Professional Documents
Culture Documents
A2 Religion Chapter e
A2 Religion Chapter e
A2 Sociology
for AQA
Chris Livesey & Tony Lawson
Hodder Arnold
A MEMBER OF THE HODDER HEADLINE GROUP
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Acknowledgements
While writing can, at the best of times, be a The publishers wish to thank the following
solitary experience, a number of people have for permission to use copyright material:
helped me through the long, dark, winter
TopFoto.co.uk for photographs on p. 7, p.
months.
95, p. 228, p.324, p. 386 and p. 503.
On a personal level, I want to recognise the Anthony Harvey/PA/Empics for photograph
help and support of: on p. 15.
Everett Collection/Rex Features for
Julia, my wife.
photograph on p. 27.
Anne and John, my parents.
Pier Paolo Cito/AP/Empics for photograph
Keith and Kevin, my brothers.
on p. 43.
On a professional level I’d like to thank Sipa Press/Rex Features for image on p. 48.
everyone at Hodder who’s been involved in Francoise Sauze/Science Photo Library for
some way in the production of the text. In photograph on p.52.
particular, I’d like to acknowledge the help EDPpics/D. Bradley/Rex Features for
(and patience) of Colin Goodlad, Matthew photograph on p. 62.
Sullivan and Matthew Smith (the person Sinopix/Rex Features for photograph on p.
responsible for originally getting this show 72.
on the road). TopFoto/Empics for photographs on p. 106
and p. 166.
On both a personal and professional level I’d
Peter Jordan/PA/Empics for the ‘anti-fox
also like to acknowledge (and thank) Tony
hunting’ photograph on p. 113.
Lawson for his contribution to the text. I’d
National Pictures/TopFoto.co.uk for the
like to think it’s a much better effort for his
‘pro-fox hunting’ photograph on p. 113.
able assistance.
TopFoto/UPP for photograph on p. 136.
Finally, to paraphrase the mighty Arcade BBC Photo Library for photograph on
Fire: p. 142.
TopFoto/KPA for photograph on p. 145.
Consider this text a tunnel.
PA/Empics for photographs on p. 173 and
Yeah, a tunnel – From my window to yours.
p. 377.
Meet me in the middle, the empty middle
Ingram for photographs on p. 185 and p. 224.
ground.
Apichart Weerawong/AP/Empics for
And since there’s no one else around,
photograph on p. 191.
We’ll let our time grow long,
Photodisk for photograph on p. 210.
And remember everything we’ve come to
Removing Unfreedoms
know.
(www.removingunfreedoms.org) for
v
Chris Livesey ‘measuring unfreedoms’ table on p. 215
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The Image Works/TopFoto.co.uk for the Richard Young/Rex Features for photograph
photograph on p. 235. on p. 460.
Dr David Gatley/Staffordshire Record 24/7 Media/Rex Features for photograph on
Society for ‘Age-Sex Pyramid for Stoke- p. 463.
upon-Trent (UK), 1701’, p. 256. TopFoto/Keystone for photograph on p. 467.
Global Forum for Health Research for Oxford University Press for ‘Hakim’s (2000)
‘Yearly health spending per capita’ table on classification of women’s work-lifestyle
p. 258 preferences in the 21st century’, p. 490.
20th Century Fox/Everett/Rex Features for
photograph on p. 278. All other cartoons are by © Barking Dog
Richard Gardner/Rex Features for Art.
photograph on p. 294.
BSIP, Chassenet/Science Photo Library for National Office of Statistics Material is
photograph on p. 306. reproduced under the terms of the Click-Use
Science & Society Picture Library for License.
photograph on p. 366.
Professor Jock Young for ‘The square of Every effort has been made to trace and
crime’, p. 396. acknowledge ownership of copyright. The
Jacquemart Closon/Rex Features for publishers will be glad to make suitable
photograph on p. 408. arrangements with any copyright holders
Caroline Hodges Persell for ‘Wright and whom it has not been possible to contact.
Perrone’s class schema’, p. 457.
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them to reflect on – and expand – the feel is generally reflected in the structure of
information presented through the text. AQA A2 examination questions).
Each exercise has been designed to flow In terms of the latter we decided to add a
naturally from the text and generally couple of extra features to the A2 text.
requires little or no prior preparation by
students or teachers. Having said this, The Potting Shed involves
some of the exercises take the form of questions that reflect the structure
simulations that require students to take of the smaller-mark exam questions
on various roles as part of the overall (requiring students to ‘identify and explain’
discussion process; these, reflecting the something, for example). These short,
fact they are slightly more complex than relatively simple, questions have also been
the standard exercises, require a relatively designed to help students make synoptic
simple level of prior organisation and links between, for example, A2 and AS
preparation. modules (once again reflecting the general
• Discussion Points provide opportunities structure of the smaller-mark AQA exam
for students to discuss or debate different questions).
ideas – something we felt would be useful
to build into the overall design to help Weeding the Path: The most
students clarify and express their thinking significant change between the A2
in a relatively structured way. Some of and AS text, reflecting the fact that A2
the discussion points are tightly- study requires students to use evaluation
constructed around a particular issue, skills more rigorously than at AS, is the
while others are more loosely constructed addition of clearly-signposted evaluation
to allow students greater scope for material. Although such material runs
discussion and debate. throughout the text (at its most basic, of
course, being by juxtaposition) we felt it
In terms of our second aim, although would be helpful to draw students’ attention
structural continuity was important when more specifically to this type of information.
designing this text, we also wanted to
reflect the fact that A2 study involves Finally, although this A2 text, like its AS
both greater theoretical and evaluative counterpart, is focused around helping
depth. students work their way successfully through
In relation to the former we were the AQA A-level Sociology course, we hope
conscious of the need to strike a balance we’ve managed to produce a text that, while
between classical (Marx, Durkheim, Weber informative and challenging to all abilities
and the like) and contemporary sociological and interests, is one you will enjoy reading –
theory (writers such as Luhmann, not only because (we trust) it will help you
Baudrillard and Foucault), on the basis that, achieve the best possible grade in your
while it’s important for students and examination but also, more importantly
teachers to have access to contemporary perhaps, because we firmly believe that
material, we shouldn’t lose sight of the Sociology is a fascinating subject to study in
classical origins of sociology (something we its own right.
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CHAPTER 1
Religion
In this chapter we’re going to examine the concept of religion from a variety of angles, from thinking about different
types of religious organisation (such as churches and sects), through the role of religion in society (as a force for
conservation or change, for example), to the relationship between religious beliefs and behaviours. In the
concluding section we will examine the question of whether or not religion is a declining force in contemporary
societies.
In this opening section, however, we’re going to look at two broad areas. First, how we can define religion, and
second, different explanations for the existence and persistence of religious beliefs and practices in human
societies.
in reality there are wide variations in religion is difficult to define because of its
both beliefs and practices: ‘dual character’ – it is, for example, both:
• historically – in the same society over • Individual in that it involves a
time diversity of beliefs and practices and a
• contemporaneously – in the same variety of ways to ‘be religious’, some of
society at the same time which involve the communal practice
of religious beliefs, such as attending
• cross-culturally – between different
religious ceremonies; others of which
societies.
do not (it is possible, for example, to
For example, in terms of: consider yourself a ‘Christian’ without
Beliefs, some forms (such as Christianity, ever setting foot inside a church).
Judaism and Islam) involve the worship of a • Social in the sense that religions
single god (monotheism), whereas other forms perform certain functions for the
(such as paganism) involve the worship of society in which they exist – things
many different gods (polytheism) – and some like socialisation (moral values, for
forms don’t involve worshiping ‘god’ at all example), social solidarity (giving
(the North American Sioux, for example, people a sense they have things in
understood the world in terms of Waken common) and social control.
Beings or Powers – the expression of
anything ‘incomprehensible’). In terms of:
Practices, some forms allow direct The potting shed
communication with God through prayer, Identify and briefly explain one function
but others do not. of religion for individuals and one
function for society.
• Constituency: McGuire (2002) suggests
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Religion
aspects’ of social life play a significant role in Inclusive approaches consider religion in
‘marking important life transitions’. In some the broadest possible terms, in order to
forms of Judaism, for example, the Bar explore the forms and functions of ‘religious-
Mitzvah (for boys aged 13) and Bat Mitzvah type’ belief systems (ideologies). This
(for girls aged 12) symbolise a rite of passage (a approach, therefore, focuses on identifying
ceremony marking the passing between life and explaining the social and individual
stages) between childhood and adulthood. purposes religious beliefs and organisations
Intensification rites, meanwhile, function exist to satisfy, which would include ideas
to ‘mark group occasions’ and involve the like:
‘expression and affirmation of common
• social integration – exploring, for
values’ – in other words, religious
example, how religious-type beliefs
ceremonies (such as church services) or
promote common norms and values
festivals (such as Christmas) have an
integration function, binding people together • social solidarity – examining, for
through the beliefs and practices they share. example, how a common religious-type
In this respect, functional definitions are belief system serves as a source of personal
broader in scope and include a wider range of and social identity.
ideas and beliefs under the general heading of This approach, therefore, considers religion
religion than their substantive counterparts. both in terms of how we see it
Interpretive conventionally (a belief in the existence of
god, for example) and in forms we generally
Interpretive definitions focus on how people don’t consider to be ‘religious’; political
(in different societies and at different times) ideologies (such as communism) could, for
‘define a situation’ as being religious or not example, be included as ‘religious-type’
religious. In other words, rather than a belief systems here, mainly because they
sociologist, for example, creating a involve elements of:
‘definition of religion’ against which to Faith: Like conventional forms of
measure the extent to which some forms of religion, political ideologies require their
behaviour are considered ‘religious’, followers to obey certain articles and
definitions develop, according to Blasi principles of faith, often in return for some
(1998), out of how people define their promised goal. For some religions the
behaviour. In this respect, ‘religion’ and promised goal might be a place in heaven
‘religious behaviour’ are effectively whatever (Christianity) or rebirth into a higher social
people claim them to be. position (Hinduism) whereas in a ‘political
faith’ such as communism the promised
goal is a fairer, more equal (egalitarian)
Digging deeper: Defining society.
religion Function: The way beliefs differ in terms
Sociological approaches to understanding of their specific content is less important
the role of religion can be broadly classified than the fact that they function in similar
in terms of two general categories (inclusive ways – sharing beliefs, for example, promotes
and exclusive): the idea of belonging to a community of
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Further examples?
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conventions (a western soap opera has (Sunni and Shia) and between religions
different conventions to a hospital-based (such as Hinduism and Sikhism).
soap opera). In this small world there is only
one universe of meaning and the actors ‘take Inclusiveness
this world for granted’. Actors in a police For interactionists, religion in modern
drama, for example, do not suddenly start societies is but one cosmology in an
acting as if they were in a western. To do so increasingly diverse system of competing
would be inconceivable within the cosmologies, and in this respect they tend to
conventions set by the particular genre adopt a generally:
(type). We can apply these ideas to the Inclusive approach to religion by
distinction developed by Weber (1905), focusing on the role of religion as a belief
when he talked about different types of system; for example, their interest lies in
society: exploring how religious ideologies provide an
Traditional or pre-modern societies may organising structure to our lives. The specific
involve only one universe of meaning content of religious beliefs is, consequently,
because they are closed systems – societies not of primary significance. One reason for
where one belief system is continually this, perhaps, is expressed in the concept of:
emphasised and socialised into individuals, Plausibility: For interactionists (as, to
to the exclusion of all other belief systems. some extent, with postmodernists) religious
The role and behaviour of the Roman beliefs persist only for as long as they are
Catholic Church in Britain in the Middle believed (plausible). In this respect,
Ages is an example here since it was able to Luckmann (1967) suggests we should
monopolise knowledge about the world (in distinguish between two ‘plausibility spheres’:
the absence of alternative belief systems
• The public – where religions are forced
such as science) and, most importantly, use
to ‘compete’ with other belief systems in
this knowledge to suppress alternative belief
terms of how they explain the social and
systems. Boronski (1987) notes how the
natural worlds.
Catholic Church tried to prevent the spread
of Galileo’s scientific ideas about the nature • The private – the realm of individual
of the universe because they posed a threat beliefs. In this sphere, questions of
to the prevailing religious cosmology. personal identity, what happens when
Modern societies, such as contemporary you die, and so forth, are reduced to
Britain, involve many possible ‘universes of private, personal concerns to which
meaning’ – religion, science, politics, and so religion may provide plausible answers
forth. These ‘universes’ are not necessarily: (sometimes in the absence of any other
sort of answer).
