265

Crema Ware and Elite Power at Monte

Albain: Ceramic Production and
Iconography in the Oaxaca
Valley, Mexico

ChristinaM. Elson
American Museum oFNatural Histon'
Nerv York, Nerv York

R. Iason Sherman
Universin' of Wisconsin-Milrvaukee
Mihvaukee, Wisconsrn

Dwring the Tenninal Formatiue, or Monte Albrin II period.(cn. 100 BC AD 200), the
Zapotecsta.tewa.scentered.in tbe Onraca Vnlley,Mexico. Reassessrnent of ceraruic d.ata
frotu. excavnt'ionsnt tbe Zapotec captital of Monte Albriru, in conjwnxinn with d.ata acqwired.
fi,om recent invest'@ntionsat o secondarycentet'(Cewo Tilcnjete) and a teftiary center
(Tnnsuchi) in the Oaracn Valley,shedsligbt on theprod.wxion nnd d.ixribwtion of elabo-
rately decot'atedcrema- (crearn-)paste cernmics.This analysis su,lgeststhat such cerarnics
weteprod.uced.at Monte Albdn nsprextge good.snnd dixribwted to hcnl elites resid.ingnt
ndtninistrative sitesthrowghowt the yalley. Tbe dirnibwtion of dtnrated crernn vessels-and.
in pntticwlar5 bowlsbenring incised lightning rnotifs associatedwitb thepreeminent Zapotec
d.eity,Cociyo-viagijt-giving networlu representeda.n a.ttenxptby elitesat the capital to
control local elitesnnd integrate them into the regional sociopoliticalhierarchy. Dnta fi'0ru
Cewo Tihajete and. Taasuchi indicate thnt hcal elitesnt thesecentersacqwired and used
srlne creTn&yessels. Thesepessels werefewet'in nurmberand. lessvaried.than tbe creruas
enjoyed.by elitn at the capitnl. Elites at Cewo Tilcnjete and. Tanswchiapparently sponsored
tbe hcal prod.urtion of cernrnicsintend.edto imitate n'enoapessels.81,supplementing theflow
of trwe cretnn cerarnicsfrom Monte Albrin, tbe prodwxion of local irnitations wowld hape
swbveted.nttempts by elitesa.t the ca.pita.lto conh,olbotb the d.isnibwtion of prexigious
ceramicsnnd. the swbowl.inateeliteswho desired.thern. This regional stwdy of cernmicsin tbe
Oaracn Vallqt illustrates the intet'sectionof econotnyand id.eologyin state slciety, a.swell os
the role that prestigegood.scan play in the creation and legitimizntion of-as well ns resis-
tance to - institwtionalized. sociopoliticaldffirencel

Introduction Flannerv 1996). In Late Monte Albdn I (Late MA I;

The Zapotcc of the Oa-xacaVallel', Mexico, creatcd one
of the first state-levelpolitical organizations in Mesoamer-
ica and one of the few primary states documented world-
wide (Blanton et al. 1999; Marcus and Flannery 1996;
Wright 1986) (rrc. r). The capital ciw of Monte Albdn was
founded around 500 n.c., and scholarsagreethat the Za-
potec stateemerged betrveen500 and 100 n.c., during the
Monte Alb{n I (MA I) period. In the succeeding Monte
Albdn II (MA II) period (100 n.c-a.o.200), the Oaxaca
Vallev exhibited indications of a politically. integrated state-
level sociew (Blanton et al. 1999; Elson 2006; Marcus and
500-300 n.c.) and MA II, the Zapotec expanded beyond
the boundaries of the valley to incorporate several sur-
rounding regions (Balkansky 2002; Marcus and Flannery
1996; Redmond 1983).
This article describesthe manufacture, distribution, and
use of certain types of ceramics during MA II, drawing on
published evidence from Monte Albiin as well as data from
recent excavationsin the southern (Valle Grande-Ocotl:in)
branch of the Oa-xacaValley Determining how many ler.
els ofthe sociopolitical hierarchy had accessto certain kinds
of vesselsallows us to identifi, asDectsof MA II economic
266 Crema Ware and.Elite Poweynt Monte Albri.n, Oara.caValley,Mexico/Ehon nnd Shennnn

