173

Gender Differences in Aggression

Jessica K. Padgett and Paul F. Tremblay
University of Western Ontario

­Different Types of Aggression

At its most general level, aggression consists of behavior intended to harm someone else,
and violence consists of aggression intended to cause extreme harm. Aggression can occur
in reaction to provocation or it can be premeditated. Aggressive behavior can also be cate-
gorized as either direct or indirect. Direct aggression includes verbal, physical, and sexual
actions perpetrated overtly and directly with the victim present. Indirect aggression, on the
other hand, consists of covert and sometimes more subtle actions perpetrated often with-
out face‐to‐face contact, thus permitting the offender to remain anonymous. Indirect
aggression includes actions such as spreading rumors, damaging property, or social ostra-
cism. Relational aggression is a specific type of indirect aggression that involves damaging
peer relationships. With the advent of social networking, indirect aggression has increased
dramatically and captured the attention of researchers. Males and females often differ in
the types of aggression that they are more likely to use.

­Gender Differences Throughout Developmental Stages

Throughout the lifespan, males are more likely than females to engage in physically aggres-
sive or violent behavior, and they are also more likely to be the victims of such actions. An
extensive longitudinal research program by R. Tremblay and colleagues (e.g. Baillargeon
et al., 2007) has revealed that males show a higher level of physical aggression than females
do. This begins in the second year of life with behaviors such as grabbing toys from another
child, followed by hitting another child later on. Physical aggression tends to peak from the
age of two to four, but while most children learn not to use physical aggressive behavior by
that stage, a small proportion of children, mainly boys, develop severe forms of aggression.
Severe physical aggression is mostly perpetrated by men and often emerges in adolescence,
peaks in the late teens or early twenties and begins to decrease in the mid or late twenties

The Wiley Encyclopedia of Personality and Individual Differences: Personality Processes and Individual
Differences, Volume III, First Edition. Edited by Bernardo J. Carducci and Christopher S. Nave.
© 2020 John Wiley & Sons Ltd. Published 2020 by John Wiley & Sons Ltd.

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 174 Gender Differences in Aggression

(Archer, 2004). Almost all cases of sexual assault and rape are perpetrated by men, and
females are more likely than males to be the victims. Gender differences in verbal aggres-
sion are less prominent than with physical aggression, and the research has been inconsist-
ent, finding minor differences in both directions.
The transition from direct aggression to indirect aggression is common among both boys
and girls, but the trajectories are somewhat different. Females use more indirect forms of
aggression than males do, beginning just before the school years. This difference widens in
adolescence and then narrows and disappears in early adulthood.
Among heterosexual couples, men and women report engaging in physical aggression
with equal frequency but men are more likely to injure their partner by beating, choking,
or strangling them. Women are more likely to use retaliatory aggression than to initiate
aggression. A typical feature of aggression in intimate relationships is its repetitiveness
because the environment often remains relatively stable (i.e. one’s home). Research has
shown an important connection between aggression in intimate relationships and heavy
alcohol consumption.

­ ale‐to‐Male vs. Male‐to‐Female Aggression: The Barroom

M
Setting as an Example

The social context and the nature of the conflict influence gender differences in aggression.
One interesting setting is the barroom where physical aggression tends to occur between
males and aggression of a sexual nature is used by men on women. In both cases, alcohol can
play an important role for both perpetrators and victims, exacerbating the aggression and
likelihood of negative consequences. Much of the research on aggression in bars comes from
extensive observation research by Graham and colleagues (e.g. Graham et al., 2013). That
research has revealed that men are likely to be the initiators of aggressive sexual overtures
and intimidation, whereas women mostly react to provocation, such as resisting aggressively
and expressing anger with body language. The aggression that occurs between men in bars
has been linked to the need to maintain a macho image and competition for women.

­The Role of Provocation

Aggression often occurs in reaction to some form of provocation but males and females
differ in what will provoke them to retaliate. For example, among heterosexual couples,
men are provoked more by sexual infidelity while women are provoked more by emotional
infidelity. A classic meta‐analysis by Bettencourt and Miller (1996) revealed that with the
introduction of provocation, females were just as likely as males to act aggressively.
However, in situations where women feared retaliation, they were less likely to engage in
aggression. In general, males do not necessarily require much provocation to engage in
physical aggression with strangers, whereas women are much more cautious and sensitive
to danger, especially when the opponent is a physically threatening stranger. Men are
higher risk takers and may feel they have more to lose than women do in terms of main-
taining a specific identity of toughness, especially in the presence of their friends.

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 ­Evolutionary and Biological Explanations of the Gender Difference  175

­Attitudes and Beliefs About Aggression

One way of explaining the strong gender differences in aggression is to look at the
­differences in how men and women think about aggressive behavior. One supported
theory is that women hold an “expressive social representation” that aggression is a loss
of self‐control, whereas males hold an “instrumental representation” that aggression is
a means of imposing control over others (Campbell & Muncer, 1994). This said, both
men and women find violence against women less morally acceptable than violence
against men. Males can often see positive instrumental consequences of their aggres-
sion when it is used to protect their honor and masculine image. However, masculinity
itself is a complicated and changeable aspect that often varies across time, culture, class,
and race. Historically, masculinity has been linked to violence, often an excusable and
even expected reaction to threats to one’s honor. Yet, even though the idea that violence
is a necessity of masculinity has waned over recent times (beginning in the Victorian era
when a gentleman was expected to preserve self‐control, violence being an action for
working class men), the legacy of aggression as a central trait of masculinity still lingers
today (Whitlock, 2014).