• separate – political ideas may be rooted
in religious beliefs – or
Digging deeper:
• homogeneous: There are a variety of Interactionist theories
religious universes, both within religions The inclusive nature of interactionist
like Christianity (Roman Catholicism approaches leads Berger (1967) to argue
and Protestantism, for example) or Islam that religion takes on the form of a:
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choose Christian friends and others do not.’ Although this makes it particularly
In other words, the suggestion is that difficult to talk convincingly about
specifically religious beliefs persist because postmodernist approaches to religion, there
they serve important and significant are arguably a range of general concepts
functions for both the individual and society. employed by postmodernists that can be
Conflict: Although we’ve talked about applied to an understanding of such
conflicts between different belief systems behaviour. In this respect, a couple of
(such as those of religion and science) it is concepts are initially significant.
clear there are also conflicts within religion Narratives: This idea holds, rightly or
as a belief system. New Age religions wrongly, that knowledge consists of stories
(involving things like crystal healing) have that compete with one another to explain
little or nothing in common with traditional something. From this position religion
religions (such as Christianity or Islam), represents just another form of narrative –
aside from their general classification as one that, more importantly, can sometimes
‘religions’, and this makes it difficult to be considered a:
support the idea of religion as a single belief Metanarrative (or ‘big story’): Narratives
system or universe of meaning. sometimes break out of small-scale
storytelling and become all-encompassing
stories that seek to explain ‘everything about
Preparing the ground: something’ (or, in some cases, ‘everything
Postmodernist about everything’, to paraphrase
approaches Vaillancourt-Rosenau’s (1992)
As Grassie (1997) notes, ‘postmodernism characterisation of the ‘religion
represents a great range of philosophical metanarrative’). Religious metanarratives, in
points of view’ and reflects what he terms ‘a this sense, represent a general structure or
broad and elusive movement of thought’. It is, framework around which individual beliefs,
in other words, an approach to thinking about practices and experiences can be orientated
the social world that encompasses a wide and, of course, ordered. It also follows from
range of different viewpoints gathered under this that metanarratives invariably involve a
the theoretically convenient (but potentially claim to exclusive truth about whatever it is
misleading) banner of postmodernism. This they’re explaining.
does present us with a couple of problems, of The idea of religion as a metanarrative
course, the main one being that, when has two significant implications. First, for
thinking specifically about religion, Lyotard (1979), the postmodern condition
postmodernism doesn’t present a particularly involves an ‘incredulity toward
unified face to the world. This ‘lack of metanarratives’ – a general disbelief that any
theoretical unity’ is reflected in Taylor’s single set of beliefs has a monopoly of truth.
(1987) observation that ‘for some, Second, Ritzer (1992) argues that
postmodernism suggests the death of God and postmodern approaches represent an ‘assault
the disappearance of religion, for others, the on structure . . . and structural approaches’ to
return of traditional faith, and for others still, understanding and explanation.
the possibility of recasting religious ideas’. In general terms, therefore,
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Religion
postmodernists argue that the structural In this respect, Jencks (1996) notes how
frameworks that in the past supported ‘the Post-Modern Age is a time of incessant
organised religions (their ability to explain choosing. It’s an era when no orthodoxy can
the nature of the world, for example) be adopted without self-consciousness and
increasingly come under attack from irony, because all traditions seem to have
competing world views – from the sixteenth some validity . . . Pluralism, the “ism” of our
century onwards in Western Europe, for time, is both the great problem and the great
example, this has involved the rise of opportunity’.
scientific explanations. Many things that The outcome of choice – and a plurality
were once plausibly explained by religion of opportunities, meanings and behaviours –
are now more plausibly explained by is that religious symbols, for example, lose
scientific narratives – and, in consequence, much of their original meaning and power
the metanarrative foundations of organised as they are adopted into the everyday
religions are undermined by competing (profane) world of fashion and display. An
explanations and systematically: example here is the co-option of Rastafarian
Deconstructed: That is, broken down, in religious signs and symbols (such as
two ways: a decline in the ability of religion dreadlocks) into some parts of mainstream
to exert power and control over people’s fashion.
lives and a gradual retreat into what are Religious practice, therefore, no longer
termed ‘local narratives’, or small stories holds a central place in people’s everyday
about people’s situations and circumstances. life or identity; instead, it lives on as a set of
In other words, religion, where it continues accoutrements and adornments to the
to exert influence, does so in terms of construction of identity – something that
individual: occurs not only in the world of objects (rings
Identities: In postmodern society people
are exposed to a variety of sources of
information and ideas that compete for
attention – the world is no longer one
where meaning and truth can be imposed
and policed by elites, for example. On the
contrary, people are increasingly presented
with a range of choices and critiques that
encourages:
• scepticism towards metanarratives – for
every ‘big story’ there is a multitude of
‘alternative stories’
• hybridity: Postmodern society encourages
the development of cultural hybrids – new
ways of thinking and acting that develop Dreadlocks were originally popularised by
the Rastafarian movement in the 1960s –
out of the combination of old ways of although their origins seem to go back to
behaving. places such as Ancient Egypt . . .
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The above suggests some forms of religious belief and practice are bound up with the idea of
consumption – that religion, for example, has meaning in terms of fashion and lifestyle. Think
about and discuss the following:
• What examples of ‘religious lifestyle shopping’ can you identify?
• To what extent do you think ‘religious symbols’ have become fashion items to adorn a
particular lifestyle?
• How does the combination of religious beliefs and individual lifestyle choices reflect
postmodern ideas about the role of religion in contemporary societies?
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decline in overt forms of religious practice religions, by removing choice, also remove risk.
(such as attendance at religious ceremonies) The individual, by being given clear moral
sits alongside a reinvigoration of both public guidelines, has the ‘dread of risk taking’ (and
and private religious practice (in the USA, the consequences of those risks) removed.
for example, church attendances are
generally rising). The basic idea here,
therefore, is that religion actually becomes Weeding the path
less important to people in terms of practice, Ideas about the relationship between
but more important as a source of personal postmodernity and religious fundamentalism
and social identity. In a world that appears need to be considered in relation to two
increasingly confusing and unstable, ideas; first, that such fundamentalism is not
religions become beacons of order and necessarily new (it has existed at various
stability by their ability to produce moral times throughout history) and second,
certainties. whether contemporary forms of
Thus, in a world of moral relativism – fundamentalism are actually linked with
where one set of beliefs and values is as good postmodernity, per se, or some other socio-
(or bad) as any other – religions are economic processes.
reinvigorated precisely because what they
have to offer is no worse than any other The final idea we can note is:
form of explanation (and, possibly, a good Meaning: For many postmodernist
deal more attractive than some). In this writers, religious signs and symbols have lost
respect, Bauman (1992) argues, their ‘original’ meaning – they become, in
‘postmodernity can be seen as restoring . . . a Baudrillard’s (1998) terms:
re-enchantment of the world that modernity Simulacra, or things that simulate
tried hard to disenchant’. Bauman (1997) something that may once have been real.
also addresses the issue of religious: These simulations are not imitations; they
Fundamentalism: This represents a form are just as real as the things they simulate –
of religious belief and organisation that televised religious services, for example, give
advocates a strict observance of the the appearance of participation in a real
‘fundamental beliefs’ of a religion, whether it religious service, although, of course, the
be of the Christian variety in the USA or two experiences are quantitatively and
the Islamic variety in Iran. For Bauman, qualitatively different. For Baudrillard,
fundamentalist religions draw their strength religious simulacra give the appearance of
from the ability to provide certainties in an religiosity (wearing a cross, for example), but
uncertain world – from a belief in the are, he argues, actually empty and devoid of
principles laid down in the Old Testament any original meaning they once had – they
of Christianity (an ‘eye for an eye’, for ‘simulate divinity’, as he puts it, and in so
example) to the clear specification of how doing devalue both the meaning and
men and women should dress and behave in substance of religion. Sedgwick (2004),
Islam. Bauman’s ideas, in this respect, link meanwhile, suggests this argument is
to Beck’s (1992) concept of: overstated when he notes the distinction
Risk in the sense that fundamentalist between:
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Religion
Economic Base
It can help to think about society as a dome resting on economic foundations – the dome
itself involves ideological institutions such as religion.
Ten Commandments Not stealing or being jealous of the things owned by others
Reincarnation In the Hindu religion, if you obey religious law in this life you will be
reborn in a higher social position in your next life
Further examples?
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From this position religion is seen as an: world could legitimately be portrayed
Ideological framework (or belief system) as ‘god-given’ and consequently
that helps to shape the way people see the beyond the power of people to change
world; its role, in capitalist society, is to • legitimising economic exploitation: If
‘represent the world’ in a way that reflects God made the world, it was not the
and supports the existing economic order. In place of people to question this scheme
other words, religious ideologies represent:
• justifying poverty and inequality:
Legitimating myths about the world –
Poverty could be portrayed as a virtue –
‘propaganda stories’, in other words, whose
something to be endured in an
ultimate aim is to explain and justify the
uncomplaining fashion, since it was a
way society is ordered. Its role, in common
means of achieving true spiritual riches
with other cultural/ideological institutions in
in the afterlife (heaven).
capitalist society, is to uphold the status quo
(to keep things as they are). The power of religious ideology, for Marx,
In this respect, therefore, the role of wasn’t simply that it was ‘believed
religion in society is seen as both oppressive uncritically’ – its real power to convince was
and repressive. based on the fact that it could ‘do
something’ for believers, such as ‘dull the
• Oppressive: As Marx (1844) argued,
pain of oppression’ with its promise of
religion represented an ‘illusory
eternal life (Christianity) or reincarnation
happiness’ that prevented people finding
into a higher social caste (Hinduism) – as
‘real happiness’. The ‘need for illusions’
Marx (1844) expressed it: ‘Religious
about the world, he argued, stemmed
suffering is, at one and the same time, the
from the conditions under which people
expression of real suffering and a protest
lived. For most people living in Victorian
against real suffering. Religion is the sigh of
Britain, conditions were grim, and for
the oppressed creature, the heart of a
Marx the solution to their unhappy
heartless world, and the soul of soulless
situation was to remove the conditions
conditions. It is the opium of the people.’
that caused this (economic exploitation).
• Repressive: Although, like Durkheim
(1912), Marx saw religion as having an Discussion
integrating function, he also saw it as an
(ideological) agency of social control –
point: Drugged up?
one that teaches people to accept both In small groups, think about the following:
the world ‘as it is’ and, of course, their • What do you think Marx meant by the
position in that world. Religion, phrase ‘religion is the opium of the
therefore, served the interests of a ruling people’?
class by enforcing their ideological • Identify some ways religion is like a
domination of other classes – in Victorian powerful drug.
Britain, for example, religion promoted • If the religious are like (metaphorical) drug
these interests by: addicts, who supplies the drug and how
do these ‘drug dealers’ profit from religion?
• upholding the status quo: The social
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✼ SYNOPTIC LINK
Weeding the path
Stratification and differentiation: The
caste system is discussed in more detail as a
At this point, you may be thinking that
form of social stratification in the ‘Theories of even if alienation is ‘part of the problem’ it
stratification’ section. no longer seems very plausible (when
thinking about Britain in the twenty-first
century) to see religion playing the kind of
For traditional forms of Marxism, therefore, role described by Marx – and you’d probably
religion represents a form of: be right (which is as good a reason as any to
False consciousness – people are unaware look at both an evaluation of classical
they are being tricked into accepting a Marxism and some more-modern (neo)
situation that exploits them. By believing Marxist thinking about religion).
religious ideas people fail to see or
understand the real causes of their misery
and oppression – an exploitative economic Digging deeper: Marxist
system. Foucault (1983) captures this idea theories
quite neatly when he notes: ‘People know When we dig deeper into classical Marxist
what they do; they frequently know why theories of religion we can identify two
they do what they do; but what they don’t major problems, the first of which is:
know is what they do does.’ (Think about it False consciousness: There are a couple
– but not for too long.) of critical dimensions here:
Marx didn’t simply believe that by
exposing the oppressive role of religion • Historical: For false consciousness to be a
people would come to see their true factor in people’s oppression it is
interests. Religious beliefs, like any form of necessary for ‘the oppressed’ to be
ideology, don’t just exist as ideas imposed on ‘religious’ in terms of their beliefs and
the gullible. On the contrary, such beliefs practices. Turner (1983), however, has
are rooted deeply in the condition under argued that, historically, the working
which people live in capitalist society: classes have never been particularly
Alienation: In a competitive, exploitative religious (if you measure religious
society people gain little or no satisfaction or conviction in terms of church attendance,
fulfilment from either the work they do or involvement in and membership of
the relationships they form – they are, in religious groups and the like).
this respect, alienated from both themselves • Contemporary: Although there is a
and each other. In this situation, Marx diversity of religious beliefs and practices
(1844) argued, religion provided – at least at in modern Britain, it’s arguable that, in
the time he was writing – a sense of meaning terms of Christianity at least, religion
and purpose to life (albeit a false and illusory plays a relatively peripheral and superficial
meaning). role in the lives of most people (one
restricted, in many instances, to attending
things like weddings and funerals). In this
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Religion
respect, it’s difficult to see religion as involves the idea that beliefs about the
having much ideological significance for world are not simply imposed ‘from above’
the majority of people. (by a ruling class onto all other classes).
Rather, as Strinati (1995) suggests,
The second problem is that, for classical
dominant groups are able to maintain their
Marxism, religion was a largely conservative
dominant position through the ‘consent’ of
force (in the sense of broadly supporting the
subordinate groups. This ‘consent’ (for the
status quo). However, this is not necessarily
leadership in society by those who are led) is
the case, as the following examples show:
created through socialisation and force.
