artistic contemporary movement in our country,
presented his works this spring at a special exhibition that we held in London. This
exhibition, which was a rather important event in the international artistic
« THE P I R O T I C E S T Y
»
creation, made an impression on Hellenism, on lyricism and on the Searches of P. Vrellis, in

areas of poetic transformation and rare Human sensitivity, which caused particular attention
and evaluation in aesthetic circles and in serious criticism. "Thus, among these criticisms, there
was the following article by the well-known art critic Georgina Oliver, which I published in the
rigorous and highly authoritative international review of the fine arts of London ("ARTS REVIEW"):
"Pavlos Vrellis, King Gallery. With dual nostalgia for the Ancient and enthusiasm for the
innovative technique, this poet-sculptor, leads us to a land of oblivion, to elegant spectacles.
Souvenirs from Tanagra is his central theme. Working with clay, plaster, wax and finally with a
foundry, he creates Abstract cress morses whose expression of movement and soul depends on
the falling folds of their dresses and on the position of traditional hats their. Avery of the original
terracotta statuettes Discovered in the cemetery of the city of Bioiotia at the end of the 19th
century, these small pieces of bronze and silver vary in height from 5Vi to 8Tns. Wider fields
explored include three symbolic boosts in one, the "Family" and the kinetic "To Whom of Space"
and "The Ear of Space."
"The Space Bird" Brass "Family"

'Brass
Also, in the newspaper "'Apogeumatini" (flea of 17.6.72), it is noted

« THE P I R O T I C E S T Y
»
"From Ioannina to Hampstead one of the busiest districts of the Vor. London This is the sculptor
Pavlos Vrellis, currently a professor in Zosimaia. "He made an original exhibition in the "King's
Gallery", which was very liked by art lovers. "From bronze and silver, Pavlos Vrellis exhibited
approximately thirty sculptures, small in size, but elaborate in their construction. The Vrellis
exhibition was one of the best held in England by Greek artists.
*The "'Continental Estia'" which has highlighted the value of P. Vrellis and includes this artist
in its 3rd circle of collaborators, now also presents a photograph of one of his works that he
exhibited in London.
"Memories from Tanagra" (Figure) "*Standing figure"

Silver Silver
REVIEW OF THE BOOK
action of universal consideration and they

gave our prose a bright prism and a
George M. The Economy: "SEVEN STORIES", crystallization of distilled emotion, which
identifies it with pure poetry. A unique
Athens, 1972
example of this new prose, which is composed
The short story in our time, frustrated by the with a fluid atmosphere, the sharp nakedness
elimination of settings and the simplicity of of the word, the hot emotion and its wider
representation in the narrative, took new repulsion in the spiritual space, are the short
horizons by creating a new discourse of a stories of the young Epirotian Giorgos M.
poetic nature. "Rtip the splits and the depth of Oikonomou.
it
"PIRO TIKI
importance for modern letters, which should ity where its power is imprinted on the soul
not be estimated by the established and on the conscience, alike, as a shocking
criteria. Why, it brings a brand-new self- event at a tender age. I think, in fact, that
sufficient word and carves a message in this prose, which is inalienably personal
the search for expression. And, above all, and reaches the edge of mythogony, should
it responds to the needs of this new world, be paid particular attention to and evaluated
which is conceived - and born, after all - by without prejudice. It is an opening, a path
this amazing course of years of a scientific for the search of the fire, which is done
epic. with passion for the truth.
*0 G. Oikonomou, strict and monastic,

responsible man of our time, does not
become withdrawn, to indulge in the These, in short, about the prose of the
intoxication of the spectacle or the passivity young writer with the fever in the vision and
of an outdated rembe. Still, he does not the bitter taste in the simple words. He puts
drain speech of psychic vibration, to mutate his own blood into words and pours into the
it with the metal construction of cerebrality images the existential anguish that the
—something that has (grounded) much of great achievements of modern life bring.
modern art—in order to create a reflective Because, he himself is an ultra-sensitive
form of life. On the contrary, it manages to lamp from his own constitution - something
subdue the logical dynasty of words, to that soaks up his entire body - and,
strip images of noise and development, to manages to capture, in the events of
keep only that inexpressible essence, the individual duration and everyday life, the
indeterminate silent charm and the form and content of man. of fate, beyond
escaping breath, which gives "Thus, by the conventionality of banality. Thus, an
placing the layering of lived experiences, extension is given to the dust of the dream
which gave a distillation of extreme and a transition to the unimaginable (by
sensitivity to inhuman pain, on a level of common standards) reality, which reduces
high quality, he reshapes values and the given truth to a new feeling. Without
thought from their perishable investment. objection, these short stories, which are
And, without any hindrance from given overwhelmed by a euphoria of disembodied
precedents, he proceeds to the core and beauty, by images of intense lyrical
renews together with the language itself. dehydration and a fever of delirious intensity,
The evolution, the architecture, the weight have a completely new view of the world.
of the words and the scenography for the And this unusual poetry, drawn from so
construction of a myth, which have so much human pain, expands the boundaries
oppressed the poetry of prose, here they of reality to the truth of art.
exist invisibly, they are separated from the
very poetry that permeates the text and are
shaped by the participation of the non-
reader. The short stories of G. Oikono-
mou are self-contained and hold a different
weight for each one, as is the case with the A. RED
sense of life. Because of this, they have a
direct
Chrysanthis Zitsaias: "KY-PRIES
LOGOTECHN I DES" (study),
Thessaloniki, 1972
The contribution of the special poet
Chrysanthi Zitsaia, to the study and to
ESTIA
»
evaluation of the Cypriot spiritual entity, is Athens i 1971.

