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Architectural Psychology for Mixed-Use Cities

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  anagiotis Mavros, Rohit Kumar Dubey,
P that promotes walkability, making this model an effec-
Kristina Jazuk, Hengshan Li,
Christoph Hölscher
Architectural
­Psychology for
Mixed-Use Cities
As the carriage approaches the Mass Rapid Transit
(MRT) station, you often find yourself looking outside
the window to confirm that this is the correct station.
That’s it; time to hop off, look around to find the near-
est escalator, then head towards the street. After
tapping out, you look around to find the correct exit.
Sometimes, you have to consult a map or, more likely
these days, check your phone. Outside the MRT sta-
tion, still underground, lies a network of intercon-
nected corridors that are lined with retail outlets ​— ​
clothes, technology, cafés ​— ​a whole world filled with
crowds of pedestrians. After following the meander-
ing hallways for a few hundred metres, going up and
down escalators, you eventually surface onto the
street, only to take another escalator up one more
level to the elevated walkway that crosses the road
into the building to which you are going. This brief
description of a journey through the high-density,
mixed-use urban developments that are character-
istic of Southeast Asian metropolises serves to illus-
trate the ubiquity of wayfinding. Every individual in
the ebb and flow of the passing crowd is engaged in
the demanding cognitive task of wayfinding, whether
they follow their path automatically or make frequent
stops to consult a map.
Land-scarce cities like Singapore and Hong
Kong have spearheaded high-density, high-intensity
and transit-oriented developments, or TODs. TOD
promotes the development of higher-density districts
within walking distance of major transport nodes,
accompanied by urban design and a land-use mix
128 Architectural ­Psychology for Mixed-Use Cities
tive response to curb urban sprawl and automobile
use. Thus, urban areas are developed as ensembles
of multiple, interpenetrating buildings, clustered
around a backbone of multimodal public transit hubs
(Sung and Oh 2011). A spatial consequence of TOD
is that often the interface between the transit hub
RESPONSIVE CITIES
and the street is a web of mixed-use spaces that
include commerce, leisure and other civic functions.
This interface consists of a dense network of spaces,
spanning from several floors underground up to many
aboveground, which blur the boundaries of public
B
and private ownership and act as capillaries that
funnel pedestrians to work, home, leisure and other
INDICIA 02
activities (Lee 2015).
Due to their spatial complexity, wayfinding
and navigation are important aspects of users’ expe-
FCL
riences in these spaces and impact both individual
and collective patterns of movement and occupancy
(Hillier et al. 1987). As these spaces become nodal
points embedded in the everyday mobility of citizens,
and therefore central to the function of the city, it is
important to understand how their spatial configu-
ration, properties and design are perceived and expe-
rienced, and how they affect movement and the way-
finding behaviour of people.
According to Vandenberg and colleagues
(2016), wayfinding is an important aspect of walka-
bility in urban environments, which links to broader
issues of public health. As they argue, walkability
requires that people feel ‘comfortable’ both to con-
duct purposeful walking trips, such as finding a des-
tination, as well as more leisurely, explorative walks.
Because wayfinding can be a cognitively demanding
activity, consisting of multiple cognitive processes
including orientation, self-localisation and decision
making, being able to find one’s own way through
the city is important for engaging in this activity in
the first place.
Indeed, the ability to perceive spaces differs
according to the scale of space, for example, whether
reading a map, looking at a room or navigating a city
(Montello 1993). Navigating inside a complex build-
ing or a neighbourhood can be cognitively more chal-
lenging than reading a map or finding an object inside
a large room because space is not perceived from a
single point of observation but, rather, is seen through
the integration of mental ‘snapshots’ that have to
be remembered and integrated into a whole over
time as a person moves from one space to another.
Fig. 1 Underground public space, connecting a transport hub with the surrounding
129 precinct, Orchard Road MRT, Singapore.
Naturally, this process is error prone and subject to
various biases as our attention often gets caught by
all sorts of stimuli. This leads to distortions, namely,
underestimating or overestimating distances, or even
having a hard time understanding how places are
connected to each other, despite walking past them
several times (Weisberg et al. 2014).
Since the seminal work of Kevin Lynch in
the 1960s, there has been extensive research into
the relationship between the design of an environ-
ment and the ability of the people to create a well-­
defined ​— ​and useful ​— ​mental representation of it.