• The Iranian Revolution in 1979
Socialisation: Consent is ‘manufactured’
involved the overthrow of the (secular)
through ideological institutions (of which
regime of the Shah of Persia.
religion is but one). Althusser (1972)
• Liberation theology: Boff and Boff argued that we should see this aspect of
(1987) note the involvement of Roman ‘consent manufacture’ in terms of the
Catholic clerics in revolutionary political concept of:
movements in parts of South America
from the 1960s onwards. • ideological state apparatuses (ISAs) –
socialisation processes carried out by
• The Civil Rights Movement: In the
cultural institutions such as religion,
USA, from the 1960s onwards, social
education and the media.
change was promoted and supported by
Black religious activists and leaders (such Force: This aspect may come into play
as Martin Luther King). directly (through agencies such as the police
playing a repressive role in society), but one
of the subtleties of hegemonic arguments is
Weeding the path that ‘consent to leadership’ doesn’t actually
Seiler (2004) argues that the overall picture have to involve support for ‘dominant ideas’.
of the relationship between religion and its On the contrary, it’s possible to oppose
ability to promote social change is dominant ideas – but if you’re unable to do
complicated – he notes, for example: anything to change them you are effectively
‘Freedom is relative because it has its limits. lending them your consent. Althusser
In the case of Liberation Theology, for argued we should see this aspect of ‘consent
example, the Catholic Church hierarchy has manufacture’ in terms of:
not welcomed this ideological form and has
• repressive state apparatuses (RSAs),
tried, with varying degrees of success, to
involving groups such as the police, social
limit its impact.’
workers and the armed forces.
Neo-Marxist theories of religion attempt
to resolve these problems through, initially, The concept of hegemony makes it possible
the concept of: for ‘religious ideas’ to be seen as influential
Hegemony – an idea put forward by in contemporary societies without
Gramsci (1934) and elaborated by, among necessarily having to show that ‘the
others, Poulantzas (1974). Hegemony majority’ of people either believe or
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Religion
Classical Marxism ✓ ✘ ✘
Neo-Marxism
Functionalism
Interactionism
Postmodernism
Once you’ve done this, briefly discuss among the group the reasons for your choices.
As a class, discuss your choices and reasons to arrive at a general picture of the role of
religion in society from a variety of sociological perspectives.
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Religion
Rosa Parks’ protest in 1955 was a potent symbol of the American Civil Rights Movement
fought for their country, only to return to Americans have adopted in attempting to
a society that did not regard them as full address racism and class inequality.’
citizens’. From a Marxist position, therefore,
religion played a role in social change by
In this situation we have a conventional
functioning as a:
Marxist scenario – economic and political
Channel through which protest was
deprivation leading to a sense of injustice
organised and focused; this resulted,
and unrest – that required a catalyst to
eventually, in major changes to the relative
produce change. This, arguably, came from
social positions of black and white
the experience of Rosa Parks ‘. . . arrested
Americans. However, it could also be argued
for refusing to give up her seat to a white
that such change was, essentially,
person on a bus’.
conservative in that it left the economic
Farley suggests ‘. . . black churches were
structures of US society largely untouched.
largely responsible for organising the massive
bus boycott that followed . . . Parks had
discussed her plans and their possible
Digging deeper: Marxist
consequences with church leaders and civil
rights organisations’, including Dr Martin perspectives
Luther King (who, you might be interested Although Marxists traditionally see religion
to learn, was a sociology graduate) and the as a broadly conservative social force, there
Southern Christian Leadership Conference. are, as we’ve suggested, differences of
In the wider context, Pyle and Davidson interpretation within this perspective. These
(1998) suggest: ‘Perhaps more than any stem partly from the way our society has
other institution, religion illustrates the developed historically and partly from a
diversity of strategies that African change of theoretical emphasis within
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Marxism itself. We can illustrate both this the seventeenth century – we see a major
idea and the different preoccupations of social change:
classical and neo-Marxism in the following Feudal society was characterised by:
way.
• stratification – a rigid (closed) system of
Classical Marxism has traditionally
social stratification that involved little or
focused on the analysis of:
no movement up or down the class
Social transformations – large-scale,
structure
widespread change that transforms, in some
way, the nature of a society. This may occur • land ownership (the main source of
slowly, as in Britain from the seventeenth income and power) concentrated in a
century onwards (the change from a feudal relatively small number of aristocratic
to a capitalist system), or rapidly, as in the hands
French Revolution (the change from a • an obligatory system involving rights and
monarchy to a republic) or the Iranian responsibilities, mainly concerning the
Revolution (the change from a Westernised exchange of land rights for service
dictatorship to an Islamic republic). • monarchy – a dictatorship based around a
Neo-marxism king or queen who was an absolute ruler
(their authority derived from God).
Neo-Marxism, while not neglecting this
area of study, has tended to focus more on:
Social transitions – situations where,
✼ SYNOPTIC LINK
although the basic (economic and political) Stratification and differentiation: The
structure of feudal society is outlined in more
structure of society doesn’t change, the
detail in relation to theories of stratification.
relative positions of people and groups within
a society does. The civil rights illustration
we’ve just used is an example of this type of Capitalist society, meanwhile, was
change. Similarly, in our society we could characterised by:
think of social transitions in terms of areas like • stratification – a fluid, open system of
gender or age and changes in the position of stratification
different groups over the last 50 years or so.
• technology – factory ownership and
In terms of social transformations,
machine production became the main
therefore, we can look briefly at the
source of income and power
classical Marxist analysis of the change
from feudalism to capitalism in Britain from • contract – economic and social
the seventeenth century onwards (a good relationships based on exchange (money)
example of how classical Marxists saw involving owners and non-owners,
religion as a conservative social force and employers and employees
useful as a point of comparison when we • democracy – political power and
examine Weberian perspectives on religion representation was increasingly spread
and change). In the transformation of throughout society, based eventually, over
British society – over a period of 200 years a few hundred years, on a system of
or more, beginning around the middle of universal suffrage (‘one person one vote’).
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Religion
Marx characterised feudalism as a system in judged on the basis of their good works –
which one section of a ruling class (an old and their sins – during their lifetime.
feudal aristocracy) was supported by the • Calvinism (named after its founder, John
Catholic Church – a powerful force in this Calvin) was based on the concept of:
society – in three main ways:
• Predestination – the idea that an
• economically – as a major landowner individual’s life was predetermined by
• politically – because of its relationship God. Nothing the individual did in life
with – and power over – the monarchy could change or influence a decision
and aristocracy that had already been made. However,
• ideologically – its teachings stressed an Calvinism also argued that leading a
acceptance of the ‘natural order’ in successful and productive life was a
society (involving respect for and sign, from God, that the individual
deference to ‘social superiors’) that was would go to Heaven when they died
God-created and immutable (impossible (on the not unreasonable assumption,
for people to change). perhaps, that those who were
unsuccessful and unproductive were not
Technological development (the invention likely to be predestined for Heaven).
and application of machinery and new forms
of power such as gas and electricity – the Both deism and Calvinism, in their different
Industrial Revolution) led, according to ways, provided a set of ideological tools that
Marx, to the development of a new section of supported the efforts of the bourgeoisie to
the bourgeoisie – a ‘merchant class’ that develop the political power and influence to
took advantage of the opportunities created reflect their emerging economic power.
by emerging technologies to advance their
economic power (at the expense of both the
old feudal aristocracy and the peasantry). For Weeding the path
Marx, as this ‘class within the ruling class’ Although a major social transformation
became economically powerful, it needed an: (between feudalism and capitalism) clearly
Ideology that allowed it to challenge the occurred in Britain, Marx argued the
‘old existing social order’ – one that would Protestant religion did not initiate social
allow the emergent bourgeoisie to change; rather, one set of religious ideas was
legitimately translate their economic power used by one section of the ruling class (the
into political power – and two different bourgeoisie) as a rationalisation for their
forms of the Protestant religion (deism and economic and political dominance over
Calvinism) fitted the bill quite neatly in this another section – the aristocracy. The cause
respect: of social change was economic – changes in
the way things were produced, distributed
• Deism: A form of religious belief that and exchanged led to changes in the way
argued that although God had made the society was organised.
world, He gave people the freedom to Thus, for classical Marxists, ideas about
find their own way to ultimate salvation. the nature of the world arose out of people’s
In this respect, people were to be finally experience in the world (not the other way
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round) and social change arose out of identification and affiliation playing a major
economic conflicts between and within social role in social change. However, the general
classes. Religious ideas played a significant Marxist interpretation of this conflict suggests
role only in relation to the differing abilities social class was the prime mover – the majority
of powerful economic classes to use such of Catholics, for example, were drawn from
ideas as a rationale for change. the working classes while the majority of
In a contemporary context, Azad (1995) Protestants were middle or upper class.
has applied a similar analysis to social Finally, it’s useful to note Robinson’s
transformations such as the Iranian (1987) argument that there are ‘six
Revolution (1979). The overthrow of the conditions that shape the likelihood of
‘old order’ (a tyrannical, secular dictatorship, religion becoming a force for social change’:
supported by countries such as Britain and
• A religious world view shared by the
the USA) was seen to occur through an
revolutionary classes.
alliance of ‘progressive elements’ among the
working classes and (Islamic) religious • Theology (religious teachings and beliefs)
organisations. Only after the Shah of Persia that conflicts with the beliefs and
was deposed, Azad argues, did a power practices of the existing social order.
struggle for control emerge in which • Clergy who are closely associated with
religious leaders proved the stronger. revolutionary classes.
However, even in this particular context, • A single religion shared by the
Azad suggests that, fundamentally, no major revolutionary classes.
transformation took place in Iran: ‘In 1979
• Differences between the religion of the
the Iranian economy was a capitalist
revolutionary classes and the religion of
economy. Sixteen years later, despite many
the ruling classes (such as one being
religious edicts, that is still its essence.’
Catholic and the other Protestant).
For neo-Marxists, greater emphasis in
recent times has been placed, as we’ve • Channels of legitimate political dissent
suggested, on the analysis of social transitions blocked or not available.
where, although religion is still seen as an
essentially conservative force, it may, at
certain times, become a popular channel for Weeding the path
dissent and social change. In addition to the We can identify a couple of problems with
civil rights movement illustration we the general Marxist position on religion and
mentioned earlier, a further example to social change:
support this particular interpretation of the • Reductionism: As we’ve previously
role of religion is: noted, everything is ultimately reduced to
Northern Ireland: The conflict between, (economic) class struggle. Thus, even in a
on the one hand, Roman Catholics who situation such as Northern Ireland in the
wanted a united Ireland and, on the other, 1980s (where religious affiliation played a
Protestants who wanted to remain part of the role in establishing group cohesion and
United Kingdom, appears, on the face of sense of identity), social change is seen in
things, to be a clear-cut example of religious terms of class rather than religious identity.
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Religion
• Religion and revolt: MacCulloch and to ‘society’ – to create what Bental (2004)
Pezzini (2002) question the relationship, terms ‘. . . a strong attachment to society . . .
suggested by Marxists, between religious to guide [our] behaviour’, and which, for
beliefs and acceptance of the prevailing Durkheim, was represented by the:
social order – their research, for example, Collective conscience – the ‘will of
found that in democratic societies there society’ people experience as an ‘external
was little or no difference between force’ that controls and coerces our
religious believers and non-believers on behaviour. Just as each individual has a
the need for major social change. This conscience, so too society has a ‘conscience’
suggests that, at best, there is no simple – the ‘collective presentations’, as Bental
link between levels of religious belief and puts it, ‘that hold society together’ –
acceptance or rejection of the status quo. expressed through a range of norms and
values (such as prescriptions against
murder). For classical functionalism, religion
Preparing the ground: plays an important role in maintaining the
Functionalist collective conscience through:
perspectives
As with Marxism, we can consider • Moral codes: Religion provides a source of
functionalist accounts of religion and social morality that cannot be realistically
change in terms of its classical and newer challenged, since it derives from a power
variations. higher than the individual (such as ‘God’).
Classical functionalism: For Durkheim • Collective ceremonies: Through
(1912), one of the fundamental features of participation in ceremonies (such as
human behaviour was the idea of: religious services) society is given
Homo duplex: In basic terms, this substance or ‘made real’; through
involves human beings (homo) having ‘two collective behaviour we gain a necessary
sides’ (duplex): an ‘individualistic’ or ‘selfish’ sense of our relationship to – and
side (similar to what the interactionist dependence on – others. Bental also
sociologist G.H. Mead (1934) called the notes that ‘participation in rituals brings
‘unsocialised self ’) and a ‘social’ or about the psychological phenomenon of
‘communal’ side (the ‘socialised self ’). In ‘collective effervescence’ – an emotional
other words, we all have two aspects to our high and feeling we are part of something
lives; while we are all biological animals, we bigger than ourselves’.
become ‘recognisably human’ only through
our relationships with other people.
Without ‘society’, therefore, we can’t Weeding the path
express our unique, human, individuality. Some functionalists argue that in modern,
Thus, in order to ‘become human diverse societies, traditional forms of religion
individuals’ we must immerse ourselves in no longer have a ‘monopoly of faith’ and
social groups, and to achieve this we must therefore cannot integrate people into
give up some aspects of our ‘selfish side’ (the society as a whole. Bellah (1967) developed
desire to behave as we want, when we want) the concept of:
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Further examples?