moted the perception that they enjoyed the exclusive pow-

N er to approach supernatural forces (fo,vce 2000; Marcus
1992; Marcus and Flannery 1996). Ceramic efiigy bottles
0,-]0 km found in elite mortuary contexts dating to MA II depict
O Archaeological
site Cociyo,the preeminent Zapotec deity expressedas lightning
I Moderncity and closely associatedwith agricultural prosperity. In MA
III (e.o. 200-700), complex iconography linking noble
'u/Q
\ oaxaca cfi bro^
-'/cA ancestry and Cociyo was carved on tomb lintcls, painted in
a
'--'.Ai6in"r
^ r^^la
tomb murals, and displayed in ceramic sculpture (prcdom-
.lSlilp"l:1" !- inantlv urns) found in residential and morruary contexts.
-Sfl n!,.,,, Yagul
o
Badolo udr tzu
\ These contexts and artifacts demonstrate an ideology in
which noble ancestors-who after death residedin a semi-
divine state in close proximity to supernatural forces-'w'ere
conduits for supplication to Cociyo. We propose drat in
MA II, as elite hierarchies becamemore elaborated and po-
{"Y"*9'r---I
o"l- litical power coalesced at Monte Alb{n, the ancestors of
nobles at the capital became more important than the an-
cestors of nobles at subordinate administrative centers in
dre Oaraca Valley. Local elites also may have been forccd to
reconsider their traditional roles in community-wide ritu-
als related to agriculrural prosperiw and group or ethnic
unity (McAnany 2OO2;Smith 2002).
FIere we suggest that following the incorporation of the
Valle Grande-Ocotldn into the expanding Zapotec state ca.
lvlexico
City' 100 n.c., particular cre?n&(cream-paste)vesselswere man-
ufactured at or near Monte Albiin and given to local elites
in an effort to "bur/'their loyalty and to influence the struc-
ture of domestic events at sites in the Valle Grande-
( Ocotldn. During MA I, this crema poftery comprised pri-
marily utilitarian vesselsproduced and consumed largely at
Figure l Map of the Oaxaca Valle,vwith places discussed in the text. Monte Albdn and in the northern (Etla) branch of the val-
ley. By MA II, crema paste was increasingly used to make
highly decorated serving vessels.The patterns of consump-
and political organization. First, we document the distrib- tion of specific kinds of crema ceramics-primarily tripod
ution of prestige goods through elite gift-giving networks. and tetrapod bowls with lightning iconography-at Monte
Second, we propose how these goods were used to build Albrin and at the two sites we excavated (Cerro Tilcajete
political consensus and manage intra-factional rivalry. Fi- and Yaasuchi) indicate drat these vesselsfunctioned as pres-
nally, rve examine how exchange pafterns developed in tige goods and displayed iconographv linking their users
concert with the territorial expansion of the Zapotec poli- with Cociyo (Frcs. 2, t). The distribution of thesesymbol-
ty and the adoption of pan-Mesoamerican iconography by icallv charged and valued items was one way in which the
Monte Albdn nobles who sought to reinforce their posi- state integrated local elites into a Monte Albdn-defined
tion at the top of the vallerts sociopolitical hierarchy. Our sphere of power.
work sheds light on the intersection of economy and ide- Our evidence indicates that lightning iconography also
ologv in early state societies,and on ways in which prestige appearson particular kinds of locally produced, non-crema
goods are created and used to manage social boundaries pottery. These ceramicsmay represent attempts to fi.rlfill lo-
and to legitimize-or challenge-social differentiation cal demands that could not be met by Monte Albdn's pot-
(Blanton et al. 1996; BrumfieI and Earle 1987; Chaseand ters. We examined dre production and distribution of these
Chase 1992; kCount 1999). types to evaluaternhether or not they could have becn used
In Oaxaca,scholarsposit that the emergenceof noble to subvert (intentionally or not) the value of crema ceram-
and commoner social strata is tied to the development of ics as a medium of expression controlled by capital elite.
state-level political organization. Emerging nobles pro- Our argument rests on severalpropositions. One is that