The way streets, buildings and landmarks are ar-
ranged into a spatial hierarchy forming large urban
ensembles influences the degree of their legibility
of environments, in other words, how people make
sense of, learn and remember buildings and streets,
and use that knowledge in their everyday life (Long
and Baran 2012). Taken together with the fact that
our ability to learn and navigate declines over our
lifespan (Coutrot et al. 2017), and that cities are pre-
paring for ageing societies, it is critical to integrate
our current knowledge about human perception cog-
nition and behaviour into the practice of design.
Weisman (1981) proposed four factors that
influence wayfinding: the complexity of the environ-
mental structure (layout), the amount of visual access,
the level of architectural differentiation making dif-
ferent spaces distinct and, finally, the presence of
information aids such as signage. Although these
four factors may appear obvious, they often pose
significant challenges and require delicate trade-offs
between competing priorities during the design pro-
cess, for example, between maximising ‘usable’
space and creating a multi-floor atrium. Further-
more, mixed-use and vertically extended urban dis-
tricts are often the result of incremental develop-
ment over several decades (see also ‘Undestanding
Grand Projets in Comparative Perspective’). In these
spatial contexts, complexity in wayfinding and over-
all pedestrian movement arises not merely from the
design and layout of a single building, but also from
the integration of multiple buildings, layouts and
types of programmes that are interwoven into an
urban mesh.
In this context, being able to assess if a
building layout will be confusing for users is critical.
However, as shown by Hölscher and Dalton (2008),
architects may evaluate layout complexity differently
to the laypeople who will eventually use that space
130
as patrons. In addition, they found that the perspec-
tive a person encounters in a building, either on a
map (plan view) or in a first-person perspective (ego-
centric), impacts both judgements of layout, as well
as their difficulty in navigating through the building.
In other words, a layout may seem deceptively sim-
ple but can often prove much harder to navigate dur-
ing a walkthrough. Such examples illustrate the need
to assess the legibility of future buildings and antic-
ipate the wayfinding needs of their users. Recent
technological advances in the fields of virtual reality
(VR), both in terms of ‘game engine’ software that
allows improved realism in the simulation of envi-
ronments as well as higher resolution head-mounted
displays (HMD), create new opportunities for assess-
ing the legibility of urban and architectural spaces,
in pre-occupancy evaluations, including subjective
judgements and wayfinding performance in behav-
ioural experiments.
Social Density and Crowding
Above everything else, cities are their peo-
ple. The dense presence of other people, often re-
ferred to as ‘social density’ or ‘crowding’, is another
characteristic of urban environments which greatly
influences behaviour and the experience of spaces.
Taking public transport during rush hour, visiting
public spaces or attending a concert are only three
examples of ‘everyday immediate experiences’ of
crowding (Kruse 1986). Already in 1972, Stokols made
the distinction between density and crowding. Den-
sity, he argued, is the measurable physical condition
of how much space is available around a person
which is usually measured as the number of people
over an area (people/m2). For example, experimental
psychologists can study social density by manipu-
lating the number of individuals present while keep-
ing space constant; conversely, they can manipulate
spatial density by holding the number of individuals
constant and varying the available space (Kruse 1986,
133). On the other hand, crowding is an experience,
the ‘motivational state aroused through the interac-
tion of spatial, social, and internal factors, and di-
rected toward the alleviation of perceived spatial re-
striction’ (Stokols 1972, 275).
There are various cognitive, emotional, so-
cial and behavioural effects of crowding. Social den-
sity and crowding may restrict behaviour, such as
constraining visibility or movement, they may inter-
fere with one’s intentions or they increase the cog-
nitive load (Saegert 1979). On other occasions, the
crowd as a whole can provide information on the
behavioural rules and norms. Individuals in a crowd
act as if synchronised, in a coherent/meaningful and
orderly manner, without explicit communication and
pre-planning as a result of social regulation processes
(Reicher 1984). At present, there is considerable re-
search concerned with mass movements in crowds
at events like music festivals, sporting events or re-
ligious gatherings, with the goal to better anticipate
and manage emergency scenarios. Such research
often assumes that the movement of pedestrian
crowds has similar properties to fluid dynamics. In
this approach, emergent phenomena such as the
spontaneous formation of lanes can be explained
and modelled as individual motion and interactions
(Helbing et al. 2001; Moussaïd et al. 2009).