one of the most important chapters in our The works, which had as their starting point the
bibliography. It is a work, written with warmth 150th anniversary of our National Palygenesis, were
and love, which, apart from the gathering many and noteworthy. Thus, not only was our historical
of elements, the hoarding (in the form of an bibliography enriched, but archaic testimonies were
autobiographical presentation) of texts and utilized, new sources were researched, and the overall
names — things valuable for the broader perspective of the great Historical definition, from
consideration of Cypriot literature -logia — where Modern Greece began, was broadened.
gives the first installment of an evaluative
presence. And* the tone of personal
responsibility, or immediacy of sensitive
impression, which distinguishes Chr. In fact,
Among these works, the above two
they still make the necessary substrate,
studies of the professor of Political History
which such works need to retain a flavor
and distinguished historical writer who,
and to have a special weight. Therefore, we
apart from his lectures and his willing
can say, how Cyprus was blessed with the
contribution to all the intellectual
love it has for its literature, or Chr. Zitsia.
manifestations that had as a subject the
Indeed, when the beginning, for a work of
detailed history of 1821 (persons, things,
spiritual and artistic texture, is done with
incidents, etc.) Mr. Emman. Protopsalti, it
criteria, with maturity and with the action of
is one of the densest and most important
an intellectual and a poet (as in this case),
pains that we have in this area. The first
then it is fully established. This supreme
("Summary History of the Greek Revolution
service, for Cypriot literature, is offered here
of 1821") is a unique album, with wonderful
and there by Chr. Zitsaia, written with
illustrations (4th figure) and rare photocopies
density, with simple beauty of speech and
of heroes and texts, which contains,
with the virtue of the akak nightingale. Still,
selectively and concisely, a well-
I think, we must underline the ability and
documented diagram mentioning important
patience of the poetess to find so many
stations of the course of the 'Holy Battle'.
colleagues, sometimes from tracing old
This critical content, which constitutes a
texts, in family albums from pre-war years
complete information and evaluation study
and sometimes from a heart-to-heart
of the key incidents of Greece. Of revolution,
handshake with recent personal
it gives the possibility for an unimpeded
acquaintances. It is an achievement that
access to this great world-historical event,
honors her and a unique testimony of
which, for us Greeks, must have the basic
essential contribution to the spiritual being
dimension of our payment as an ethnic
of the Greek woman in general and,
entity. Because of this, we can say that
especially, of the Cypriot woman.
this offer, in combination with the taste of
Indebtedness of our debts, or recognition.
familiarity that distinguishes the erudition
of Mr. ProtoIaltis, constitutes a truly
fundamental work of comfortable and safe
historical manipulation for all readers ,
who have serious interests and who want
D. RED to form opinions and views for an adequate
spiritual national action.
E m a n . First song: 1)
"BRIEF HISTORY OF THE GREEK REVOLUTION
OF 1821" — 2) "THOUGHTS AND JUDGMENTS
ON THE HOLY RACE OF 1821",
The second book ("Thoughts and judgments
"THE EXPERIENTIAL HOME"
on the "Holy Struggle of 1821"), which is a of a serious publishing house of the

mature codified critical conclusion from the "ESTIAS" bookstore.
History of 1821, which is very useful, not
only for the general public, but also for His action is chronologically placed in the
those who deal with the History. Education, post-war years, when bloodshed continued
when it is only knowledge and facts without in our country. It is staged locally in our
connection, is not controlled and is not Greece, in European countries and in India.
exploited. And here, the historian who can Dominant figure of the novel is Tnai or Aiza
distill it by crystallizing it in a limited area Koemtzi, who struggles hard in her life, who
and in great depth, who can - after all - has tragic characteristics. The rebuttal has
make it an ethical book an epigram, must an unmistakable force and is done in the
have both capabilities and armament of a first person. The course of the writing is not
rare composition . Professor Mr. Emm. the familiar one of the traditional novel. *The
Protopsaltis, perfectly suited, comes here to author follows his own path with the aim:
cover this space, with a well-ordered "from near to far", from today to yesterday
development of the main characteristic with the aid of memory.
events, incidents and course of things,
which began from 1821 until the
establishment of the modern Greek state
through* the smoke, the sacrifices and in At long intervals, he intervenes in the
front of the post-revolutionary future of our novel, let's say, essays (interludes, critical
Nation. interventions), where he ponders and
realizes certain essential mental states and
perhaps redeems himself and indirectly the
reader.
Both of these pains, indeed, stand out and occupy a

The speech is smooth, without
large space in the bibliography that resulted from the
meaningless verbal glosses, which testify to
150th anniversary of our National Palygenesis.
an inner emptiness, without pretension, it
has the mastery of austerity, which submits
and wins the demanding reader
D. RED The purpose of K arabias is to help the

reader essentially, to reach the consciousness
of our time, in other words to know the tragic
Panos Karavias: "ASTERI-SMOI" (novel),
form of the man of our time and his culture.
"Estias" Bookstore editions, Athens 1971
How unknown or rather how misunderstood
The well-known short story writer,
is the multi-faceted man of our days, as a
essayist, novelist, general 6 language
mental bi-articulated whole, after a harsh
artist Panos Karavias, is a tested and rough
cultural course of centuries, is a common
presence of Letters of our place and our
mystery. And as if his enigmatic "being" was
time. His work was recognized and honored.
not enough to present tragedy, there are
With the novel: ""Ischias on the horizon" he
also the expressions of his "ego", or his
received the first state prize for a novel and
multifaceted creation, his culture having
with the essays: "Theses" the prize of the
acquired an exhausting rage against him.
Twelve. He recently released the romantic
and modern novel "ASTERISMOI" under
the responsibility of
K Arabia is full of gram

mata, from many Greek and foreign experiences, a keen and we are familiar with the locations - so
craftsman of words comfortably offers to the most seeing them in a way complete, we will try
demanding reader, of our mechanized age, an intense to evaluate them , always according to our
taste of harsh reality with his novel. A book of genuine personal aesthetic criteria (there is no
and substantial offer, "STARS-SMOI" by Panos Karavias. objective criticism) and our theatrical
The magnitude of his offering is difficult to present in experiences .
these few lines in a limited note space. In general, we
emphasize that the above novel is a modern reading,
which brings to life the tragic man of our days. "EXERCISE OF SELF DESIGN", by the
actor Christos Katsiyan (published by
O.D.E.B. 1971)
"A purely anti-war work with clear social
and ideological goals. Written with nerve,
IOANNIS G. THEOCHARIS but also unique skill. Placed in a problematic
essence and above all courageous. "A
work I would be shocking, if I were not
THEATER CRITICAL COLUMN
afraid of being misunderstood for excessive.