Civil religion to refer to a set of common • social solidarity (by providing moral
ideas, shared by the vast majority of people codes, a common value system, and so
in a society, that have both religious and forth), and
secular aspects. In Britain, for example, • social integration through such things as
there are a variety of religions, but the one collective ceremonies.
thing they all arguably have in common is a
belief in some form of ‘god’; this general Neo-functionalist writers, such as
belief – rather than specific beliefs about the Alexander (1985), however, suggest that
actual form and nature of god – represents religion may, under some conditions, initiate
an aspect of civil religion. In a different way, social change in contemporary societies.
ideas like ‘innocent until proven guilty’ or a Drawing on (and revising) the work of
belief in the ‘democratic process’ can all be Parsons (1951), Alexander sees societies in
considered part of a British civil religion. terms of:
As Wimberley and Swatos (1998) note, Functional subsystems – groups of
Bellah’s definition of civil religion institutions carrying out different, but
represents ‘an institutionalised collection of interrelated, functions. The cultural
sacred beliefs’, whether these beliefs be subsystem, for example, includes institutions
overtly religious or overtly secular. such as education, the media and religion,
and is related to subsystems such as work,
the family and the political process. This
Digging deeper: subsystem is seen – borrowing from (neo-
Functionalist Marxist) writers such as Althusser (1972)
and Poulantzas (1973) – to have a degree of:
perspectives Relative autonomy (or freedom) from
Classical functionalism generally views
other parts of the social system, mainly
religion as a conservative social force (on the
because it involves institutions whose
basis that it functions as both a source of:
primary function is socialisation and the
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Religion
Religion
What Weber suggested was that religion through’ the invisible barrier dividing
(or a particular form of Protestant religion – relatively poor, agriculture-based,
Calvinism) provided the ‘final push’, allowing feudal dictatorships from the relatively
a society with a particular level of affluent, industry-based, capitalist
technological development to ‘break democracies.
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Calvinism, Weber argued, provided the and Germany prior to the development of
necessary ‘spirit of capitalism’ – a set of ideas Protestantism. This led him to argue that
and practices that promoted a strong and capitalism developed in Protestant countries
lasting social transformation. like Holland and England in the sixteenth
and seventeenth centuries due ‘not to the
✼ SYNOPTIC LINK fact they were Protestant powers but to large
economic movements, in particular the
Theory and method: Weber’s analysis of discoveries and the results which flowed
the relationship between Calvinist religious
ideas and capitalist economic forms is an
from them’. Fanfani (2003) supports this
example of how a causal relationship might general argument when he notes: ‘Europe
be established in the social sciences. was acquainted with capitalism before the
Protestant revolt. For at least a century
capitalism had been an ever growing
Weber concluded religion was a potential
collective force. Not only isolated
source of social change because, in this
individuals, but whole social groups, inspired
instance, two things came together at the
with the new spirit, struggled with a society
right moment: technological changes that
that was not yet permeated with it.’ If these
provided opportunities to create wealth in a
arguments are valid they call into question –
new and dynamic way, and a group of people
in this context at least – the role of religion
with the ideological orientation and impetus to
as an initiator of change.
exploit these opportunities. As Bental
Calvinism: Viner (1978) argues that
(2004) puts it: ‘Here we have a category of
where Calvinism was the dominant religion
people – the early Protestants [Calvinists] –
in a society it acted as a largely conservative
who associated morality and Godliness with
social force that put a brake on economic
hard work, thriftiness, and reinvestment of
development and change. Marshall (1982),
money. Given that Western Europe and
however, disputes this interpretation
America served as home for these people,
(especially in relation to Scotland, where he
should we be surprised capitalism took off in
argued Calvinism provided an impetus for
the West?’
social change that was held back by a variety
of localised factors, such as the lack of
capital available for investment).
Digging deeper: Religion
as an initiator of social
change Weeding the path
We can look a little more closely (and Although these ideas call into question both
critically) at Weber’s general analysis in a the causal relationship between Calvinism
range of ways. and the development of capitalism and the
Methodology: Criticism here focuses on role of religion in social change, Pierotti
the question of whether or not the (2003) argues we should not ignore or
development of Calvinism was a ‘cause of necessarily reject Weber’s analysis: ‘None of
capitalism’. Tawney (1926) argued that the critics I have read managed to destroy
capitalism developed in places like Venice the basic premise by which Weber sought to
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Religion
explain the growth of capitalism. Something religions may play a role in the (multi-
happened in the long sixteenth century that causal) explanation of change.
saw an explosion of capitalist economic
activity, free thought, and religious Contradictions
rebellion. Whether the relationship among Canin (2001) argues it’s a mistake to see
these is causal or coincidental will be religion and its relationship to change as
grounds for conjecture for years to either conservative or radical. Instead, he
come.’ suggests it may play a:
If this particular example of the role of Contradictory role: His research into the
religion as an initiator of social change is, at Santo Domingo fiesta in Nicaragua suggested
best, inconclusive, there are other, religious organisations have in recent years
contemporary examples that suggest the faced the dilemma of pursuing their:
main role of religion in social change is as a:
• Conservative role – the ‘traditional
Focus for dissent: Although religion
paternalistic control of the faithful . . .
itself is not necessarily the prime mover for
focusing their attention away from
change, it is a channel through which dissent
poverty and suffering in this world and
can be expressed and thus find an outlet that
toward miracles and salvation in the next
results in some form of social change. We
world’, and a
can explore this idea a little further through:
Liberation theology: We’ve previously • Liberation role that grew, at times, out of
referred to the development of liberation peasant discontent. As Canin argues:
theology in South American countries such ‘Beyond merely functioning as an “escape
as Brazil – a situation (to oversimplify valve” for dissent against the status quo,
somewhat) that involved some Catholic this ritual rebellion [the Santo Domingo
priests forming political alliances with fiesta] has exploded into actual rebellion
revolutionary groups to oppose government . . . at specific historical moments that
policies (normally against the wishes of the have preserved a historically forged
Catholic Church hierarchy). Bruneau and culture of rebellion. More than providing
Hewitt (1992) argue in the case of Brazil: the sensation of liberation, rituals such as
‘For its proponents, the theology of the . . . fiesta provided the framework, if
liberation becomes the only way to not the material conditions, for the
understand the church and its mission . . . transformation of the social order.’
the church must be involved, it must opt for The material in this section suggests that,
the poor, and it must use its resources to in many different ways, religious
assist the poor in their liberation. Churches, organisations are intimately involved, at
for their part, become the privileged vehicle various times and in various contexts, in
to work with the poor and promote their both the promotion of change and the
awareness, mobilization, and organization.’ maintenance of social order – and, as we’ve
Although it’s difficult to evaluate the success seen with the example of liberation
or otherwise of liberation theology in theology and the Catholic Church, the
bringing about social change, its existence two processes may occur within the same
does demonstrate that, in theory at least, religious organisation. We can develop
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this idea a little further through the concept • Truth: Fundamentalist religious
of: movements ‘claim their version of
Religious fundamentalism: Sahgal and religion to be the only true one’.
Yuval-Davis (1992) suggest some basic • Fear: The movement feels threatened by
features ‘. . . common to all fundamentalist alternative (secular) views of the world
religious movements’ which, in and, by extension, alternative religious
combination, define this type of religious interpretations.
ideology:
• Social control: Such movements use a
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Religion
variety of political means – some Giroux (2004) talks about the rise of the
democratic and some not – ‘to impose religious right in contemporary America
their version of the truth on all members ‘imbued with theocratic certainty and
of their religion’. For some fundamentalist absolute moralism’ in a situation where
groups this desire for control extends ‘right-wing religion conjoins with political
outwards to a desire to control the ideology and political power’ to ‘legitimate
behaviour of all aspects of secular society. intolerance and anti-democratic forms of
religious correctness and lay the groundwork
In this respect, Sahgal and Yuval-Davis see
for a growing authoritarianism . . . How else
fundamentalist movements as ‘. . . basically
to explain the growing number of Christian
political movements which have a religious
conservative educators who want to impose
imperative and seek in various ways . . . to
the teaching of creationism in the schools,
harness modern state and media powers to
ban sex education from the curricula, and
the service of their gospel’ and in this
subordinate scientific facts to religious
respect they make an interesting distinction
dogma’. He explains the contemporary
between religion as a form of belief and
development of fundamentalist religious
practice and fundamentalist religion, which
movements in both the USA and elsewhere
seeks – forcibly or otherwise – to change
in terms of globalisation.
society in ways that accord with the
particular ideological interpretations of the Globalisation
movement. Thus: ‘By fundamentalism we
In this context, globalisation has two main
are not referring to religious observance,
consequences. First, it creates a situation
which we see as a matter of individual
(postmodern society) where people are
choice, but rather to modern political
exposed to different views and belief systems.
movements which use religion as a basis for
In such a situation, to use W.B. Yeats’ (1921)
their attempt to win or consolidate power
famous poetic phrase, ‘things fall apart; the
and extend social control.’
centre cannot hold’ – the things that seemed
Berer and Ravindran (1996) develop this
to bind people in modern society, such as
when they point out that ‘fundamentalism’
faith in science and progress, no longer seem
was originally used to describe nineteenth-
either attractive or believable.
century ‘Protestant religious and political
One consequence of this ‘loss of faith’ is a
movements, which attempted a literal or
moral vacuum (filled, as critics of
“fundamental” interpretation of Biblical
postmodernism claim, with a moral relativism
scripts’. In modern-day usage the term has
– the idea that ‘anything goes’ and no one
been both widened – to include a large
form of explanation can be shown to be
range of religious groups which possess
superior to any other), expressed neatly by
‘fundamental beliefs’ – and loosened
Yeats with the phrase: ‘Mere anarchy is
(especially in the media) following the
loosed upon the world.’ The world, in other
attack on the World Trade Center (9/11),
words, appears a more frightening and
where the association is with ‘terrorism’
dangerous place once the great centres –
rather than any other form of political
religion, science, politics, and so forth – can
protest or change.
no longer hold centre stage.
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Giroux expresses this ‘sense of loss’ in our perception of the role of religion in
terms of two main ideas: modern societies. For this reason, the next
two sections focus on exploring different
• Isolation: The ‘collapse of the centre’ in
types of religious organisation and the ways
postmodern society leaves people feeling
religious beliefs relate to questions of
alone, vulnerable and largely
identity (such as class, gender and ethnicity)
unconnected with those around them. In
in contemporary societies.
this situation, ‘fundamentalism taps . . .
into very real individual and collective 3. Cults, sects,
needs’. In other words, it provides a sense
of belonging based on the ideas of:
denominations and
churches and their
• Tradition: As Berer and Ravindran
(1996) put it, fundamentalist religions
relationship to religious
seek to raise their adherents ‘above the activity
political on the basis of divine In previous sections we’ve looked at the
sanction or by appealing to supreme concept of ‘religion’ in a relatively
authorities, moral codes or undifferentiated way. That is, we’ve talked
philosophies that cannot be about religion in terms of its general
questioned’, and features, how it differs from non-religious
• Social solidarity (or ‘community’): world views, and so forth. In this section,
Giroux argues that fundamentalist however, the focus is on some major
movements give people a sense of identity differences within religions; we are, in other
by providing – through their literal words, going to examine some of the ways
interpretation of religious texts as religions can be differentiated, mainly – but
expressions of ‘God’s will’ – a clear and not exclusively – by outlining different types
incontestable sense of meaning based on of religious organisation. There are two main
the rigorous enforcement of a particular reasons for this:
moral code. As Castells (1997) puts it, Firstly, religious organisations involve a
religious fundamentalism involves ‘the range of ideas, from things like how they are
construction of [a] collective identity [by] physically organised to the general view of
the identification of individual behaviour the world they seek to propagate.
and society’s institutions [with] norms Secondly, it allows us to identify
derived from God’s law, interpreted by a ‘essential differences’ between various
definite authority that intermediates religious types – to think, for example, how
between God and humanity’. a church might be different to a cult (even
though they are both, nominally, religious
Moving on organisations).
How we interpret the meaning of religious
behaviour – as a conservative force, a radical
force or, as in the case of fundamentalist
groups, a ‘radical conservative’ force – affects
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for example, about British history and the needs of a particular population) and their
battles between the Protestant and Catholic relationship to other forms of religious
Christian churches). Alternatively, in organisation (such as cults). In recent times,
countries such as Iran, Islam represents this this exclusivity has generally weakened,
type of organisation – the church is involved leading to a toleration of (and, at times,
in both religious matters and the affairs of active cooperation with) other, similar
state. church-types. In general, however, church-
In modern societies, however, religious types tend to oppose some forms of sect and
influence in secular matters has generally cult organisation (although the situation is
declined in a way that reflects a changing complicated by some church types being
role for religion. As Bruce notes: ‘The tolerant of sects – although rarely cults –
gradual distancing of the state churches from within their overall organisation). Staples
the state . . . allowed the British churches to (1998) notes how the Protestant Church is
rediscover the prophetic role of religion . . . characterised by what he terms ‘substantial
but that freedom has been bought at the levels of internal pluriformity’ – different
price of the government listening to them.’ groups, with varying degrees of autonomy,
Authority structure: As befits a large existing within the same general
(national and transnational) organisation, the organisation.
church-type is characterised by a relatively Inclusiveness: Church-types are inclusive
formal internal structure that may include: in the sense that they generally allow
anyone to join and membership is often
• Bureaucratic structures: In Weber’s
assumed rather than the result of a conscious
(1922) terms, this involves a rational
individual choice (as we’ve noted with the
organisation of a church in terms of
Church of England).
specifying such things as the dates of
Inclusion is further encouraged by
religious services, the organisation of
ceremonies such as baptism and
ceremonies and the collection of ‘taxes’
confirmation (in Christian churches), and
(or donations) from congregations. The
conversions from one religion to another are
Roman Catholic Church, for example,
normally welcomed, if not always actively
has a centralised structure based around
pursued. Consequently, there tend to be few,
the figure of the Pope, the authority of
if any, membership tests or entry
Cardinals, and so forth.
qualifications (something shared with
• Hierarchies of power that derive from denominations but not with sects).
this bureaucratic organisation. This can Social capital refers to the ways people
involve paid officials (who may or are connected (or disconnected) from social
may not have a religious function), networks and the implications these
organised in terms of their different connections have for what Putnam (2000)
statuses. calls ‘norms of reciprocity’ (what people are
Traditional church-type organisations are willing to do for each other). Many forms of
generally: religious organisation and behaviour involve
Exclusive in terms of both their ministry social capital (as writers such as Durkheim
(who is authorised to tend to the religious (1912), for example, have recognised).