While these approaches have advanced our
ability to describe and predict crowd movements at
large, these models often do not yet consider the
effects of social density and crowding on the way-
finding behaviour of individuals. Moreover, it is im-
portant to understand how being in a crowd influ-
ences broader emotional and cognitive processes,
from attention to spatial perception and user expe-
riences. It is still unclear how individuals move and
use wayfinding within different situations and how
people will react to the ‘everyday’ levels of social
density, such as those encountered in dense and
vibrant urban districts.
Aims
In this context, the Cognition Perception
and Behaviour in Urban Environments research pro-
ject sets out two primary research aims, namely to:
1 understand the cognitive, perceptual and emo-
tional aspects of navigation in densely populated,
mixed-use and multilevel urban environments;
2 contribute towards a human-centred perspective
in the design process by providing empirical data
about user needs and the capabilities required
to inform design decisions with scientific theo-
ries and observations about human cognition
perception and behaviour.
131 Architectural ­Psychology for Mixed-Use Cities
There are manifold challenges and impli-
cations within this research agenda. First, to under-
stand ‘architectural cognition’, in other words how
people perceive, make sense and create mental rep-
resentations of space (cognitive maps) and how these
guide their behaviour through space, is an important
step in creating architectural and urban environments
RESPONSIVE CITIES
that welcome individuals’ needs and desires. Sec-
ond, while most of our focus is directed towards
empirical research, in order to conduct research that
is transformative, it is equally important to engage
closely with architecture and planning. How can the
B
knowledge or methods of spatial cognition research
enter into design and planning practice? In this con-
INDICIA 02
text, the challenge is to explore how scientific knowl-
edge and methods fit into different stages of design
practice. Knowledge and insights may be relevant
FCL
during the early stages of ideation and brief devel-
opment while virtual reality experiments and simu-
lation methods have increased relevance during the
pre-occupancy evaluations of early design variations,
or the late ‘fine-tuning’ of architectural details or en-
vironmental design.
Methodologies
In our investigations of ‘architectural cog-
nition’, we employ four different research methods
from cognitive science, computer science, architec-
tural analysis and environmental psychology: spatial
analysis, real-world behavioural experiments, virtual
reality behavioural experiments and simulations of
human behaviour (Figure 2).
Whereas these four methods are often used
independently in scientific research or architectural
design, we explore how they can be applied in an
intertwined manner to cross-pollinate research ques-
tions and findings. For example, as part of our effort
to develop ‘plausible’ cognitive agent-based models
with a high degree of correspondence to human
behaviour, real-world experiments produce data to
calibrate the model based on the performance of
humans. Similarly, a virtual reality experiment is often
designed to investigate a specific factor of interest
in isolation that was initially identified in a real-world
experiment or, conversely, a real-world experiment
can follow up a VR one to validate an observation in
a real setting and produce results of high ecological
validity.
1 Problem Definition 2 Behavioural Methods 3 Computational Methods 4 Design Process 5 Evidence-Based Design eliminate confounding factors, such as the uncon- Data
trolled variations of passing traffic, crowds, noise
Parametrise New directions
Spatial or temperature, amongst others. Notably, virtual real- A variety of different data sets can be gen-
Real World Outreach
Calibrate Analysis Inform ity is increasingly used in the research and practice erated from the above four research methods to ex-
of architectural design offering new ways of ‘devel- amine different aspects of human-environment in-
opment in praxis’, allowing collaboration, conceptu- teractions. From an individual’s perspective, it is
alisation (Portman et al. 2015) and even client-facing important to assess one’s own ability to learn a lay-

RESPONSIVE CITIES
Existing communication aspects of the design process. out or the heuristics used to search for a destination.
Environments Validation &
Isolate Embed in Scenario Future Cities
(Buildings, Factors
Ecological Parametrise
workflow testing Spatial analysis methods can support our Conversely, from an environmental perspective, it is
districts, etc.) Validity
intuitive understanding of how the configuration of useful for architects and planners to know where to
spaces affords and generates patterns of human be- place wayfinding information, and whether certain
haviour, such as movement, occupancy or ease of environmental characteristics make urban spaces
Design

B
Parametrise Variations Cognition in wayfinding in architectural or urban space. An ex- harder to learn, more susceptible to wayfinding er-
Virtual ample of this would be space syntax analysis, a set rors or even lead to spatial anxiety.