"When I was persistently asked by the
management of the "Continental Home" to The 5th structure of the work betrays the
take over the theater criticism column, I Character of Mr. Katsigianni. It supports
confess that not without some hesitation and the person who has a good command not
without some awe did I accept this mission. only of the theater technique, but also of its
special secrets. This can be seen mainly in
the technical finale.
Because it was not a review of a play, but
of a printed work. * The author, with this work, throws
stones into the quagmires, shakes the
And my intuitions were not unfounded. waters, awakens consciences.
How to judge a work whose natural •Abolishes the scenery, abolishes the
destination is to stand on the stage and not borders of the stage and the square and
in the book? In other words, how do you even the borders of responsibility and life.
judge a project half-finished?
Of course, he is not a forerunner of this
technique. "Luigi Pirandello, Thornton
The play is completed and justified on Watlder, etc. have innovated further. Mr.
stage. In order to shape its final form, it Katsigiannis, like the well-read actor that he
needs the creative presence of the actor, the is, knows them well and does not do it to
personality of the director, the support of the impress us. His purpose is to bring to a
scenographer, the costume designer, the more immediate touch the viewer with the
musician, the electrologist. hot reality. And it succeeds!
The Ancients, who knew something more Among other things, it also eliminates the
than us in this matter, judged plays by seeing protagonists.
them performed and not by reading them.
But with the vendettaism that strikes the
Greek stage today, which theater will open
But, as long as this situation changes in its door to an ensemble work? And what
our country and valuable works remain troupe would dare to put on a play that
unplayed, we will try to raise them with our opposes the theater establishment.
t imagination - a
"PIRO TIC H 517
Alas! In our decadent age, the virtues of ROS and EPHEMERIDAS and LOVE use
a work often stand in the way of ascent. thick expressions. Even Cambron's word is
not absent.
of.
*0 Aristophanes is another era, too
But let's examine it in more detail. distant to compare him with ours. Other
The project is divided into two parts. customs and customs of that era. It is
The first part consists of a triptych on the enough to remember that the athletes
theme of war. It begins with a nightmarish trained and competed with their bodies
scene. With the imaginary declaration of a completely naked and women were
third world war. EFIMER-RIDAS (that's the forbidden to enter the Gymnasium or the
name of the person who plays the role of Stadium to watch the games.
the newsagent) Cafre-na, light-headed,
crossing the square, announces the
emergency annex: "Twelve million dead on The Republic of Pericles was only for the
the first day of the war!". You are out of enslaved men. 01 women and slaves had
breath. You barely have time to think that their own heavy fate, which is far from the
on the second day the dead will multiply equality of the people of a present-day
and on the third there will be no one to intellectual democracy.
count them!
Also the woman was not allowed to

Seven days were needed for the creation appear in the theater, neither as an actor
of the world, three are enough for its nor as a spectator. The female roles were
completion. . . played by men and this was not shocking at
all, because it was a different or sensitive
DEATH appears. I like that he is young
perception of the Ancients about theater
and handsome, contrary to the tradition that
from today's. The actors at that time wore
wants him wild, ugly and old. And how can
masks, cotornos, aprons, which are
he not be beautiful and young, since he
considered totally unacceptable for the
feeds on the sweetest nectar of life, on
modern theater.
human youth!
And as if the NEWSPAPER is gone and And when Aristophanes is performed

DEATH is left alone, he speaks to the today, he is never presented as an idiot.
public. Here there is a mistake on the part Translators and directors try to soften the
of the author. DEATH speaks inappropriately rawness of his bold expressions and* where
to the audience. He insults them, humiliates there is no cure, they smear them.
them.
The DANCE speaks the same inappropriately about
As we move forward, a question arises
the spectators who left the show, as well as * LIPOTAKTIS
for us: What is the kinship relationship
about the spectators who prefer light theatre.
between HAPPINESS and the NEWSPAPER
in the first triptych of the war? Is it about
mother and son, sister and brother or
But the viewer got used to seeing what husband and wife? This is nowhere to be
we ourselves have been offering him for seen. Also the so-called LUCK and JOY,
years now. deliberately chosen symbolically, are lost for
the viewer. This is not reported anywhere.
Another mistake of the author is the Only the reader learns it by reading it
profanity. Both DEATH and HO-
"THE P EROTIC E S T"
in the dialog printout improvising, it reminds me of Stanislavski's

"But these latter, only as a- method, which of course Mr. Katsigiannis
visions can be characterized. has in mind and which every actor who is
interested in his art and realistic playing
Successful is the scene that the author
should study.
chose from "Bury the Dead" by Irwin Shaw.
The same and the scene from "Peace" by
Aristophanes. They serve his theme perfectly. I will end with a scene from the second part, which
is also a true "Find":
The second part of the project is about

peace. "They all come down to peaceful DIRECTOR: ../Let's not waste time! We
themes. Even DEATH is not schooled with said, then, how now our subject is. . .
music. Even more SOLDIER and DEATH are
presented as brothers of PEACE, which of DEATH (complements him in a low
course is not accidental. However, the these voice): Peace.
points should be clarified and emphasized. DIRECTOR (pretending not to hear) :
What? .
LOVE (louder): Peace!..

At the beginning, an attempt is made to DIRECTOR (pretending not to listen
improvise something on the subject of peace, again): I didn't hear. . .
but they do not succeed and talk about war

ALL TOGETHER: Peace! . .
again, because the war has not stopped, it
continues cruel, merciless and the echo of the DIRECTOR (acting angry): And didn't
anyone teach you, child, that you should
battle is diffused everywhere, until it reaches
the stage, to give a tragic finale to the play always say this word out loud? .
with the DIRECTOR's murder.
ALL TOGETHER (loudly): Peace! . .
"Finding" is what the ACTORS say to their DIRECTOR: 'Even louder!