A r,r.ith disdnctive diorite temper. Petrographic and chemical
FigrLre 2. Tvpical red-painted crerna paste bo*'ls rvith bulbous tripod
slrpports found at Montc Alb{n .L) zig-zag design; B) step-ftet design
Reclra*,n from Caso, Bcrnal, and Acosta 1967: frg 205.
goods produced in smaller numbers at centralized loca-
tions are more valuable.Another is that the more time and
effort it takesto produce a ceramic vessel,the more likelv
the finished objcct r'r'ill be difficult to acquire and u'ill har.e
restricted functions (Feinman, Upham, and Lightfoot
I98l; Miller 1980). Severalfactors contribute to produc-
tion cost, including availabiliw of resources(e.g.,clarr,tem-
peq etc.) and the time required to manufhcturea vessel.Re-
searchersin Oa-racahave noted that it was not expedient or
cost-effective to transport crema tripod and tetrapod borvls
from the capital to other sites in the vallev becausethese
vesselswere not stackable,and elements like hollorv feet
u,ere fragile (Kowalervski et al. 1989: f67). Additionalll',
data on how a l'esselwas used at its locus of consumption
shed light on its role as a domestic or ritual object. In the
follou'ing sections \ve exaffrine vesselforn, usc, and deco-
ration, asrvell as issuesof production and transport for MA
II ceran'ricsin the OanacaValler,.
Background of Oaxaca Ceramic Studies
Past studies of MA I and MA II ceramicsfocused pri-
marily on regional sun/ev data and thc distribution of ce-
ramic fi,'peson the surface of sites (e.g., Feinman 1986).
The ceramic classification s\rstemfor Monte Albdn was de-
r.ised bv Alfonso Caso and his colleagues(Caso, Bemal,
and Acosta 1967), who excavatedat Monte Alb{n for eigh-
teen seasonsin the lirst half of the 20th centun.. Tl-risrvork
is still the most comprehensive ceramic studv for roughlv
thc first millemium of the site'soccupatiorl (i.e., after 500
n.c.), and it sen'esasthe foundation fbr more recent anahr
ses.The svstem developed b)'C"so and his colleaguesu'as
based primarily on paste color and composition and sec-
ondarily on the presence or absence of decorerive traits
(such as painting and incising) on vesscls.The four prima-
rv pastes in the Oariaca Valle,v aregris (grav; abbrcviatcd
"G"), crerua.(cream; abbreviated"C"), cafe(brown; abbre-
viated "K"), and aruatillo (vellorv; abbreviated"lf'). Each
ofthese four pastecategoriesincludes various tvpes desig-
Journal of Field.Archa.eology@l.32, 2007 267
ntrted bv arbitrary alphanumeric codes (e.g., G.29, C.II,
A.9, etc.). Some 6pes are characterizedbv verv specific
combinations of attributes, u,hile others ellcompass multi-
ple vesselforms and decorati'i'eelements.In general,Caso