INDICIA 02
Simulations Architectural
Reality Calibrate Assessing
of theories and analytical tools which stem from the Real-world and virtual reality experiments
performance Practice
premise that a building or a city can be considered a in wayfinding produce data sets with trajectories of
Identifying human Understanding human Simulating human Integrating knowledge, Addressing the needs, network of interconnected spaces, which can be an- the movement of individuals in buildings or the urban

challenges in the urban behaviour in naturalistic behaviour realistically by insights and decision-
and architectural tasks, augmented with cognitively plausible support tools in the
environment mobile eye tracking and agent-behaviour design process
psychophysiological
methods
Fig. 2 Four research methods to investigate spatial cognition perception and behaviour
in urban environments. The interdependencies of research methods that form part
of our process for understanding and anticipating human behaviour in the built
environment and contributing to transformative outcomes.
Finally, although not strictly a ‘method’, our
such as large and complex buildings, have been the
research in Singapore is increasingly focused on canvas of spatial cognition research over the past
high-density, mixed-use urban environments, which few decades. The experimental procedure involves
frequently take the shape of commercial spaces and volunteer participants who are invited to navigate
shopping centres adjacent to transit hubs, such as towards familiar or novel destinations while a re-
the retail environments around Singapore’s Orchard searcher collects data about their wayfinding be-
Road MRT or the Jurong East area. These areas effec- haviour: their trajectory through the building, where
tively serve as the foci of, as well as the canvas for,
they stop, where they seek information from signage
experimental studies. Spatial complexity is the first or maps, and more. Such behavioural data can be
motivation to conduct experimentation in those augmented with eye tracking ​— ​monitoring the gaze
spaces in order to understand how people negotiate patterns of a person to understand information pro-
vertically and horizontally extended urban spaces or cessing ​— ​or psychophysiological measurements,
the mesmerising daily oscillations of human crowds. such as skin conductance or heart rate, to corrobo-
A second equally important motivation is that, due rate individuals’ emotional responses to an environ-
to their centrality in the functioning of the city, these
ment (Cacioppo et al. 2000 [2000]).
case studies are informative for understanding the In virtual reality experiments, participants
implications of architectural and urban design on are also asked to complete wayfinding and other
human behaviour and experience. tasks, with the difference that they experience the
environment through an HMD or inside an immer-
sive projection system (CAVE). While this sometimes
Methods raises issues of ecological validity (for example, due
to the fact that there is a narrower visual field or that
Wayfinding experiments in existing settings moving in virtual space does not engage the pro-
(often called ‘real-world’ to distinguish from exper- prioceptive or vestibular senses as the person is
iments conducted in virtual reality environments), physically static), VR studies allow researchers to
abilities and desires of
people, while striving for
a human-friendly city
alysed using graph theory. Combined with evidence
that people navigate such a network using lines of
sight and with a preference for more direct routes
towards their destination (for a recent review, see
Peponis 2016), such analysis can help predict which
spaces are more likely to be visited or whether the
layout of an environment is ‘legible’ and understood
by its users (Hillier et al 1987; Long and Baran 2012).
Finally, we apply simulation techniques,
such as agent-based modelling (ABM), to study spa-
tial perception and behaviour. ABM consists of a
system of virtual, computational ‘agents’ that per-
form behaviours or processes autonomously. In our
case, virtual agents complete wayfinding tasks and
act independently based on simple rules (for exam-
ple, follow a sign). Simulation allows us to understand
the intricate mechanism of a system without actually
constructing it, and also exposes the unexpected
phenomenal behaviour of a system, which would
have not been possible to imagine. Finally, simula-
tion gives us the freedom to perform ‘what if’ anal-
ysis. For example, ABM is often used for capacity
planning for public spaces (for applications of ABM
in transport planning, see ‘Transportation Flows in
Future Cities’).
These four methods are mutually interde-
pendent ​— ​as the results of one method are used to
initiate research on another ​— ​drawing data, insights,
theorisation or identifying open questions that war-
rant more investigation.
FCL
environment and other markers of interest, such as
the location of stops or navigation errors, where they
look for information, and more. This data contains
the Euclidean, or geographic, coordinates of the par-
ticipant at any given time: {x, y, z, t}. At a first level, the
trajectory of participants through the various locations
of a building tells us about the distance walked and
can be processed to compute where collective behav-
iours occur, where people make decisions, which
paths or spaces are traversed more frequently and the
areas where people feel disoriented more often. Yet,
at a second level, we can estimate higher-order pro-
cesses, such as spatial learning for example, by test-
ing whether participants progressively become more
efficient while they learn a building over time (for exam-
ple, taking the shortest path between locations).