TOGETHER (louder): Peace! . .
DIRECTOR: "We don't know how to play
DIRECTOR: Well done! . . Now you've
Irene, teacher. Who ever brought her to our
house to meet us? . .». convinced me how you know how to ask for it.
Honestly, I would be very happy if I had

And the instructions that the DIRECTOR the opportunity to present it on stage.
gives to his ACTORS, in the first and second
part, that is, the system he follows in terms of
the development of a theme- MILTOS CIRCUS
TECHNIQUES
THE ATTITUDES OF D O D O N I S
(August 5 and 6)
Under the rough Tomaros, which marks in a dark solitude in the foliage, this year
the horizon to the west of the difficult the performances of the ancient tragedy
Dodoni, in a place of archaic charm, where of the G Dodonai took place. Thus, in* a
the old elm trees stand landscape of Homeric physiognomy, which
^
"CONTINENTAL HOME" vwww aaaaaaaaaaalal a a a l a l / 519
surrounds the ancient theater of Dodoni, at the time with for the first time and where, with the opportunity of
when the shadows were sitting and the heavy drums the Dodonaeans, we exhibited them in much more
were becoming dirty and temporal distance with the detail, we remembered them again this year, in front of
monologue of Gionis, the ancient tragic speech was that spectacular spectacle, which was made by the
heard again, for the tenth year. These holidays, which hundreds of shining cars, next to the site of theater and
he created and organizes or E the approximately thirty thousand spectators, on its
ancient stone bleachers. Because, the performances of
suite of 'Continental Studies', is indeed a conquest, a Dodoni gather, almost without fail, the largest possible
great chapter and a border station, in the general effort volume of spectators, which we can ask for in the
to revive the ancient tragedy in our country. performances of ancient drama that take place in our
country. We take this case, which we mentioned a while i
ago, as a given and as a chapter, in order to make a
critical assessment, as a province, of the appearance of
the KTHBE, which is taking place for the first time in
Modern man, despite all the difference that separates Dodoni (in the previous years the National Theater
him from the era in which the ancient tragedies were came, which gave us the opportunity for a public debate,
born, needs this strong handshake, when it is given around the subject of the revival of the ancient tragedy).
outside the context and sense of everyday life. For this
reason, the initiative to meet the ancient speech in
ancient theaters, as evidenced by the numbers of
spectators who are tied to a certain tradition and a
place, was, from the beginning, promising. Except that,
as we have written before, the effort for this much-talked-
about revival should be discussed more, not left without
other experiments, in order to make the ancient
meditation more accessible to modern man. Also, the Both Euripides' tragedies "Phoinissai" and "Iphigenia
tradition and our folk songs, obituaries and, in general, or a Bull", presented this year in Dodoni by the State
group events, which make up our ethnic spiritual Theater of Northern Greece, were taught by the National
physiognomy, should, in our opinion, be taken care of Theater in the same venue, first in 1955 and the second
and exploited in particular, in order to connect the one in 1961. "Thus, we start from a given level of claims,
performances of ancient tragedy with the form and in order to evaluate the possibilities and achievements of
aesthetic layering, which characterizes the popular this second official state stage, in the field of ancient
culture of the Neo-Hellenic) life. And, in this direction, drama. "Then, the K.TH.BE., which was created, with
apart from a few attempts, there was - at least in the the love and ability of Sokratis Karantino in Thessaloniki
performances given in the province, where the climate, (and not in Athens), for the Greek province, always holds
for such a thing, we believe, is suitable - a persistent a special interest. Because of this, I stood with particular
and demanding effort. sensitivity in this case, certainly having the same claim
that we have from the National Theatre, both for the
rendering of its potential, and for the form of the
interpretation of the ancient tragedies. And what we write,
we give it out of our love for his effort, believing how,
These thoughts, where they are not written-