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between this type of organisation and sects classic example is the Mormon religion and
(which, ironically perhaps, tend to be the its initial advocacy of:
initial origins of a denomination – sectarian Polygamy (a man being married to more
disputes leading to schisms within churches, than one woman). According to Lyman
for example). He also sees tolerance and (1986), Mormon polygamy was a major
respectability (especially in the eyes of the political stumbling block in Utah’s quest for
media) as significant ways of distinguishing statehood (and a measure of independent
denominations from sects and cults. government) in mid-nineteenth-century
America. Luckily – and probably
Sects coincidentally – a ‘new revelation from God’
banned polygamy within the religion and
Although sects and denominations share
statehood was granted. This resulted,
some general organisational features
however, in the breakaway from the main
(Methodism, as Cody (1988) points out,
body of Mormonism of a number of
originated as a sect before evolving into a
polygamous sects.
denomination), we shouldn’t overstate the
In terms of sects that develop out of
similarities between the two forms; sects are
social dissent, Glock and Stark identified
sufficiently different in organisation and
five kinds of:
outlook to be considered a separate form of
Deprivation that, if experienced, may
religious organisation. We can, therefore,
contribute to the decision to join or
examine some of their essential
establish a sect:
characteristics in the following terms.
Development: Glock and Stark (1965) • economic – both real (as in ‘being poor’)
argue the emergence of a sect is normally and relative (as in ‘compared with others’)
based around two types of dissent: • social – when desired cultural assets, such
• Religious, which involves either as status, prestige and power, are
dissatisfaction (or disenchantment) with unequally distributed
the prevailing religious orthodoxy or the • organismic – refers to status differences in
‘compromising’ of religious ideals by a physical and mental ability (those
religious organisation’s contacts with classified as ‘mentally ill’, for example,
secular authorities. This type relates to may have a different social status to those
the schismatic development to which we not so classified)
referred earlier. • ethical – refers to the idea of value
• Social, which involves, at either an conflict. More specifically, such
individual or a collective level, feelings of deprivation occurs when the values of the
discontent, deprivation and protest. individual are not compatible with those
of the group or society in which they live
This ‘dissention explanation’ is tied to what
Niebuhr (1929) identified as the • psychic – refers to a ‘search for meaning’
Church–Sect dynamic; as a religious – the idea, for example, that ‘there must
organisation becomes established, it’s forced be more to life than working in an office,
to compromise with the secular order. A nine to five’.
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For Glock and Stark ‘deprivation’, although put forward (by Merton (1938), for example)
a necessary precondition, was not in itself as an explanation for crime and deviance.
sufficient to lead to the development of a
religious sect. They argued the latter would Wilson points us towards some basic
develop only if certain other conditions were characteristics of sect-type organisations:
present, which included:
• Exclusiveness in terms of the demands
• shared feelings of deprivation they make on their members (such as
• alternative channels for problem levels of group commitment and their
resolution being unavailable claim to ‘exclusive knowledge’ – a
• leaders with an ‘innovative solution’ to monopoly on religious truth). Part of this
the problem emerging. exclusivity also relates to the demand for
complete allegiance of members and
sanctions (including expulsion) against
✼ SYNOPTIC LINK
those who break the rules.
Crime and deviance: Note the similarities
between Glock and Stark’s conditions that • Organisation tends to be less formal than
lead people into religious sects and Lea and with church- or denomination-types and
Young’s (1984) argument about the is characterised by the absence of a
conditions that lead to deviant behaviour (a division of labour in religious practice (no
link further enhanced by Stark and clergy, for example).
Bainbridge’s (1987) argument that a sect is
a ‘deviant religious organization with • Authority: Sects generally place more
traditional beliefs and practices’). emphasis on the role of leaders (many of
whom claim divine authority) than on a
professional clergy. Individual behaviour
Wilson (1982) suggests sects are more likely
tends to be highly regulated (and while
to develop in situations of social change and
this sometimes involves the development
disruption – conditions, in other words,
of an administrative class, more usually
related to:
control is exerted through strict rules
Anomie, where rapid social and/or
enforced by sect members on each other).
technological changes disrupt traditional
social norms and create, in some people, • Protest: Wilson argues sect development
feelings of confusion and despair. Sects offer occurs as the result of different kinds of
a ‘solution’ by providing a stable belief protest, be it at the group level (a protest
system to the one disrupted by change. In against the way a church-type religion is
this situation, sects are more likely than developing, for example) or on an
established denominations to attract individual level (such as a protest against
adherents because they are less likely to be status denial).
associated with the secular order seen as • Size: Sects are traditionally comparatively
responsible for disruptive change. small religious organisations when
compared with churches or
✼ SYNOPTIC LINK denominations, although, as ever, we
Crime and deviance: Anomie has also been
need to keep in mind the difficulty of
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measuring levels of affiliation. Both sects problems of an individual’s ‘past lives’ have
and cults present their own slightly created problems in their current life that
different ‘problems of measurement’ for a need to be identified (‘audited’) and
couple of reasons: removed (‘cleared’). Although sects are
diverse organisations, familiar ideological
• Attendance: Many sects don’t hold the
themes include:
type of services common to churches
and denominations, something that • Heaven on Earth for the ‘chosen’
makes counting members or attendees (Jehovah’s Witnesses)
difficult. • catastrophe – usually involving an ‘end-
• Membership: For a variety of reasons of-the-world’ scenario (The People’s
sects may decline to disclose their Temple)
membership numbers. Where they do • millenarianism, involving ideas such as a
provide such information we have to belief in a return to a spiritual homeland
take its accuracy on trust. (Rastafarians).
• Inclusiveness: Sects are fairly exclusive Types
organisations in terms of membership,
which is generally characterised by: Much of the writing on sect membership
and activity, in this respect, has focused on
• choice, rather than birth the way the different needs of sect members
• commitment shown to the values and produce different religious responses to the
goals of the sect. satisfaction of such needs. Yinger’s (1957)
classic (and idealised) categorisation of sects
Entry often involves a ‘probationary period’,
involves the idea that sect members seek
followed by some form of testing before full
answers to the problem of an undesirable
sect membership is granted. Scientology is a
situation that can be resolved in one of
good example here – people (‘preclears’) are
three basic ways:
invited to join, but their continued
membership is dependent on moving • Acceptance sects are largely middle class
through the various ‘levels of knowledge’ and life has been personally good to
available. Scientology students (such as the them. The ‘key problems’ sect members
US film stars John Travolta and Tom face are more philosophical (‘the meaning
Cruise) buy courses of instruction and of life’) than economic (poverty) and,
submit to tests (called ‘audits’) of their consequently, members tend to see the
abilities and understanding before being resolution of social problems in terms of
allowed to pass to the next knowledge level. individual and collective faith, self-help,
Ideology: Sects generally lay claim to and so forth.
either knowing the ‘one true way to the • Opposition (sometimes called aggression
afterlife’ or to some special religious sects) are a radical reaction to problems
knowledge denied to non-members. For of poverty and powerlessness; their
Scientology, this ‘special knowledge’ is membership is usually drawn from the
actually knowledge of oneself – how the lower social classes.
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‘share’ such benefits with the rest of society welfare of members, who derive strength
(Jehovah’s Witnesses, for example, whose from feelings of ‘moral superiority’ over
task in life is to give people the opportunity the outside world. These sects focus on
to be saved from damnation). This relates to personal development as members strive
Stark and Bainbridge’s (1987): for spiritual enlightenment.
Rational choice theory of religious group • Manipulative: This type of community –
membership, when they argue that sect sometimes seen as a cult – focuses on the
members, for example, consciously weigh up manipulation of things like the occult
the likely costs and potential benefits of (magic, for example) for the benefit of its
group membership. Incentives to join might practitioners. In some ways these
involve feelings of superiority through access communities are acceptance sects because
to ‘hidden knowledge’, while benefits might practitioners desire ‘success’ (economic,
involve the feeling of belonging to a strong, personal, and so forth), which they feel
supportive, moral community. can be achieved through the mastery and
Orientation practice of rituals and ceremonies.
Included in this group might be
Marczewska-Rytko identifies four main sect various forms of paganism, neo-paganism,
orientations: and so on.
• Reformative: The objective here is to Cults
change people (in terms of their spiritual
awareness) and, by so doing, ‘reform the A cult is a loose-knit social group that
secular world’. The main focus is to collects around a set of common themes,
convert as many people as possible to the beliefs or interests, where religious
sect’s world view. experience is highly individualistic and
varies with an individual’s personal
• Revolutionary: The objective here is to
experiences and interpretations. Cults differ
change a condemned social order, usually
from sects (which they loosely resemble) on
by awaiting some form of ‘divine
the basis that they lack a clearly defined,
intervention’ in the form of an
exclusive belief system for all their followers.
apocalyptic, ‘end-of-the-world’ scenario.
Size: The general lack of formal
Some sects are happy to await Doomsday
organisational structures (clerical
(Jehovah’s Witnesses, for example)
hierarchies, meeting places, official records
whereas others are equally happy to try to
and the like) makes it difficult to specify a
help things along a little – in 1995
minimum or maximum size for a cult – a
members of the Aum Shinrikyo sect
difficulty compounded by the fact that cult
(whose leader, Shoko Asahara, had issued
followers resemble consumers rather than
a number of ‘doomsday prophesies’)
members. There is rarely any formal joining
released Sarin nerve gas in the Tokyo
mechanism and those interested in a
underground system, killing 12 people
particular cult activity (Transcendental
and injuring around 5000 more.
Meditation, for example) are encouraged to
• Introvert: This type generally looks buy into the cult to varying degrees
inwards to the spiritual well-being and (Transcendental Meditation sells stages to
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spiritual enlightenment the consumer can keep in mind a couple of potential problems,
buy as and when they want). both:
• practical – cult diversity and the fact that
many cults have little or no obvious
Weeding the path
organisational structure make it difficult
The diversity of cult-type relationships
to actually research their behaviour – and
(Lewis (1998) identifies more than 1000
such groups worldwide) means there is also • methodological: Some forms of religious
room within this general definition for organisation (such as Scientology) cut
‘communities of believers’ to exist in an across both the ‘cult/sect’ dynamic
organised relationship that, in some respects, (Scientology, it could be argued, shows
resembles a sect. The very looseness of the features of both) and the various
definition is both a strength – it categories defined by writers like Stark
encompasses a wide range of different and Bainbridge.
beliefs, behaviours and practices – and a Scientology has elements of all three types,
weakness, since it makes it difficult to pin reflecting perhaps the internally diverse
down the ‘essential characteristics’ of a cult nature of its teachings and practices. Some
and, in some respects, difficult to disentangle members are highly committed (movement);
cults from sects (a problem we’ll address in a others show less commitment but take some
moment when we explore New Religious of the courses on offer (client); while others
Movements). simply share a general interest in the kinds
Scope: Hume (1996) notes ‘various of ideas Scientology seeks to popularise
scholars have attempted to give definitions (audience).
of the term “cult” but there has been little Giddens (2001) argues that cults
agreement to date’ and Robbins and ‘resemble sects’, although there are
Anthony (1982) warn against seeing cults in differences in areas like:
terms of an ‘illusionary homogeneity’ that
characterises them as ‘authoritarian, • Values that reject those of mainstream
centralized, communal and “totalistic”’ (a society. In some cases rejection is outright
‘total institution’ is one, like a prison, that (as with survivalist cults in North
attempts to control all aspects of an America, some of which have their own
individual’s life). Classifying cults is, websites where practitioners can buy
therefore, difficult; the table on the maps, guns, a handbook on How to
following page, however, identifies the main Survive a Nuclear Blast . . . ), whereas in
features of two different examples of cult others the cult simply uses alternatives to
classifications. conventional values – using magic, for
example, to get that new car rather than
the more usual methods.