Self-reporting, such as individuals’ own rec-
ollections or judgements about their experiences
or thought processes, can also help evaluate their
emotional appraisal or the criteria and strategies they
used to resolve wayfinding tasks. The measurement
of psychophysiological data is used to assess partic-
ipants’ reactions to different environmental condi-
tions. For example, short-term or long-lasting changes
in skin-­conductance levels (a by-product of sweat
gland activity and physiological arousal) can be used
to establish arousal levels across various tasks, envi-
ronmental conditions or locations (Boucsein et al.
2012). Such data are also accompanied by demo-
graphic and psychometric data to allow us to exam-
ine the effect of secondary factors on way­finding
tasks, such as age, edu­cational background or a
general ability to orientate.

132 133 Architectural ­Psychology for Mixed-Use Cities

 Using spatial analysis and simulation data,
we can compute the configurational properties of a
network of spaces, for example, if they are organised
in a ‘legible’ hierarchy, where there is higher likeli-
hood of passing by a space. New tools that we are
currently developing increasingly allow us to quantify
information from signage, such as what the amount
of information from signage at a specific location is
or whether there is insufficient information to guide
pedestrian flows (Dubey et al. 2017).
Cases (1 or 2)
As outlined in Hölscher et al. (2017), we have
now conducted a series of experiments at the West-
gate shopping mall in the Jurong East area of Singa-
pore. Westgate is a mixed-use building that includes
a commercial podium with two underground levels
and five aboveground levels (storeys), as well as a
150-metre-tall office tower. Due to its positioning, ad-
jacent to the local MRT station, Westgate is ‘pierced’
on the second level by a precinct-wide elevated walk-
way that connects remote parts of the district with
the transit hub, allowing residents and visitors alike
to move between buildings without needing to go
to street level. It is embedded in a large urban pre-
cinct that combines high-­density housing estates
and commercial and office spaces. Thus, the build-
ing undergoes a process of twofold intensification.
Not only is it a destination that hosts a diverse set
of activities, from retail and dining to childcare, but
as the precinct-wide elevated pedestrian network
pierces through the building, it also doubles as a
public walkway.
In this setting, we conducted a set of way-
finding experiments ​— ​both in the real-world setting
(Jazuk et al., forthcoming) and, subsequently, in vir-
tual reality (Li et al., forthcoming). A researcher met
each participant individually at the MRT station, ex-
plained the procedure and obtained their written
consent to participate in the study, then later fol-
lowed participants during their wayfinding, noting
their trajectories on a map and administering ques-
tionnaires. Participants were given several everyday
wayfinding tasks, for example, to search for and find
a specific shop within the mall, and then return to the
starting point. Participants had to repeat such tasks
multiple times to explore how their route-choices
134
changed as they progressively became better ac-
quainted with the building, which, in turn, indicated
whether they preferred or avoided the more crowded
walkways and what their emotional experience was,
depending on the degree of social density.
This type of experiment allows us to estab-
lish people’s wayfinding strategies, as well as the
effect of social density (crowding), against a wide
variety of measures. From their wayfinding decisions,
participants’ demographic information about their
age, gender, education and socio-economic status
can be associated with resulting behaviours. Yet,
such a real-world experiment leaves multiple ques-
tions unanswered. Despite our efforts to conduct
the experiment at specific times in order to coun-
terbalance high and low levels of social density in
the building, it is not possible to precisely control the
exact levels of social density, ambient noise, temper-
ature and humidity over the period of several weeks
of data collection. To address these limitations, we
created a virtual reality ‘replica’ of the same building,
even including simulated crowds. This allowed us
to study the effects of crowds on wayfinding behav-
iour, asking participants to find locations within the
building while exposed to different levels of social
density. This approach will allow us to disentangle
the influence of spatial and social parameters, from
the complexity of the building layout to the presence
of crowd flows.
Simulation
Yet, understanding and anticipating behav-
iour does not stop there. Simulation of human be-
haviour is a powerful medium for investigating po-
tential human-­environment interactions. It provides
a method for studying a problem at a different level
of abstraction. In an applied context, such as the
design of a building, simulation can equip a design
team with feedback before the project is even com-
pleted. Currently, in our methodology, we focus on
the perception processes underlying wayfinding
behaviour, with the specific aim of quantifying how
much wayfinding information is perceived by a per-
son in a given space. To calibrate and refine the per-
formance of such a simulation, behavioural experi-
ments with human participants are used to determine
the influence of different parameters (for example, the
distance and angle of view of a sign) on perception
and information processing (Moussaïd et al. 2009).