and his colleagues successfully pinpointed pafticular ce-
rarnic types with good chronological significance.
The paste used to make crema ceramicsis a clal'bodv
anah'sesof crema sherds from sites throughout the Oa-xaca
Vallev shor'v a high degree of unifbrmin', and chemical
analysesindicate that the clav bod,v and temper used iu cre-
mas came from a single geological deposit located imme-
diatelv north of Monte Albdn. All knog'n prchispanic sites
associatedwith crema pottery-making, such as Sta. Maria
Atzompa and San Lorenzo Cacaotepec, are located u'ithin
f0 km of Monte Albdn (rIc. r) (Feinman 1986: 356;
Hendry 1957; Shepard1963, L967:477478; Stolmaker
1973). Crema ceramics u'ere first produced in MA I,
around the time that Monte Albdn u'as founded, and they
appear in the earliest stratigraphic levels at that site. Gir.en
this, as rvell as the proximiw of Monte Albdn to the crema
clav and temper sources,it is probable that crema ceramics
1i'ere made b}, potters living near Monte Albdn and dis-
tributed to other sites in the vallev
In contrast, gris ceramics lvere manufactured fiom fine-
textured alluvial clavs that rvere u'ideh'available through-
out the 1.xlls1. (Feinman 1986: 358-359; Plog 1976; Shep-
ard 1967). Petrographic and cl-remicalanalvsesshow that
the quali6', plasticitr,, and mineral content of gris clavs
r.ariesconsiderably (Fargher 2004; Feinman et al. 1989,
1992; Shepard 1967). Deposits of particularlv fine grav-
firing alluvial clay have been found near San Bartolo Cov-
otepec (Pa1'ne1994: 8). Archaeological debris identifies
SanAgustin de lasluntas as another probable potterl'mak-
ing sitc (Feinman 1986: 356-357; Winter 1984: f95).
Both sites had MA I and II occupation. Other sites that
have been posited as gris potterv-producing sites are San
fuan Guelavia (Feinman 1986) and Yaasuchi,also calledLa
Ciinega (rrc. r) (Feinman ).982; Sherman2005).
Amarillo and cafd ceramics comprise a relativelv small
percentage of the MA I and II assemblage.Manv amarillo
vessclsare simplv gris-pasteceramicsfired in an oxidizing
environment and therefore could have been produced
throughout the valley. One amarillo ceramic n'pe restrict-
ed to MA II, refbrred to as A.9, was decorated u'ith red
painted designs that include step-frets, zig-zags, flowers,
and warry lines (Caso, Bcrnal, and Acosta 1967: ftgs. 48,
49) (uc. 4). On regional sun'ey, A.9 potten'is hcavil,v
concentrated in the Valle,vGrande-Ocoddn and the eastern
(Tlacolula) branch of the vallel' and largeh,.absent from Et-
la (rIc. r). During the site surlrevof Monte Albd.n,this wpe
 268 Crema Ware ond.Elite Powerat Monte Albrin, Oaxata Valley,Mexin/Elson and Shertnan