1"!
P
T
"I
even with the poor voices of the province, when weighed with measures suited
we offer a good service. exclusively to ancient tragedy. And, in
general, one could see how the presentation
LOOKS of the show had a rare seriousness, which
brought it closer to the delivery of the
Despite the conflict that this tragedy has, drama.
in approximately human dimensions, it is
always difficult to exploit its theatrical
structure. The incidents and persons, which Within these frameworks, the persons of
are embedded in a framework of immovable the work moved, dominated by a measure
historical mythology, keep a certain distance of rigor, which did not leave much scope
from the modern man. Thus, Thanos for initiatives. *Elsa Vergi, in the difficult
Kotsopoulos, who directed the show, we role of Jocasta, decisively held a great
can say, how he worked very hard to give weight, managing to share the love and
an internal coherence, to unify the action of pain between the children and the man,
all the factors that make up this tragedy. without losing her tension and balance. It
We feel that the musical investment made showed how it has certain qualities of a
here by Theodoros Mimikos did not help, as tragic, because, apart from the articulation
much as it could, the prominence of speech, and coloring of the words, it also had to
which is, for the ancient drama, the main contend with the dominance of its heroine
expression. Because, apart from the over the entire drama. Therefore, what
atmosphere of the background music, which, would still be needed, we think, would be a
in our opinion, had a hazy effect, something greater familiarity with the requirements
that was definitely reminiscent of an (Especially in recitation and control of
atmosphere of a spectrum of northern movements) of such a role. *0 Nikos
tradition and cinematic richness, we believe Bretos, as a teacher, never had the
that it accentuated the movements and, in opportunity to stand out or to escape from
in many cases, it exceeded speech. Again, his somewhat lackluster presence. *1-
the choreographies of Doras Tsastou- Liada Lampridou would probably give a
Symeonidis, which were studied with a better Antigone, if she did not have more of
scientific rigor, as well as the costumes of the expression and acceleration that the
Kl. Klonis, which maintained a truly modern and not the ancient theater
impeccable autonomy in the dance, should requires, because, in those extreme
perhaps not be so independent entities, tensions, which require dimensions of
despite all their unquestionable worth, as a tragic proportions I believe that, despite
work and as an achievement of an archaic the honorable efforts to reach Euripides'
style, in the whole effort. Still, I don't know Antigone, he will surely find himself behind
if the direction, in general, would have been a terrible difficulty. Eleftheria Spanou and
possible to give, in some key episodes (such Smaro Gaitanidou, as the leaders of the
as the scenes of the conflict between dance, stood with precision within the
Polyneices and Eteocles, reactions of Creon limits of the defined movement and,
in front of Tiresias), more discipline and together with M. Papakonstantinou, Gianna
duration dialogue. In any case, however, Kourou, Ioanna Pachtiti, Pepi Georgiadou,
the architecture and fidelity, in the movement Olympia Tolika, Despina Sfantzika,
and image, of both the dance and the Aphrodite Ioannidou, Ariadni Filippidou,
distribution of the action in the scenes, are Lia Tsimberli, Maria Alexandri, Joni Kaliva,
Vasiliki Lagou, Stella Papadimitriou,
Aphrodite Paschalidou
GARDENING THINGS
»
and Tatiana Tsanakidou, who were the members of with, I imagine, very easily, which showed, once again,
the chorus, gave a special ensemble, well-trained, his abilities and his worth in the ancient theater.
which maintained an autonomy (an autonomy which,
perhaps, should not be so strong as to come close, in
some circumstances, to escape from the cycle of
general synthetic action). Dimitris Karellis, in the role Closing this presentation, we note, completely
of Polyneikis and Andre as Zisimatos, as Eteocles, separately, the wonderful translation of Gerasimos
who shouldered the heaviest burden after Elsa Vergi, Spatala, which was used in the "Phoenices", for the
were Satisfactory, almost equally, with some nice correct adaptation to our modern linguistic sense and
outbursts and a worthy emotionalism. "Perhaps the the respect towards the text.
director, in this case, could make better use of the
qualities of these two good actors, if the dialogue
between the two brothers and the tragic mother of the
tragedy did not have the familiarity of everyday life in IFIGENEIA IN TAUROIS
similar cases. Giannis Kasdaglis, in the role of Creon,
was kept at a very serious level, he showed how he The direction of this simple tragedy by Euripides,
has undoubted qualifications, but his initiative, beyond which preserves the simplicity and mood, in its inner
the scope of the text and the direction, was obviously texture, of the poetic euphoria that the archaic perception
relatively binding . In the role of the seer Teiresias, the left us, was one of the best possible achievements in
late Generalis gave a rare embodiment, a solemn the field of the ancient drama, which singles out the
dignity, with a speech of prophetic rapture and a type director Georgios Theodosiadis. It was interpreted
of tragic delivery, which places him in the first row of sparingly, in a polite line of incompleteness and
the chapters that our state scenes have for the revival unnecessary appearance of images, leaving the absolute
of ancient drama. Danis Katranidis, as Menoikea, kept sovereignty to the word. The same goes for the
to the demands of the show, as did Christos Parlas, as background music, which belongs to Christos Leontis, it
the first Messenger. As the second Archangel, again, was popular, cleansed of the weight of passion, discreet
Christos Tsagas was fortunate enough to give a and kept, with the dominance of the court, very close to
disciplined, clean and structured speech with measured the bad structure of the tragedy. *The scenography,
gestures. Of course, he was helped a lot by the fluency also, dressed with boldness and wisdom, not only did
of the narration, in a large area and with many strong not remove from* the scenic environment they needed,
episodes in extreme moments, which offered him his but, with those archaic elevations and the lack of the
role. Finally, Lykourgos Kallergis, with great comfort statistical scale of the volume, created a unique
and natural simplicity, managed to incarnate a tragic framework, which , together with the equally successful
Oedipus, who does not meet him costumes, aesthetically tied the whole show together.
This achievement, which is due to Rena Georgiadou,
we think, deserves to be studied more specifically. The
same and better, we would have to say about the unique
choreographies of Dora Tsatsou - Symeonidis, which
gave an amazing result. Indeed, the dance, which moved
with the precision of a poetic ruler and which utilized,
almost in the
TBPCI
IKI
^CONTINENTAL E S T I A »
cro, the musical investment with adaptation where he sent her this brief appearance.
to the style and to the mental searches of
an orgy of religious Purity, left a conquest.
the actors. In the role of Iphigenia, or Niki We left the fine translation of Thr.
Trian-tafyllides, especially at the key points Stavrou, who raised the poetry and the
of the escalation, she performed quite theatrical opening of this Iphigenia, without
satisfactorily. The same with Christos Parlas. any trace of stomp, without the sense of
Here he was better given the opportunity, the weight of the language, which are
as Orestes, to show the undeniable present in
resources and natural endowment he many such texts, when these translations
possesses for the serious stage, since he are not made by such tested spiritual
managed to embody such an important hero People. Her contribution to the success
with fluid demands of acting. And Aimitris that, in our opinion, marked the performance
Karellis, in the role of Pylades, had the of Ifigenia this year in Dodoni, is of primary
same success, in the top scene of importance, she honors the translator
Unrecognition, where Efte and the big one. separately. - -
weight. THE top five (Elect. Spanou, Smaro
Gaitanidou, Iliada Lampridou, Gianna
Kourou and Mirka Papa-konstantinou), who These observations, with criteria that
led and articulated the dance with an characterize our powers and feelings, we
Askimenian and distinct tone of Apagelia, had from the Appearance of the State
were real leaders in the this show. *0 Theater of Northern Greece in the Ancient
Christos Tsagas, as a comedian here, they Theater of Dodoni. And, as every year,
gave us a natural, calm barbarian of the believing that our evaluation, even as a
Tauriki, who colored the Narrative and left record in the area of the District, will have
the Necessary extensions for the something to offer, we give it from this
Atmosphere, which was needed by Giannis same column, which also hosted the
Kasdaglis, in the role of King Thoa, who reviews of the shows of the National
performed him with strict and exemplary - Theater in Dodoni, in the immediately
grammatical discipline. Also, Nikos Vretos, preceding years. We do it with the Love
as the Messenger, managed to tie the cycle and with the Appreciation We Have for the
of action in the performance of the tragedy, effort and for the willing zeal, which is paid
carrying out the transition from the tense by our state stage for the creation of a
Agony to the sense of a Simple Comus (in theater of Ancient drama, for which they
the scene where the conspiracy of the were needed and will still be needed to do
dancing women is revealed, Oster' from the a lot.
Narrative of the Messenger), without there
being, however, any damage from this
parenthesis. Finally, Oikonomidou's Miranda, In closing, it would be remiss of us not
as Athena, tried not to fall behind, in to note, at the same time, the flawless
Distance and awe, movement of so many wheeled vehicles
and the absence of even the slightest
accident on the winding roads leading to
Dodoni, which is due to the excellent
vigilance and organization Ioannina traffic
police.
PUBLIC RED
"PIROTICS 523
NATIONAL THEATER
( Mobile Theater Unit )
27. K A G IA : « eO Local factor *>