Weeding the path • Individual experience is a major area of
It’s possible to identify some general features difference; cults are focused on the
of cults that distinguish them from other individual (their rights and
religious organisations, although we need to responsibilities, for example) within a
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Cult classification
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loose, supporting framework of ideas over such appeals? Most of us, if they were made
which there may be discussion and by someone we trusted, in a setting that was
dispute. Cults also tend to attract people familiar, and especially if we had unfulfilled
looking for relatively short-term solutions needs.’
to specific problems. Ideology: Cult diversity makes it difficult
to pin down definitive ideological content,
Inclusiveness: In one sense cults are highly
but one unifying theme is reflected in
inclusive – they rarely have any formal
Price’s (1979) concept of:
joining conditions. ‘Members’ could more
Epistemological individualism –
accurately be described as practitioners who
‘individualism’ is a necessary characteristic of
subscribe to particular beliefs and perform
the cult-type.
certain practices – from tantric sex (don’t
Authority structure: In terms of Stark
ask) to witchcraft or the ever-popular ear-
and Bainbridge’s (1987) classification we
candling.
can note differences in authority structures
Their appeal, for Zimbardo (1997), is
between different types of cult.
simple: ‘Imagine being part of a group in
Movement cults generally conform to
which you will find instant friendship, a
Robbins and Anthony’s (1982)
caring family, respect for your contributions,
characterisation of their internal authority
an identity, safety, security, simplicity, and
structure as:
an organized daily agenda. You will learn
new skills, have a respected position, gain • Authoritarian: Enroth’s (1993) study of
personal insight, improve your personality US cults revealed situations where ‘the
and intelligence. There is no crime or leaders have justified the use of abusive
violence and your healthy lifestyle means authority in order to follow Jesus. They
there is no illness . . . Who would fall for demand submission even if the leaders are
sinful and un-Christlike’.
• Centralised: Authority is concentrated in
a relatively small group at the top of the
organisation. Van Leen (2004)
characterises this as being ‘leader, or
leadership, centred, usually by persons
claiming some divine appointment or
authority – while members are
accountable to the leadership the
leadership is not accountable to anyone
else and often make significant decisions
for members’.
• Total: Communal living – often isolated,
both geographically and philosophically,
from the secular world – is a control
Ear-candling – performed to relieve a wide mechanism where all aspects of the
range of ear-related problems. Obviously. member’s life can be regulated. Van Leen
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Once you’ve completed the above, do the same for the following:
argues control often extends to ‘criticism coercive mind control to negatively impact
of natural parents and family members’ an estimated 20 million victims [in
and the depiction of the cult as a ‘family’. America]. Worldwide figures are even
greater.’ Richardson and Ginsburg (1998),
Brainwashing however, suggest ‘brainwashing’ is not a
Some critics have argued that cults use: particularly useful or convincing
Brainwashing techniques to recruit and explanation of the attraction of cults. They
keep members. Galper (1982) notes how argue that although there’s anecdotal and
‘allegations of coercive brainwashing have emotive ‘evidence’ for brainwashing,
been made by concerned parents whose empirical evidence is generally lacking.
children have been exposed to cult Zimbardo (1997) also argues ‘cult
recruitment’. In addition, Singer et al. methods of recruiting, indoctrinating and
(1996) claim: ‘Cults have used tactics of influencing their members’ are little different
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to the socialising methods employed in any world is more defensive. Hostility to criticism
group or organisation. The attraction of is a frequent feature (Enroth (1994), for
cults, he suggests, can be explained by the example, details the harassment he suffered
fact that ‘cult leaders offer simple solutions at the hands of the Jesus People in
to the increasingly complex problems we all America). Price (1979) also notes the
face daily . . . the simple path to happiness, (ambivalent) orientations of cults such as
to success, to salvation by following their the Divine Light Mission: ‘Without doubt
simple rules, simple group regimentation and the beliefs of members of DLM derive from
simple total lifestyle’. the dictates of their leader, indeed the
Audience and client cults often have knowledge they possess is his knowledge.’
little or no organised authority structure, Even in such a situation, however, ‘many
mainly because, as we’ve noted, they adherents hold a more idiosyncratic
involve ‘producer–consumer’ type position, accepting only parts of the belief
relationships. Authority, in this respect, system and choosing the degree to which
relates to the way cult promoters provide a they conform to accepted practice’.
‘design for living’ or advice relating to a way
of life. Fraser (2005) argues that ‘spirituality
shopping’ ‘offers a language for the divine Digging deeper:
that dispenses with all the off-putting Religious organisations
paraphernalia of priests and church . . . it’s (New Religious
not about believing in anything too specific, Movements)
other than some nebulous sense of otherness Although we’ve just noted differences
or presence. It offers God without dogma’. between different types of religious
Orientation: Where a cult sells some organisation and activity (as well as
special aspect of spiritual enlightenment, similarities), the usefulness of thinking in
‘customers’ are rarely retained in the long terms of church, denomination, sect and cult
term (although a general interest in the is open to question in a couple of ways:
ideas being sold may continue) for two main Typologies: How useful, for example, are
reasons: these categories ‘in the real world’ (where
• Socialisation: Cults lack the socialising religious organisations develop, evolve and
mechanisms available to other religious disappear)? In particular, there are two main
organisations and, consequently, their areas of concern.
ability to exercise social control or recruit • The church–denomination distinction:
new members is curtailed. We need to think about how useful – in
• Knowledge: Once someone has learnt the an increasingly global and diversified
basics required to do something (how to world – the concept of ‘church’ (as
relax using Transcendental Meditation or opposed to denomination) is likely to be.
yoga, for example) they may have little Although we can talk generally about
reason for continued formal involvement. ‘Christianity’ or ‘Islam’, the differences
With more aggressive cults, their general within these broad organisations are
orientation to both members and the outside probably of more significance. For
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example, within some categories of these labels and develop a different way of
church the ‘unity of beliefs and practices’ classifying these religious organisations in
is more apparent than real. Levinson terms of:
(1998) notes how ‘Hinduism’ consists of New Religious Movements (NRMs), a
‘thousands of different religious groups classification system developed for two main
that have evolved in India since 1500 reasons:
BCE’ – it has no single founder, theology,
• Stigma: As Barker argues: ‘. . . The media
morality or central organisation.
and the general public tend to employ the
• The sect–cult distinction: The diversity word “cult”, which has negative
of sects and cults makes it difficult to overtones, often implying bizarre beliefs,
maintain a clear separation between the sinister and deceptive practices, mind
two forms – some sects act in some control or psychological coercion and,
ways, but not others, like cults, and vice perhaps, sexual abuse and violent
versa. tendencies.’
Diversity and homogeneity: It’s difficult to • Theoretical clarity: Such is the overlap
sustain the sect–cult distinction in the face between sects and cults that the
of empirical evidence from the behaviour of distinction ‘on the ground’ (when
different religious groups and movements – studying their activities) is less than
they are increasingly sophisticated in the useful. In this respect, ‘NRM’ becomes a
way they recruit and retain members, and kind of generic (umbrella) term for a
internally diverse in terms of how they range of religious organisations that don’t
operate. The internet (as well as the more fit easily into the church or denomination
traditional recruitment methods) allows category.
movements to diversify in terms of what
they offer to converts and how they offer it.
Scientology has been particularly Weeding the path
sophisticated in this respect, marketing itself The term ‘NRM’ has itself been
by forging many different types of questioned. Religious historians such as
relationship with members. Melton (1993) and Miller (1995) suggest
In addition, there are huge organisational ‘alternative religions’ or ‘non-conventional
and behavioural differences within religions’ would be more accurate because
categories like ‘sect’ and ‘cult’ – they are not some ‘new’ religious movements simply
homogeneous classifications and it may be involve a reworking of traditional religious
more useful to reflect this diversity by being ideas and practices. Barker (1999) justifies
more selective in our (sociological) the use of NRM when she argues they can
categorisation. We also need to consider the be ‘. . . defined as groups which have
way labels such as ‘sect’ and ‘cult’ have become visible in their present form since
acquired, over the years, a negative the Second World War, and which are
(pejorative) meaning, especially in the media. religious in so far as they offer an answer
Barker (1999) suggests we strip away the to some of the ultimate questions
cultural and emotional baggage surrounding traditionally addressed by mainstream
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religions: Is there a God? What is the examine NRMs in terms of two ideas:
purpose of life? What happens to us after characteristics (defining features) and
death?’ Chryssides (2000), however, points explanations for their existence.
to a number of problems with this
categorisation: Characteristics
New: The starting point for classification Following Barker’s (1999) lead (‘There are
is important because it may arbitrarily . . . some characteristics which tend to be
exclude movements (such as Jehovah’s found in any movement that is both new
Witnesses) that are worthy of classification and religious’), we can identify a number of
and study. Chryssides suggests ‘a more NRM features in terms of:
liberal 150 year time scale’. Converts: With ‘new movements’ many
Religious: The objection here is ‘there recruits will be first-generation converts;
must be something plausibly religious about they were neither born into the religion nor
a movement . . . for it to count as a religion have a family history of involvement. ‘Early
and hence an NRM’. He suggests we should adopters’ tend to be committed, highly
include as NRMs only movements that enthusiastic and, in many cases, proselytizing
satisfy four basic criteria: – keen to sell their movement and convert
others to their faith (groups like Scientology
• answering fundamental questions (like
and Hare Krishna use a variety of techniques
those posed by Barker)
to spread the word, from street selling to
• rites of passage that mark ‘key life mail drops).
events’ Membership: Recent (post-1970) NRMs
• life-coping strategies that address attract young, middle-class recruits in
‘problems of existence’ rather than simply disproportionate numbers to other religious
personal life issues (such as how to be organisations. This is partly because the
more successful in business) young, in particular, are more open to – and
• ethical codes that set out how one’s life desirous of – new experiences, while this age
should be lived. group is also more likely to be targeted for
recruitment by NRMs.
To be defined as an NRM, therefore, a Authority: Many NRMs are led by a
movement should be ‘substantively’ (rather founder with the charisma to attract
than functionally) religious. followers in the first instance, something
Movements: Chryssides suggests there that often gives such movements an
are groups which reject the label of ‘religion’ autocratic, rather than democratic, structure.
and which, as a consequence, should not be A leader may control all, some or very little
classified as an NRM: ‘The New Age of the day-to-day life of converts, but many
Movement is one such example. It is NRMs have the characteristics of a:
nebulous, with little formal organization or Total institution, which Goffman (1961)
membership, and its followers often defines as ‘a place of residence and work
explicitly reject organized religion, where a large number of like-situated
particularly traditional Christianity.’ individuals, cut off from the wider society for
The above notwithstanding, we can an appreciable period of time, together lead
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individuals. In this category people want • Earth movements: The goal here is to
to explore different (‘alternative’) ways of transform the whole world. Some of these
living and working, usually by distancing movements focus on:
themselves, as a group, from wider
• Planet transformation, usually through
society.
beliefs in an apocalyptic end to the
• Society movements focus group solidarity earth and, from the ruins, the creation
outwards rather than inwards – a major of a new ‘golden age’ (whether this is
attraction here is the possibility of through supernatural or human
changing society to align it more closely intervention). Other variations focus
with the (spiritual) beliefs of the group. on:
This involves transforming social
• Group transformation – the idea, for
institutions (such as work, school and the
example, that the group will be
family) through the application of a
transported to a new planet (what are
particular moral or ethical code (a ‘design
sometimes called ‘exit-orientated’
for living’, if you like).
movements).
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Believing
Low High
Belonging 1 2 3 4
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Religion
Religion
Fragmentation and pluralism also have troubles they prefer the bright outer lights of
consequences for: bars and discotheques.’
Partisan dealignment, which can be
related to the association between religious
organisations, social groups and voting
Preparing the ground:
behaviour. In the past, for example, we find Age
quite strong correlations between class, The relationship between religiosity and age
religious affiliation and political affiliation. is, as you might expect, rather more
Catholicism in the UK drew large numbers methodologically straightforward and there’s
of adherents from the working classes who a range of interesting data available relating
tended to support left-of-centre political to religion and age. On a nominal level (in
parties, and Dogan (2004) argues that terms of what people say they believe),
‘social changes in the last few decades’ have identification with religious beliefs, practices
altered this situation to one where both and organisations varies considerably in
class and religion have declined in terms of:
significance as explanations for political Intergenerational differences (between
alignments. age groups): If we look at Christian
Lifestyle: Stark and Bainbridge (1987) affiliation (the primary UK faith
argue that cults draw their members from community):
the higher social classes, whereas Kelly While data like this don’t tell us much
(1992) has suggested that NRMs are about either the relative strength of people’s
founded and populated by the educated beliefs or the extent to which ‘Christians’
middle classes. Adler’s research (1979) has are committed to their faith, they broadly
drawn attention to the fact that, in the accord with both Hunt’s (2002) observation
USA at least, members of witch covens are that Christian affiliation tends to rise with
drawn predominantly from the professional age and O’Beirne’s (2004) research which
middle classes. On a different note, Bader found those affiliated to a religion were
(2003) notes how two-thirds of those who generally older (50+), on average, than
claim to have been abducted by aliens those who had no affiliation.
previously held middle-class All major UK faith communities
occupations. (Muslim, Hindu, Jewish, Sikh and Buddhist)
The last word here should perhaps go to showed increasing affiliation with age.