was found primarily around the Main Plaza and on an east- Thble l. Frequencics of paste and ceramic npes found
ern spur ofthe site (Kowalewski et aI. 1989: 168-179). Be- in stratigraphic excavations of Late Monte Albdn I (MA
low we evaluate the role of A.9 as an elite ware and com- I) and Monte Albdn II (MA II) contexts in the Nonh
Platform at Monte Albdn. Data from Caso. Bernal- and
pare and contrast it with crema ceramics.
Acosta 1967: table l.
Cafd ceramics are largely made from coarse upland or
Paste
piedmont clays that are widely available throughout the Ceramic InteMAI% IIAII%
valley. Although cafd paste was primarilv tempered with s (all) 25.t9 3 42 0
sand and used to make utilitarian vessels(e.g., comnlesltor- Undecorated (rvpresG.l, 2, 3, 5) 18.88 28.45
Decorated (cxccpt G.29) 6.31 5.75
tilla griddles], jars, etc.), there is a great deal ofvariation in Red-paintecl gris (G 29) 0.00 0.00
cafe paste, and some varieties were used to make fine, thin- Crema (all) 60.40 48.3r
walled serving vessels. Undecorated (Npe C.f ) 20.20 10.46
These data provide us with some idea of the physical fac- Decoratcd 40.20 37.85
tors influencing pottery production in the Oaxaca Valley. Cafe(exceptK.l7) 9.62 13.78
Dark brorvnto blackfinish (K.I7) 0.05 0.08
Before discussing detailed ceramic data from Monte Albdn
Amarillo(exceptA.9) 4.74 2.94
and the Valle Grande-Ocodd.n, we review what is known Red-paintedamarillo(A.9) 0.00 0.69
about the influence of political or socio-economic net- Tota] 100% 100%
works on the movement of ceramics throughout the vallev
during MA I.
marilv as a governmental palace-the seatof Zapotec ruler-
Changing Patterns of Ceramic Consumption: ship (Blanton 1978; Flannery 1998). Analysis of the ce-
MAItoMAII ramics found in stratigraphic excavations of the platform
can tell us about the kinds of vesselsthat were discarded
Monte Albdn
and incorporated in the fill of this elite complex (Caso,
Prior to 500 n.c., the central part of the Oaxaca Vallev Bernal, and Acosta 1967: 89-106).
had low population and Iittle agricultural production The ceramics from the North Platform excavationsthat
(Blanton et al. 1999: 49; Marcus and Flannery 1996: have been analyzed included approximately 4000 sherds
139-154). The transformation of this central zone into the from Late MA I levels and some 15,500 sherds from MA
heardand of a state society began with the founding of II levels (Caso, Bernal, and Acosta 1967l. table I ). As a per-
Monte Albdn atop a 400 m mountain ar the convergence centage of all MA I ceramic paste types coded, crema ce-
point of the valle/s three main branches. With an initial ramics made up a significant proportion (6OVo)of the ce-
population of about 5000 people, Monte Albiin was many ramics deposited on the North Platform, though some
times larger than any other contemporaneous site in the 20o/oof the total number of cremaswere undecorated (type
Oaxaca Valley (Blanton 1978; Kowalewski et al. 1989: C.I) ceramicswith utilitarian functions, primarily bowls
100). (rerr,n r). In MA II, crema ceramicsmake up less (48%)
Kev architectural features indicative of many earh' 51x1sr, of the excavated assemblageand some I0%o of the total
such as governmental palaces, residential palaces with number of cremas were undecorated (qpe C.I). In con-
tombs, and temples with standardized plans (Flannery trast, undecorated gris ceramics (wpes G.l, 2, 3, and 5)
1998) have not been uncovered in MA I contexts ar Monte make up a larger percentage of the gris wares deposited in
Albdn. Unfonunately, most of the site's earliest buildings MA II than they do in MA I (rest,s r). One intcrpretation
lie buried under later constmctions. The remains of sever- of these data is that in MA II, more undecorated gris ce-
al massivepublic buildings, however, have been uncovered ramics may have been produced to fulfill local needs and
in excavationsin the ceremonial core and date to MA I (Ca- that potters near Monte Albdn either used less crema paste
so, Bernal, and Acosta 1967: 961' Flannery and Marcus or re-oriented it for other purposes, such as the production
1983a). One of these, the North Platform, was first built ofvessels for export to valley sites.
in MA I and extensively remodeled in MA II. At this time, There are a number of MA I tombs with elaborate of-
the massive platform supponed a colonnaded portico, a ferings at Monte Albdn, although the plans of the residen-
Iarge sunken patio, and multiple temples (Blanton 1978: tial palacesassociatedwith these tombs were obliterated bv
46,63; Caso, Bernal, and Acosta 1967:90-106, plan I; later constructions (Caso, Bernal, and Acosta 1967). !\hile
Flannery 1998: 2I-36; Marcus and Flannerv \996: data from the Nonh Platform show that cremas consdnrt-
I78-L79). As the least accessiblearchitectural complex at ed a significant proportion of the ceramics in the fill, they
the capital, the Nonh Platform may have functioned pri- comprise a strikinglv small percentage of the vesselsplaced