*0 August was an exceptional and rare We wish the great benefactor's donation
month for the people of Ioannina without to be realized as soon as possible.
a spectacle. Two state theaters together But let's get to our topic:
— what a pleasant coincidence — Northern
Greece and Athens, came to our city to I could not see the "Dodonaia". I was in
Corfu for a holiday. There I barely managed
offer the most precious thing the province
lacks, the aesthetic emotion of art, with to see the second play of the National
two tragedies by Euripides, the first ,, in Theatre. He is "*0 local agent" of Mr. Pan.
the Ancient Theater of Dodoni and with Kaya, directed by Mr. Lambros Kostopoulos.
two comedies the second one, a classic
and a modern one, in the central park of A successful satire of our pre-
our city. revolutionary political morals, whose model
01 two state theater mobile units, were is of course found in the older years, but
created exclusively and only for the even up to the last it preserved many of the
province. But even in the best case, as characteristics of that old era.
was the case this year when both bands
visited us, we only had four shows in a *0 Mr. Kostopoulos directed it with a
whole year. One cannot say that under modern perception, with imagination and
these conditions the province has a humor. He rolled it quickly and* gave life
theater. Everything else in fact. Because and fun. It was a remarkable performance.
after the closing of the last curtain, the And on top of that the scene of the slum
deprivation seems even greater, when you with the four girls, Dides Fotini Manetta, M.
even consider that whole months will have Xenoudakis, Ioanna Korombilis and Z.
to pass, until you see the lights of the Papadopoulou. Refinement, spontaneity
ramp lit again. and grace, matched in an auspicious
expression, with the strong creative spirit
of the director, gave us a sparkling, refined
And yet there is a solution: Each scene.
municipality should build its own theater. *0 Mr. Theodoros Moridis in the role of
"Thus the province will see performances Stavros Dalegos, showed us the
much more often, not only from the state indisputable worth of his talent. An
stages, but also from the free theater, exuberant actor, he easily created a non-
which now does not dare to visit us delightful local factor. But he could have
because of the unaffordable rents of your added more, because although he has a
cinema halls. And Also, if the building exists, rich range, he did not use the range of his
local permanent groups, amateur or voice to render the particular shades of
professional, will be able to be created, comedy that the role required.
depending on the existing possibilities. ÿin
every city.
Ms. Joli Garbi was untouchable in the
role of Angeliki. "Everything about her is
Regarding our city, there is the Bequest taken care of to perfection, with the
of Pyrsinella to Dios for the construction smallest detail. Movement, speech,
of a Municipal building and a theater. On obedience, voice and articulation. And
this occasion, express- above all the vitality and truth in her expression. "All these plus
they set a wonderful temperament and this Mr. Evangelos Protopapas gave us a
is what characterizes Mrs. Joli Garbi. tight and single-minded Damala. He also
made a mask, for no reason at all. How did
Annie Paspati in the role of Anitsa thrilled the director not notice?
us with her spontaneity and grace. Especially
the first scene of her is very funny. Of course, these were not accidental.
Mr. Protopapas follows the line of an old
The unique typist Mr. Nasos Kedrakas theater. We say it out of love, let him make
created a spartan Par-chaklis. With amazing an effort to synchronize. Does he not
ease he created an ever-living type of the understand that he is being harmed?
old era, a voter with the peculiar psychological
Mr. Stelios Kalogeropoulos in the role of
mentality that the various political local
Dentrakis, did not convince. It must be
actors shaped it so and he emphasized to
freed from the student stiffness that still
us with a special comic note the most timely
seems to prevail.
point of the work, which is in second act, in
the scene of the cafe, together with Troupis Famous is the double one-piece scene
(excellently interpreted by Mr. Michalis by Mr. Yiannis Kyros. It completely served
Maragas-KGI) he was asked by the political the action of the project. The different levels
candidate for recommendations for future he used to set up the house and the cafe
rusfetis. were a good idea and gave us the
impression of two completely separate
*0 Mr. Spyros Olympios very good in the scenes.
role of the tavern keeper. With simple The costumes match the types and the
expressive means he created a very graphic type. era.
Unfortunately, we cannot say the same
for the others. MILTOS CIRCUS
M AN ARMY
HIS REPORT
*0 Epirotian painter Minas Stratis, visible and accessible to the public, but
exhibited his work in April in the hall of the which also holds within it the intense
Society of Epirotian Studies. This is an emotion from the years of outdoor life. That
artistic event, which should, I think, have is why, in the modern confusion and
been discussed more. Because, this painter, rearrangement of values, the painting of
who has a clear sense of nature and the Minas Stratis comes to give a conversation
physiognomy of the countryside, offers to with familiar feelings, with understandable
the public, tired of the searches and the language and, above all, in a way that is
problems of our time, an unpretentious entirely our own. *Thus, the paintings
natural purity and an orthodox perception of (some 60 pieces) that he presented to us
beauty, which rests and fascinates with its are not outside of* our lives, outside of the
simplicity and solid construction. The austere senses and* of the clarity we have for
and familiar landscapes, the mature poetry things in our natural environment.
of them have a beauty, which is, not only Therefore, they connect with the viewer
fruit, the hunts and the calm ethography, and fill him with mental euphoria.
which are his main subjects,
Minas Stratis, fortunately, does not
falter, both in the structure of the
composition and in the purity of the palette
I
*
"THE PIRO TIC E S T
of. He knows how to use the Undeniable Abilities 446—449, Athens.