­Evolutionary and Biological Explanations

of the Gender Differences

The higher rate and severity of physical aggression among males may have resulted over
evolutionary history, which has produced different sexual reproduction strategies for
males and females. Sexual selection is a process in which males compete for mating
privileges, whereas females choose between potential mates. Variation in reproductive
success is much greater for males than for females, with a relatively select group of
stronger males having greater access to mating. Hence, males engage in greater and
more dangerous competition (i.e. male‐to‐male aggression and violence) than females
out of reproductive necessity. In terms of reproductive success, females make a stronger
parental investment with a nine‐month gestation period and subsequent care and nurs-
ing, whereas males’ reproductive success depends on mating with as many females as
possible. Furthermore, while a female can have no doubt that she is the mother of her
child, the best way for a male to ensure reproductive success is to have a high insemina-
tion rate. Evolutionary psychologists test these hypotheses by investigating such things
as gender differences in preferences for more partners in contemporary society. The evi-
dence tends to be mixed.
Another way to explain greater aggression in males is to look at biological factors that
influence aggressive behavior. There has been considerable research on the moderating
role of testosterone in gender differences of aggression but no clear pattern has emerged.
Research on specific genes and neurotransmitters has been linked to aggression but again
this research is limited. One common biological trait that has been associated with antiso-
cial behavior is low autonomic arousal, a feature which is more common in males as they
have a lower resting heart rate.

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 176 Gender Differences in Aggression

­Social Role, Learning, and Socialization

Social role theory proposes that differences in size and physical strength between men and
women and women’s capacity to bear children have historically contributed to different
positions in labor and society (see Eagly & Steffen, 1986). As a result, men have held more
positions of power and status, and this has led to more dominant behavior by men.
Traditionally, men have been more likely to adopt roles in the military and high status
competitive positions, while women have cared for children or adopted caring and nurtur-
ance dominated jobs such as nursing and teaching. These different roles reinforced atti-
tudes of power and can further influence aggressive attitudes and behaviors.
Social learning theory suggests that aggression can be learned by direct experience or
through observation and can be transmitted through various modes from one generation to
the next, through peers, through the media, and more generally through cultural values.
Boys are socialized to be tough and to defend themselves physically, whereas girls are
taught to keep out of harm’s way. The widespread violent entertainment media can sup-
port and propagate these gender roles. The role of violent media in aggression has been
studied extensively and the evidence does suggest an effect.
Males tend to be exposed to more environmental risk factors that lead to antisocial and
physically aggressive behavior. For example, they are more likely to have peers who partici-
pate in antisocial behavior and are more likely to receive harsher physical punishment
from parents. Throughout the lifespan, the differences that males and females experience
in their personal relationships may also be influential. For example, parents often monitor
their daughters more closely than their sons which might cause girls to be more likely to
inhibit aggressive behavior.

­Directions for Future Research

Studying gender differences in aggression provides some clues for improving gender spe-
cific prevention and intervention programs. The contemporary example of cyber bullying
reminds us that as society evolves, psychological individual differences manifest them-
selves in new ways and therefore require a continual research commitment. There has been
some research into the link between gender differences in aggression and in neurodevelop-
ment, specifically interhemispheric communication and brain maturation as expressed
with earlier cognitive and learning deficits in boys. This is an area that will no doubt
develop further with advances in school psychology and cognitive neuroscience.

­See Also

Anger
Anger and Hostility, Assessment of
Aggression, Personality Correlates of
Hostility, Personality Correlates of
Impulsivity
Self‐control

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 Further Reading  177

References

Archer, J. (2004). Sex differences in aggression in real‐world settings: A meta‐analytic review.

Review of General Psychology, 8(4), 291–322.
Baillargeon, R. H., Zoccolillo, M., Keenan, K., Côté, S., Pérusse, D., Wu, H., … Tremblay, R. E.
(2007). Gender differences in physical aggression: A prospective population‐based survey
of children before and after 2 years of age. Developmental Psychology, 43(1), 13–26. https://
doi.org/10.1037/0012‐1649.43.1.13
Bettencourt, B. A., & Miller, N. (1996). Gender differences in aggression as a function of
provocation: A meta‐analysis. Psychological Bulletin, 119(3), 422–447. https://doi.
org/10.1037/0033‐2909.119.3.422
Campbell, A., & Muncer, S. (1994). Sex differences in aggression: Social roles and social
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org/10.1111/j.2044‐8309.1994.tb01021.x
Eagly, A. H., & Steffen, V. J. (1986). Gender and aggressive behavior: A meta‐analytic review of
the social psychological literature. Psychological Bulletin, 100(3), 309–330. http://search.
proquest.com/docview/617238460?accountid=15115
Graham, K., Bernards, S., Osgood, D. W., Parks, M., Abbey, A., Felson, R. B., … Wells, S. (2013).
Apparent motives for aggression in the social context of the bar. Psychology of Violence, 3(3),
218–232. https://doi.org/10.1037/a0029677
Whitlock, T. (2014). Masculinities and crime in historical perspective. In R. Gartner & B.
McCarthy (Eds.), The Oxford handbook of gender, sex, and crime, Oxford Handbooks Online
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Further Reading

Gartner, R., & McCarthy, B. (Eds.) (2014). The Oxford handbook of gender, sex, and crime.
Oxford: Oxford University Press.

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