Bruce (1995) for his amusing – if dismissive However, this should be qualified by noting
– explanation for middle-class affiliation that, with the exception of Jews, these
with NAMS and, to some extent, NRMs: communities currently have fewer elderly
‘Spiritual growth appeals mainly to those (50+) than younger (25–50) adherents, a
whose more pressing material needs have discrepancy that can be explained
been satisfied. Unmarried mothers raising demographically (see table on the following
children on welfare tend to be too page):
concerned with finding food, heat and light Immigration: With the exception of
to be overly troubled by their inner lights, Jewish communities (who share a similar
and when they do look for release from their demographic profile to Christians), other
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% Millions % Millions
Source: Census 2001: Office for National Statistics, 2003; General Register Office for Scotland, 2003
faith groups tend to have a lower age profile significant and consistent majority of young
because, as the Office for National people (60+% in this survey, 60+%
Statistics (2001) notes, ‘migrants are mainly according to the British Social Attitudes
young adults’. Between 1997 and 1999 the Survey (2000) and 65% according to Park
average age for the majority population was et al., 2004) expressed no positive religious
37, whereas for ethnic minority groups it was belief or affiliation. Park et al. also note the
26. growth (from 39% to 43% in the past 10
Fertility: The birth rates for many years) in the number of adults with no
minority ethnic groups are higher than the religious affiliation. This suggests there is no
norm for the UK population. Office for simple relationship between age and
National Statistics (2001) data show that affiliation per se (although religiosity
between 1997 and 1999 ‘. . . the number of increases with age for believers, young ‘non-
people from minority ethnic groups grew by believers’ don’t become elderly ‘believers’).
15% compared to 1% for white people’. Practice: Brierley (1999) concludes that
Beliefs show marked generational not only are churchgoers ‘considerably older
differences. YouGov (2004) found belief in than non-churchgoers’, but the age gap, as
God was highest in the 55+ age group and Bruce (2001) confirms, has widened over
lowest among the young (18–34). The the past 25 years. This trend, he argues, is
reverse was true for non-belief. Nearly twice consistent across all major Christian faiths.
as many elderly as young respondents One explanation for this decline, Bruce
expressed a belief in prayer and personal argues, is the inability of the established
experience of praying. In terms of ‘basic church to socialise young people into
Christian beliefs’ there was little appreciable religious belief and behaviour. The decline
age difference. in Sunday School membership, for example
However, one of the most striking – from 55% of the population in 1900 to 4%
features of ‘belief ’ is arguably that a in 2000 – is indicative of the inability of
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older age groups, and Francis and Robbins (1983–1999), that men are less religious in
(2004) have produced extensive survey data terms of their affiliation levels. Affiliation is
(among males aged 13–15 years) to show also declining among men – from 61% in
evidence of what they term: 1983 to 43% in 1999.
Implicit religion – the idea that According to Census 2001, women also
‘believing without belonging’ is an have greater levels of involvement in non-
increasingly significant trend in traditional religions such as spiritualism and
contemporary societies among the young, for Wicca (both nearly 70% female), although
reasons like: variations were evident (Rastafarianism, for
example, was 70% male).
• lifestyle: Being too busy to attend
Belief: Although the validity of data
religious services and having other things
about religious beliefs is often questionable –
to occupy their time
Furlong (2002) noted, ‘. . . people
• peer group pressures that see overt forms questioned about how much they go to
of mainstream religious practice as church, give figures which, if true, would add
‘uncool’. up to twice those given by the churches’ –
the general evidence from opinion polls
Preparing the ground: (such as YouGov, 2004) is that women have
higher levels of belief in:
Gender
Walter and Davie’s (1998) observation that • God: Crockett and Voas (2004) found
‘in western societies influenced by 36% more women than men believed in
Christianity, women are more religious than the certainty of God’s existence
men on virtually every measure’ is a useful • prayer – 44% of women (and 29% of
starting point for any examination of the men) personally believe in prayer
relationship between gender and religiosity.
• life after death, heaven, the devil and so
As with the two previous categories, we can
forth.
look at patterns in a similar way, focusing
first on: O’Beirne also notes more women (57%)
Affiliation: According to O’Beirne than men (42%) affiliated to a faith
(2004), across the major UK religions, more community defined themselves in terms of
women (83%) than men (74%) claimed their religion. However, we shouldn’t ignore
some form of affiliation. Within the major the fact that the majority of men and women
UK faith communities, the split is 54–46% in our society professed little or no religious
in favour of women; however, apart from belief (in other words, religion was of little
Christians (54% female) and Sikhs (53% or no importance in terms of identity).
female), men are in the majority across the Participation: Women generally
remaining major faith communities. Of participate more in religious activities (such
those classed as non-religious, 60% were as attendance at services and clubs) than
men. men:
These figures confirm a trend, noted by
• Attendance: Crockett and Voas (2004)
successive British Attitudes Surveys
estimate that women in the 21–40 age
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White Irish 86 14
592 100
Other White 63 08 02 25
896 117 33 350
Black 74 24
Caribbean 417 130
Black African 69 20 10
333 97 49
Indian 45 13 29 06
472 133 307 67
Pakistani 92 07
686 50
Bangladeshi 92
261
Chinese 21 15 62
51 37 150
Note: A blank box means less than 5% of respondents affiliated themselves with a particular
religion. This does, of course, highlight data discrepancies. For example, 25,000 White British
respondents (0.1%) identified themselves as Muslim, whereas 4.9% of Indians identified
themselves as Christian (8,000 respondents).
Source: Census 2001 (Office of National Statistics, 2004)
higher level of ethnic fragmentation among terms of study and behaviour, needs to be
this group than among Pakistanis, for related to questions of:
example. How significant this might be, in Identity: Questions of ethnic identity are
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frequently conflated with religious identity. minority groups. O’Beirne (2004), however,
This can have serious consequences (the has noted that religion is a relevant factor
tendency for many national newspapers, for ‘in a person’s self-description, particularly for
example, to equate ‘Muslims’ with both people from the Indian subcontinent’.
‘religious fundamentalism’ and ‘terrorism’). O’Beirne (2004) suggests ‘religion is
In addition, just as we’d avoid claiming that important to migrant minority ethnic groups
the white majority, as Christians, share because it is integral to their cultural and
similar norms, values and beliefs, we should ethnic identity’. However, when we break
also be wary of attributing this to ethnic down identity in terms of religion, differences
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between faith communities are fairly did so because they considered it a private
negligible – except in relation to Christians. matter, didn’t know how to classify
We need to note there are significant themselves or whatever. However, it’s
variations in affiliation (and strength of interesting to note both the relatively high
belief ) based on categories such as gender number in some ethnic groups who claim no
and age – the latter, in particular, is affiliation (British and Chinese, for
significant when comparing the experiences example) and the relatively low number in
of different generations within (recent other groups (Pakistani, for example) who
immigrant) ethnicities; although Cook claim to be non-religious.
(2003) notes: ‘Collecting data on ethnicity
is difficult because . . . there is no consensus
on what constitutes an “ethnic group”.’ Weeding the path
Generational differences among minority The census classifies NRMs as ‘other
groups are present in the different ways religions’ involving relatively small numbers
young and old (or first- and second-/third- (approximately 160,000 respondents across
generation groups) classify themselves. First- all ethnic groups – 115,000 White British
generation immigrants are more likely to being the largest group). However, we need
identify with their country of origin, whereas to be aware that NRM respondents may not
third-generation individuals are more likely see their beliefs in ‘conventional religious’
to classify themselves in: terms or they may have used the ‘not stated’
Hybrid terms – the use, by some young category as a way of recording their beliefs.
Asians, of the term ‘Brasian’ (British Asian)
is a case in point here. Digging deeper:
Non-religious affiliations: The optional Ethnicity
nature of the census question means it’s There are a range of explanations for the
impossible to know exactly how many of relationship between ethnicity and
those who chose not to state their religion religiosity we can explore, starting with:
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Deprivation: As we’ve seen, the highest These different experiences, therefore, relate
levels of religious affiliation are found among to questions of:
Pakistani (92%) and Bangladeshi (92%) Identity – considered in terms of both
minorities. Both Dorsett (1998) and the self-perception of different ethnic groups
Berthoud (1998) have shown these ethnic and, of course, the various social factors that
groups to be among the very poorest in our go into the ‘constructive mix’ of such
society. identities. We can illustrate this idea by
While this correlation is interesting, contrasting the experiences of the ‘White
deprivation of itself is not a sufficient British’ majority ethnic group in the UK,
explanation for higher levels of religiosity following a predominantly Christian faith,
(measured in terms of both affiliation and and the Pakistani minority, following a
practice). Although Christians generally predominantly Muslim faith. The measured
profess high levels of affiliation, this does not differences in religiosity between these two
translate significantly into religious practice. groups are explained conventionally in terms
As Crockett and Voas (2004) put it: ‘All of a distinction between two types of
major ethnic minority populations are more believer:
religious than British-born whites.’ Since
• Nominal: A situation where people are
high levels of deprivation exist in places
‘born into a religion’ (such as the Church
among the white working class, the
of England) and generally, when asked,
question here is why do some ethnic groups
associate themselves with this religion
– but not others – display high levels of
without having much of a firm faith or
religiosity under similar economic
commitment to it. The majority of UK
circumstances?
Christians, by and large, fall into this
The answer is bound up in ideas and
category.
issues related not simply to ethnicity, but
also to the experience of being an • Authentic: People who demonstrate their
‘ethnic minority’ within a society; in firmly held beliefs through various forms
other words, the key to understanding of practice and commitment. Pakistani
levels of ethnic group religiosity (both Muslims generally fall into this
majority and minority) is found in two category.
areas:
• Inter-group relationships: How, for Weeding the path
example, different minority groups relate This distinction begs the question of why
to both other minorities and to the nominal belief should be considered ‘less
ethnic majority. authentic’ than overtly practised beliefs – to
• Intra-group relationships: Differences, argue that the latter group are necessarily
for example, within ethnic minority ‘more religious’ ignores two things:
groups (such as those of class, gender and,
• Private beliefs may be sincerely held
in particular, age) that relate to how
without the need to have them
these groups interact with, for example,
continually and publicly affirmed and
the ethnic majority.
reaffirmed.
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• Public practice may be indicative of ethnic majority, the role and function of
social processes (such as status organised religion has slowly changed. This
considerations or peer pressure) other group no longer (if indeed it actually ever
than strict religious belief. did, as a society) needs religion to perform
functions like:
Bruce (1995) develops these ideas by
arguing that in modern, secular societies a • Communality: Bringing people physically
distinction arises between two spheres of together to promote:
behaviour and practice that involve different • Social solidarity – the idea that people
basic values and norms: have things in common which bind them
• The public sphere is governed by ideas of together as a group or society, and
rationality, instrumentalism and, most • Identity – the idea that we become
importantly, universal values and norms ‘centred’ (reasonably secure in the
(as he argues: ‘Supermarkets do not vary knowledge of ‘who we are’) through
prices according to the religion, gender or something like communal religious
age of the customer’). This sphere can be practices.
described loosely as that of the community
– a space where people meet, greet and Private religion
interact according to a set of shared ideas Although we still require these things, they
and beliefs. are increasingly satisfied by other institutions
• The private sphere is characterised by and activities (from the media, through
ideas of expression and affection. It is also shopping, to sport). Thus, as the Christian
private in the sense of not being wholly Church loses its public functions, attendance
part of the communal sphere – it and practice also decline – but religion
represents space where the individual is, doesn’t necessarily disappear from people’s
to some extent, set apart from the lives; rather, Christianity has, Bruce (1995)
communal, public sphere. argues, been ‘. . . reworked so as to confine it
to the private sphere’.
Using this distinction, Christianity has Davie (2001), however, argues that
evolved to accommodate itself to secular religious practice often remains important
changes, especially in the public sphere (the even in situations where religiosity has
development of secular politics, the demands become largely confined to the private
of economic globalisation and cultural sphere – people still feel the need to make
diversity, for example). In so doing, it has public affirmations, the most obvious and
slowly retreated from the public sphere of widespread being the classic ‘christenings,
religious practice into the private sphere of weddings and funerals’ trinity in our society.
religious belief. This is not to say that These are important:
services and ceremonies are no longer Life events that require both private and
attended (around 1 million Christians public acknowledgement.
attend church services each week); rather, For minority groups, Bruce (1995)
it’s to argue that the Church has had to suggests the situation is somewhat different;
come to terms with the idea that, for the such groups in the UK have moved from a
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situation in which ‘their religion was argued that religious practices are a source of
dominant and all-pervasive to an protection – both physical and psychological
environment in which they form a small, – in a hostile and challenging world.
deviant minority, radically at odds with the Religions such as Islam, therefore, are
world around them’. Recent immigrant articulated in the public sphere (as Davie
groups especially find themselves in, at best, (2001) notes: ‘Islam is not a religion that
an indifferent world, and, at worst, one lends itself to private expression’) and relate
that’s hostile and uninviting. to a sense of:
In such a situation, it’s hardly surprising Belonging – not just in the literal sense of
that Pakistani minorities, for example, look ‘belonging to a religion or organisation’, but
to the things that are familiar and certain in also of belonging to a specific, definable
their lives. These involve various traditions, group, membership of which is affirmed
customs, particularistic values and norms, through public practices.
which in turn require affirmation and In this respect we can note how, for
reaffirmation through communal gatherings ethnic minority groups in particular,
that promote both social solidarity and a religiosity performs significant services and
sense of ethnic identity. Religion, through functions in terms of:
communal practices and beliefs, provides an Social identities: As we’ve suggested, one
outlet for such things, and it can also be function of religious organisations for many
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Fewer people attending Christian church Some forms of religion (such as Evangelical
services Christians) seem to be flourishing
Further examples?
need access to accurate, reliable and valid is that religion has become less important in
information about people’s behaviour – contemporary (usually Western) societies.
something can’t be taken for granted in There are, as you might expect, different
either the past or the present. In addition, versions of this general view, with the
two furthers dimensions of measurement emphasis on either:
include:
• Decline, in the sense of religion
• what features of religion we measure to continuing to exist within broadly secular
test ‘decline’ societies but relegated to the role of
• how we go about measuring such features ‘minority interest’, much as certain sports
(what, for example, counts as religious and pastimes attract a small but highly
practice). specialised audience. The majority of pro-
secularisation sociologists probably fall
Definitions of secularisation are many into this camp.
and varied, which makes it difficult to
• Disappearance, in the sense that society
identify a ‘definitive definition’. We can,
becomes truly secular. Very few, if any,
however, identify some common themes
sociologists subscribe to this particular
running through the debate and a classic
view however.
starting point for this is Shiner’s (1967)
argument that secularisation – if it exists – • Conformity: In this scenario, religions
would be manifested in areas such as: gradually come to lose their ‘supernatural’
preoccupations; rather than disappearing,
Religious decline religions ‘accommodate themselves’ with
The most obvious meaning of secularisation secular society, turning their attention
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a validity problem remains – namely the and ‘anti’ the secularisation thesis in this
assumption that people in the past and the context. Where a writer stands in relation to
present attended religious services for the this debate conditions how they interpret
same reason. Thus, it’s possible for the same data; Bruce (2002), for example, is broadly
data to demonstrate two mutually exclusive pro-secularisation, whereas Finke and Stark
things: (2004) (anti-secularisation) dispute Bruce’s
interpretation of the same evidence.