he has for composition in design/ he can accurately "GREEK ISSUES", v. 189—193 A
paint the intensity of the illumination of colors and, it happens.
with his natural talent, he manages to harmonize "SMTRNL", vol. 40-41, Athens.
with physical reality. "FOREST CHRONICLES", v. 157—160, Athens
Yes.
"AKTINES", vol. 326—329, Athens.
That's why, after all, his works breathe a "THE WORLD OF HELLENIDOS", vol.
I
naturalistic purity and have, along with that fleeting v. 184—187, Athens. I
feeling of intoxication that keeps the taste of things "IAISSOS", vol. 90-91, Athens.
I
and their poetry, Objective reality. In general, the "FIRST. FRIEND EPITHEORISIS", year 14th st.
work is without obstacles, with a lot of grace and A- 11-12, year 15th st. 1-2, A
navigable philosophy, which makes it very dear and, it happens.
above all, comprehensible to the person who seeks "STZITISIS" v. 139—142, Athens.
the quiet everyday joy and the Greek atmosphere in "EPHIMERIOS", year KA', v. 1-6, A I
the objects. *The Perception exercise and painting, it happens.
which the MS has, is without Quests. He knows the "TEACHING STEP", vol. 711—716, Athens.
power of colors and can play with their Value, without
experimenting or Joking with it. Indeed, with only the "FILIATRA", vol. 60-62, Athens.
teacher of the alluring Truth taught by nature and his "PHILOTELIA" 430, Athens.
unerring sensitivity to Shades and the hidden drama "THE CARVING OF THE TRUTH" v. 48
of his still lifes and flowers in vases, he gives us an —51, Athens.
Unchanged World, an image that has not moved "ARISTOTELIS", 87, Florina.
away from sincerity and primary emotion. "GREEK CULTURE" v. 75-77, Patrai.
"SCIENTIFIC STEP TOT DIDA-

SKALOU" year IH' 7-8, year ITH' 1 4, Athens.
"GONGO", v. 61-62, Athens.

"EFORMATIVE STEP", vol. 89, A-
it happens.
"DELTION S.A." 183, Athens.

"SIFNAT'KI FONI" year VIII fol. 86, Athens.
This exhibition offered our city an opportunity to
come into contact with him for many and for art "UN BULLETIN. ORGAN. CHIROTE-CHNIAS" st.
lovers - especially on a wider scale. And here we 19-21, Athens.
must emphasize the need we all have for direct "HORIZONTES", year 3, vol. 1-3, Athens.
contact with a feeling, an Idea that is from our own "NEA SKEPSI", v. 105—107, Athens.
life. "PHYSIOLATRIS" v. 279-282, Athens.
"THE NATURAL LOVER OF D.E.H." vol. 30-31) 1972,
Athens.
D. RED "ETROPAPSKGI KOINOTIS", year 4, vol. 1-2,
Athens.
"ECCLESIASTICAL PROBLEMS" v. 27-29, Athens.
\E AA B A M E
PERIODICALLY "TRICKI", vol. 21-24 (published by Trikala
Prefecture), Trikala.
"PARNASSOS", vol. XIV v. 1. "INSPECT COMM. RESEARCH", v. 1-2, Athens.
""THEOLOGY", vol. 43) L' 1972
"INDUSTRIAL REVIEW", vol. "STUDENT OPPONENTS", Preveza.
i
*
"FINANCIAL NEWS" Athens. , v. 45—46, Mth' v. 1-5, Athens.

"PIRAPSKI — PATRAI-KI", year
"LITERARY CHRONICLES", v. 6, Athe- 17th st. 158, Athens.
Yes. "AEIOLOGISI" year Ion vol. 1, Athens. "IONIOS
"GREGORY THE PALAMAS" v. 626— 627, ICHO" v. 302—305, Athens.
Thessaloniki. "The HAT", 2nd IST' volume. 4th floor 35,
"SPIRITUAL PROVINCE" v. 3-4, Arta.
Sherry. "KONICSA", vol. 115-118, Athens. "UAE
"NIOHORI" (2nd floor, Commune of Neochorio , — RWANDA — BURUNDI", v. 61-64, Athens.
Etoloakarnania ) Year 2, floor 11-15, 2-1-2,
'
of C Neochorio.
"QUALITY", 14, Athens. FOREIGN
"HELLINISM ABROAD", vol. 226—228, Thessaloniki.
"ANAPERIKON VIMAs v. 6—8, Lev-
"NEA STNORA" v. 105-106, Athens. cosia.
"HOUSE MAGAZINE SAVINGS BANK- "CHRONICLES OF LASITHOS"
OH" "CYPRIAKAI SPOTDAI"
"GREEK LA-I AND ART" 1971 v. 5, Athens. "SPIRITUAL KTPROS" v. 135-.136,
Nicosia.
"DELTION AGENT. PNETMATI- "CYPROS FOLKLORE" v. 1—3, Leu- !
, KIS SYNERGASIAS" 1971 v. 7-12, 1972 v. 1-2, cosia.
Athens. "KRIKOS" p. 253, 254, London. \
"GREECE - KTPROS - TOURISM", p* 27-28, "HELLENIKA", Bochum, Germany. i

Athens. «'CITTA DI VITA» XXVI No 5, FIREN- !
"ECONOMIC PROGRESS", vol. 17, Athens- SHE.
Yes. «AUSONIA», XXVI, No 5, SIENA.