Here, the interest is both the effect of individual units
of information, such as the visibility of a sign, as well
as ambient environmental conditions ​— ​for instance,
does crowdedness influence people’s ability to ef-
fectively utilise signage?
Imagine you are in a busy airport terminal,
rushing towards the departure gate. Something as
simple as not identifying a correct turn could lead
to a missed flight. Indeed, a number of internal and
external factors can impede perception ​— ​stress,
other people, the efficient positioning of signage ​—​ all
interact in order for wayfinding to be successful. In-
deed, built spaces are filled with sources of uncer-
tainty, such as noise, occlusion and miscalculation
in the position of an object, that influence the amount
of information a person is likely to perceive. Imagine
you are the designer of such a space; it can be ex-
traordinarily challenging to envision all the possible
scenarios of movement within the building. How can
you anticipate where people will need more infor-
mation or establish the ideal position to place that
information?
Here ‘information theory’ is a powerful con-
cept that enables us to quantify such uncertainties
on their own, and in combination. Information theory,
first proposed by the American mathematician Claude
Shannon, is the branch of mathematics used to de-
scribe how uncertainty can be quantified, manipu-
lated and represented (Ghahramani 2006). According
to Shannon and Weaver (1949), any communication
system can be characterised with respect to this un-
certainty and the information being transmitted. In
terms of wayfinding, a building (or indeed any envi-
ronment) can be thought of as a communication sys-
tem, where the environment is the sender ‘emitting’
information, where human perception and cognition
are the channels that process this information (but
have limited bandwidth, like our vision or attention)
and, ultimately, the receiver of this information con-
structs a mental representation of space on the basis
of the information received.
Based on this information-theoretic ap-
proach, we create abstractions of perception pro-
cesses, and we develop mathematical models of
information exchanges within a system ​— ​in this case,
a person who is navigating an unfamiliar building
using the available signage. Then, we can compute
135 Architectural ­Psychology for Mixed-Use Cities
both the information available at any point, as well as
its uncertainty. Thus, we are developing a ‘cognitive’,
agent-based simulation, thoroughly grounded and
validated and based on real-world/virtual reality ex-
periments with volunteers. Such systems will be used
to anticipate specific user behaviours, in interaction
with the properties of the built environment, with
RESPONSIVE CITIES
the aim of facilitating the design processes of com-
plex and cognitively demanding architectural and
urban environments.
B
Conclusion and Outlook
INDICIA 02
The research of the Cognition Perception
and Behaviour in Urban Environments project is aimed
at increasing our understanding of how people nav-
FCL
igate, perceive and learn, and how they experience
their surrounding environment. This investigation
of the relationship and interactions between people
and their architectural and urban environments
involves an intertwined set of multidisciplinary meth-
odologies, including behavioural wayfinding exper-
iments in the real world and in virtual reality envi-
ronments, spatial analysis and simulation methods.
Our case studies are focused on densely populated
multilevel buildings and precincts that are critical
parts of contemporary urban developments and an
important node of everyday life in Southeast Asian
metropolises. Currently, we are beginning to apply
these research methodologies in a design policy con-
text to better understand and plan for urban devel-
opments with high pedestrian volumes as part of
the research project ‘Pedestrian Comfort in High
Pedestrian Activity Areas’, in collaboration with Sin-
gapore’s Urban Redevelopment Authority, Land
Transport Authority and Housing and Development
Board. In the coming years, we will bring existing
knowledge, ongoing and new research findings into
closer exchange with designers, policy makers and
stakeholders to make a transformative contribution
to the practice of evidence-based design, taking into
consideration how people perceive, navigate and
experience urban spaces.
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cities.2010.09.004
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Rebecca H. Hunter, Lynda
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Prime Minister’s Office 2013), it is inevitable that the UHI effect will
jpah.2014-0577 also increase unless mitigating action is taken. Addressing the urban
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in cognitive maps:
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order to ensure liveability by providing actionable knowledge to policy
differences in navigation’, makers. The focus of Cooling Singapore can be summarised by three
Journal of Experimental
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primary objectives:
Memory, and Cognition,
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1 Development of a UHI mitigation roadmap,
a0035261 2 Identification of knowledge and technology gaps, and
3 Establishment of a UHI Task Force.
137 Cooling Singapore