• Decline: An absolute decline in the
Epistemological: This type of problem
number of people attending services could
revolves around two ideas: what we claim to
be taken as evidence of secularisation (at
know and the general proof we will accept
least in relation to organisational
in support of this claim. Consideration of
practice). Bruce (2001), in his analysis of
this problem leads us, therefore, into some
pre-industrial Britain, and McLeod’s
slightly murkier waters when we consider a
(1993) research into Victorian Britain
range of ‘operational problems’.
both suggest religious attendance was
significantly higher in the past than it is Problems
in the present.
Definitions: The most obvious epistemological
• Increase: Coleman (1980) argues problem here is how to decide which of the
‘Victorian England, and in particular its many competing definitions to accept as
cities, experienced a breakdown of definitive for measurement purposes.
religious practice and what amounted to a Although there is a general agreement that
secularisation of social consciousness and issues like institutional, practical and
behaviour’. In other words, although ideological decline are significant, there is
religious attendance may have been little agreement about which of these areas
significantly higher in the past, the quality (if any) are most significant. In
of present-day attendance is significantly epistemological terms, therefore, the
greater – people nowadays, it could be ‘problem of operationalisation’ turns not so
argued, show greater levels of religiosity much on the existence of different
because attendance has been stripped of definitions, but on different forms of:
many of its earlier, non-religious Interpretation: In other words, even
attributes (compulsion, entertainment, where a general agreement exists over what
leisure and so forth). needs to be studied, tested or measured,
there is little or no agreement over the
meaning and significance of changes in areas
Weeding the path such as religious practice. As Taylor (2000)
Thus far we’ve looked at some ‘practical argues, many interpretations of
problems’ of methodology, but this isn’t the secularisation ‘depend largely on church
only dimension we need to consider. The attendance statistics’, and their steady
secularisation debate involves two other decline ‘. . . is still read as conclusive
types of question. evidence’ of the decline of religious practice
Ontological questions refer to different and the privatisation of religious belief ‘in a
basic groups of beliefs – those broadly ‘pro’ vicious spiral of inevitable demise’.
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• Evolution: Religion has changed, and behaviours and exercise choice over
rather than ‘declined’ in influence. what they believed and how they behaved.
People are, for example, less likely to • Knowledge – in particular the ‘increasing
follow the overt practices common in sense of mastery over fate’ that came with
the past because these served functions the development of science-based
that are either no longer needed or are knowledge.
performed by other institutions.
• Religious pluralism: As people developed
• Post-secularisation theories cover a a more individualistic outlook, their
range of positions, a number of which choices of behaviour and belief were (and
acknowledge both the previous positions indeed remain) reflected in different
– ‘pro-secularisation’ in the sense of forms of religious and non-religious belief.
seeing a decline in the influence of
Modernisation, Crockett and Voas argue,
religion in some areas of social life (such
undermines the ‘plausibility of any single
as government and economic activity),
religion’, leading to a general decline in
but ‘anti-secularisation’ in the sense that
religious influence. This follows because
religion still makes significant
religious diversity means religious
contributions to other areas of social life
organisations can no longer present a ‘united
(culture, personal morality, beliefs and so
ideological front’ to the world – their ability
forth). Yip (2002) characterises this
to impose religious discipline and sanctions,
general position as being one where
influence social and economic policies or
religion is seen to be ‘. . . in a constant
challenge scientific rationalism is, therefore,
state of transformation (and persistence)’.
seriously weakened.
Having broadly sketched these three basic Hadden (2001) argues that although early
positions, we can look at each in a little sociological theorists (such as Marx and
more depth. Weber) tended to view modernisation as
‘impacting the totality of human culture’
Pro-secularisation (that is, affecting all areas of society
Crockett and Voas (2004) argue that social
change and, in particular, the gradual
transformation of pre-modern society into
modern society creates a situation where ‘the
social significance of religion, and religious
participation as a result, declines as
modernity advances’, due mainly to three
things:
• Social transitions – from small-scale
communities, where informal social
controls held sway over people’s lives, to
large-scale, complex societies in which Are football grounds like Hampden Park,
Glasgow, the ‘new cathedrals’ of the
people could both develop a range of ideas
twenty-first century?
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• Participation: In the UK there has been a However, Bruce argues that if NRMs were
long-term decline in attendance since the ‘religious compensators’ we should have seen
nineteenth century (with a particularly ‘some signs of vigorous religious growth’.
sharp decline since the 1950s). This hasn’t happened since ‘the new
religious movements of the 1970s are
• Membership: A minority (around 10%) of
numerically all but irrelevant’.
the general population are, for example,
Belief: Although ‘believing without
members of the Church of England.
belonging’ is sometimes seen as evidence
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against secularisation, Bruce argues the world for most of the 20th century’, over the
evidence for a general decline in religious past 30 years, a number of writers, especially
beliefs is strong – it simply ‘lags behind’ the – but not exclusively – in the USA, have
decline in religious practice. challenged the notion of secularisation itself,
Gill et al. (1998), in their analysis of in terms of both empirical and interpretive
British survey data over the past 70 years, evidence.
conclude: ‘The results show an increase in Empirical evidence: Warner (1993)
general scepticism about the existence of proposed a reassessment of traditional
God, the related erosion of dominant, secularisation theory based on the fact that
traditional Christian beliefs, and the ‘. . . the proportion of the population
persistence of non-traditional beliefs.’ enrolled in churches grew hugely
throughout the 19th century and the first
half of the 20th century, which, by any
Weeding the path measure, were times of rapid
The relationship just suggested between modernization’; and Peter Berger (1999) –
modernity and secularisation has, in recent significantly, given his earlier support for
times, been challenged. Brown (2001) secularisation theory – has noted that
argues that ‘modernity’ is too broad an declining congregations in Western Europe
explanation for secularisation within was not a trend replicated in the USA.
Christianity and that, in its place, we should Kelley (1972) added a controversial idea
understand changes in Christianity based into the general mix when he argued that
around: secularisation, where it had occurred, was
Gender and, in particular, female the result not of modernity and rationality
religiosity. Brown’s research, for example, but rather the outcome of:
shows that from the late eighteenth century, Accommodations made by religious
the Christian Church in Britain was organisations to the secular world. In other
predominantly supported and maintained by words, religious practice declined only in
women. The post-1945 decline in church organisations that were:
attendance is explained by changes in
• image conscious – appealing to the
female lives and self-perceptions, which
widest range of people
resulted in a questioning of both religious
practice and beliefs as the lives and • democratic in their internal affairs
experiences of this social group changed. In • responsive to people’s needs
other words, any ‘decline in religiosity’ could • relativistic in terms of their teaching and
be explained in terms of ‘a remarkably morality.
sudden and culturally violent event’ in the
shape of feminism. Religious growth, according to Kelley, was
found in religious organisations that offered
Anti-secularisation their adherents a set of basic ideas and
Although Hadden (2001) notes, principles that were:
‘secularization theory was the dominant • traditional
theoretical view of religion in the modern
• autocratic
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significant psychological need). In words, it’s not the fact of people saying they
situations where people are able to express believe in such ideas as ‘God’ that’s
their religiosity, religious organisations significant; rather, it’s what they do – or fail
exist and develop and, in turn, this to do – on the basis of such beliefs that is
behaviour spreads throughout political sociologically significant. If, for example,
and economic life. A classic example, religious beliefs are so strongly held that
here, might be contemporary US society. they form the basis for social action – such as
the creation of, and active involvement in,
Post-secularisation political parties that advocate strict religious
This theory attempts to resolve this laws and observances – then this becomes a
argument by redefining secularisation and matter that must be addressed by
simultaneously severing the (causal) links secularisation theory. However, in such a
between different dimensions. Phillips situation the question of ‘individual beliefs’
(2004) argues that this position is based is transformed into a structural question
initially around the idea of: (relating to areas such as group identities,
Differentiation: Social structures and how and why they are created and the
institutions that were, at one time, heavily functions they perform), not an ‘individual
under the influence of – or, in some question’, and hence becomes a matter for
instances, controlled by – religious study and explanation.
organisations and ideas become secularised. If, however, religious beliefs are ‘simply’
In other words, a separation between matters of personal preference that have little
religious and non-religious institutions or no impact on social structures, then for
occurs in modern societies. However, the post-secularisation theory they are
general thrust and extent of secularising effectively considered irrelevant. Casanova
tendencies is limited to institutions and (1994) notes that secularisation, under these
practices. In other words, post-secularisation terms, involves the liberation of secular
theory argues that differentiation also spheres (politics, economics, etc.) from the
involves a: influence of religious organisations, values
Separation between social structures and and norms – it does not necessarily involve
individual sociologies. This makes it possible the disappearance of personal religious
to chart the secularisation of two dimensions beliefs. Similarly, Tschannen (1994)
of religiosity (social institutions and religious suggests that, for post-secularisation theory,
organisations/practice) by arguing that a the main object of study is the changing
third dimension (individual beliefs) should position of religion, as an institution, in
be left out of the equation, for reasons society; whether or not people ‘believe’ or
relating to: ‘disbelieve’ religious ideas on a personal basis
Social actions: The question of whether, is conceptually unimportant – or, as
in an institutionally secularised society, Sommerville (1998) argues, institutional
people hold religious-type beliefs is differentiation is not something that ‘leads
considered relatively unimportant. These to secularisation. It is secularisation’.
beliefs are significant only if they inform Phillips (2004) characterises this general
people’s general social actions; in other position as one where ‘post-secularization is
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extent to which social capital in the USA, • Secularisation: The ‘decline and loss of
for example, has declined. Wuthnow influence’ story, backed up to some extent
argues: ‘There has been some decline in by evidence relating to ‘European religion
social capital in the United States over the (and its decline), the relative decline of
past two or three decades; however, American mainline churches, and a
evidence does not indicate that social biographic loss of religiosity on the part of
capital has declined drastically or to many intellectuals...’
radically low levels, nor does it show that • Fundamentalisms: The idea, mainly
social capital of all kinds has declined.’ In perpetuated through the media, that
addition, questions remain over the extent religion is becoming ‘increasingly
to which the apparent revival in religious Fundamentalist – A resurgent Islam
participation in some parts of the USA and certainly makes this story plausible. So
in some religious organisations can be does the intrusion of American right-
related to different levels of social capital – wing religion into national politics. But
but this is probably an area that requires these are only two views’.
further investigation rather than being
• Reorganisation suggests the shape of
something that necessarily falsifies the
religious organisations is changing, rather
general argument.
than declining or becoming more
Beyond secularisation fundamentalist. The phenomenon of ‘cell
churches’ (where people meet in small
To conclude we can note a couple of further
groups in each other’s houses rather than
ideas about the secularisation debate. First,
in a church) is an example here.
referring to both the secularisation thesis
and the nature and extent of religiosity, • Individualisation sees religion as
Harper and LeBeau (1999) note: ‘The increasingly ‘a matter of personal choice’
evidence is pervasive and clear; religion has – not only in terms of things like worship
disappeared nowhere but changed and practice, but also in terms of a ‘pick-
everywhere’ – and this, as far as we’re and-mix’ approach to religions
concerned, perhaps, is part of the problem. (combining various ideas and
Both religion and secularisation frequently philosophies to create personalised forms
have different: of belief ). Such individualisation evolves
to satisfy religious yearnings in situations
• definitions where individuals ‘can no longer rely on
• measurements social institutions’.
• interpretations. • Religious markets: This story, as we’ve
seen, relates to a resurgent anti-
For this reason, therefore, rather than try to
secularisation message that involves a
come to firm conclusions about the
plurality of organisations servicing a range
secularisation thesis, it might be useful to
of religious needs.
note Spickard’s (2003) observation that the
sociology of religion generally consists of six
main narratives:
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