"GREECE RED STAVROS CHEOTITIS" «CULTURE IN THE WORLD» XXV No
"AEOLIAN LETTERS" v. 6—7, Athens 5—6, ROME.
Yes. «THE CARAVAN», XX, No 99, ROME. !
"SPIRITUAL TRADITION", v. 3, A- «THE OPTHODOX OBSERVER»
it happens.
«LIFE» i
"ISRAELINA NEA", 2nd Fourth floor, 42-44, Athens. “REVIEW OF BTZANTINE STUDIES. f ij
"GREEK ASTER" "BUILDING
"THE STRONG FOUNDATION" 35, Thessa- LOGOS". Itos 3ov 17—18,
loniki. AnkoIa.
"METEORA" 169—174, Trikala. «HISTORICAL ABSTRACTS» VOL. 17
"CHURCH", 2nd vol. 26—28, 2nd P.A. No 4, CALIFORNIA.
|ji 'i
i
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t* j
&.·
'^Vy
tm rorom mmaamm mmmaaanmnamm mmmittttamiantmjaiamstaaam miaaaa
CEPHALOGRAVIEGRD
L i? -f'
SLICE
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FONTINA
NQFIOI CHEESE
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im tm m utm m nm m ntm nm m m m im m tm m ntum m m um m m m m nm um m m u

LAMDA ALPHA
happy easter
WOODS

Ηπειρωτική Εστία. Τεύχ. 243-244. 1972 (1)

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Ηπειρωτική Εστία. Τεύχ. 243-244. 1972 (1)

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ISSUE 243 * 244 I P n L Ir \

PUBLIC RED » *C1TA TAKIS SIOMOPOULOS

MONTHLY INSPECTIONS IN IOANNINIS

Auseni Gerontikou Henry :

Tivoullou (introduction - translation by

A FEW MONTHS IN MIINL: Notes: Aoinagoras 6 L' (K. Fotoponlou) — In Ao

402 "CONTINENTAL HOME"

THE YANNENA OF 1812

"'From the Supreme Vizier Ali Pasha.

"CONTINENTAL HOME" 407

advanced slowly and in solemn procession through

The Serai of Ali Pasha is a huge building, high, built in

aptly be described as a palace within a fortress.

After we had passed through this wild spectacle of the Seraglio, we

Passing through this external decoration, we found ourselves in a long

* 'Childe Harold', *Aama II, 55, 56 etc.

The inquiries he made to us concerning our journey to Ioannina afforded

* Lord Byron has described him:

"CONTINENTAL HOME" 411

of roads. I mentioned to him in general the description of Albania which he

DIMITRIOU TP. PAPAZISI

TEACHERS' SALARIES IN TURKEY

414 A A A A L A A A A A A A A A A A A A A A A A A A A A A A A A A A A A A A A A "CONTINENTAL HOME"

This, for a few, was the state of education from Aloseoi to

In 17 15 the teacher Siatistis received 100 grosci as an annual salary.

To1722 d 'Ioan. N. Mavrokordatos, Ruler of Hungarian Wallachia, annually supported

1) Gideon Education Bankruptcies p. 21.

In 1732 - 33 the teacher of the Huskii School received a salary of 30

In 1 7 4 8, the Patriarch Paisios II defined by synodal letter the salary of the

In 1 7 5 0 the common teacher of Tataulon (Constantinople) elam-6anen gr.

7) Tr. Evangelidis, above p. 37.

4 1 b /vn\A A L L A A A A L L A A A A A A A L L A A A A A A /v\A L A L ^vn "CONTINENTAL FOCUS"

In 1 7 6 2 a teacher from Bucharest and from Melenikos mentions in his autograph

In 1 7 6 3 the Patriarch of Constantinople, Samuel, founds the Ex-Marmarois school

The 1 7 6 9 th! teachers' salaries in Eptanisos ranged between

In 1 7 7 7 N. Kassavetis, as appears from a letter of congestion, took over the

15) A gg. Hatximi/ali: Teachers and taught in Metsovf p. 7.

In 1 7 8 3 the Philosophical school of teachers after Serg. Makreou Fotios the

In 1 7 8 4 Anthimos Gazis was appointed a teacher in Bizetzi with a salary of 100

24) M. Gideon Ch. Patr. Acad.

4 IS vNA A L L L L L A A A A A L A L L L L L /N L L L L A A L L A A L / "CONTINENTAL HOME"

31) Tuesday Gospel. p. 30.

^CONTINENTAL HOSPITAL' 419

4i) Gideon P. Bankruptcies p. 27.

In 1 8 3 8 Dorotheos Scholarios, later Aarisis, was assigned to teach

In 1870, the teacher was paid by the Averofian endowment.

Evangelidis? Second floor. 325.

"CONTINENTAL HOME" 421

From 1500—3000 gr. received by the teachers of the following villages:

In 1880 the salaries of teachers at the Tataulion school ranged from

Translation: PERIKLI LEFKA KaFighito'

THE MASTER OF THE CONTINENT*

THE BATTLE OF PELAGONIAS

Michael's victories in Western Macedonia caused a new outburst of bitterness

"CONTINENTAL HOME" 423

Under these circumstances, Michael conceived the plan to organize a great

"CONTINENTAL HOME" 427

mountains of Pindus to . troOi again on the plain shores of Avlona.

Construction. It is a description that agrees with al-Pun

In order to establish themselves in a less vulnerable position, Michael and

Michael and Nikephoros, perhaps succumbing to the persuasive words of

The news of Michael's departure had meanwhile reached the square of

1) Nikephoros Blemmydes, kkd. Heisenberg, p. 45. A. Gardner, "Lascarids of Xicaea,"