Figure 3. Red-painted crema paste bowl sherds found at Cerro Tilcajete. A-B) Scratched zig-zag designs;
C) No scratching; D) Scratched step-fret design
in tombs. Caso and his colleagues (1967: table IV) report
on 100 vesselsfrom seven MA I tombs. Approximately
l4o/o of thevesselsin these contexts were cremas,while gris
cerarnicsaccounted for 73o/oof the vessels.The vast maior-
ity of the crema vesselsin MA I tombs are simple bowls
with incurving or oudeaning walls (Caso, Bernal, and
Acosta 1967: 195-207).Incontrast, gris paste was used to
make a wider variety of forms including fancy bowls with
modeling and carving, bottles with Cociyo iconography,
and vesselsshaped like animals or shells. Most of this pot-
tery could have functioned as serving wares (Marcus and
Flannery 1996: 2I4). A hierarchy in burial practices and
mornrary offerings emerged in the Oaxaca Valley during
MA I, which is one line of evidence signaling the appear-
ance of an ideology legitimizing social stratification (Blan-
ton et al. 1999:87-88; loyce 2000; Marcus and Flannery
1996; Whalen I98l; Winter 1974,1995).
By MA II, there was a significant shift in the proportion
of gris and crema vesselsfound in tombs and burials at
Monte Albdn. For this time period, Caso and his col-
leagues (1967: tableVIl) report on about 200 vesselsfrom
22 tombs. Crema ceramics accounted for 48o/oof the ves-
sels included in tombs (compared to l4o/o in MA I), while
Joumal of Ficld.Archa+ology/Uol.
32,2007 269
only 34o/owere of gris paste. Later, we will elaborate on the
forms and decoration of MA II ceramics.
The OaxacoVnlhy
Outsidethe capital,gris potteryalsowas a preferred
mediumfor elite expressionandiconographyduring MA
I. Regional survey of the Oaxaca Valley identified crema
sherds primarily on the surfacesof sites in the Central and
Eda ponions of the valley, close to the probable crema ce-
ramic production loci (Kowalewski et al. 1989: 149). In
contrast, the same types of gris paste ceramics found in
tombs at Monte Albdn also appeared in tombs and on the
surfaces at sites with administrative functions (Feinman
f 986: 368). As noted above, these gris cerarnicswere made
at a number of sites throughout the valley. Regional simi-
larities in vesselforms and the iconography found on gris
ceramics may be evidence that elites throughout the valley
shared a common "Zapotec" ethnicity (Blanton et al.
1999: 105-107; Marcus and Flannery 1994, 1996:
r58-r59).
At the same time, data from the Valle Grande-Ocoddn
region show that during Late MA I the Oaxaca Valley was
not unified as a single political system. It is probable that
27O Crema Ware and.Elite Powerat Monte Albrin, Oaxaca Volley,Mexin/Elson and Shennan
exterior
Vt T----r-----r---t
1 0c m
Figure 4. Red-painted amarillo paste borvls from Ccrro Tilcajete.
Monte Albdn's rulers were directing military expeditions
against populations in the valley and neighboring regions
(Balkansky 1998, 2002; Flannerv and Marcus f983b;
Io),ce and Winter 1996; Redmond 1983; Spencer 1982).
In addition, the construction of defensive vi'alls at accessi-
ble points on the slopes of Monte Albdn suggestsa concern
for security (Blanton 1978: 52-56; Marcus and Flannery
1996:139-154).
Recent investigations at the site of El Palenque in the
Ocotliin area (rIc. r) have shown that this part of the val-
ley was not incorporated into the Monte Albdn political
system until circa 100 n.c. (Spencerand Redmond 200I,
2006). During Late MA I, the 76-ha site of El Palenque
was the capital of an independent poliry that may have con-
trolled as much as 280 sq km of the Valle Grande-Ocoddn
subregion. Ceramic data from El Palenque show that local
elites used many fanry gris vesselsbut verv few crema ce-
ramics, and that they had little accessto exotic goods like
obsidian, whose importation into the Oa-racaValley may
have been controlled by Monte Albdn (Spencer 1999;
Spencer and Redmond 2004).
In contrast, the results of research at Yaasuchi, located
on the western edge of the Valle Grande (rrc. r), indicate
that the inhabitants of this site-and perhaps,by extension,
other settlements in the northwestern Valle Grande-ei-
ther were controlled direcdy by Monte Albdn or were po-
litically aligncd with the Zaporec capital during Late MA I.
Yaasuchireceived a significant number of crema vesselsand
may have been a node on a mountain route that circum-
vented the region controlled by El Palenque and linked the
expansionistic Monte Alb:in polity with distant regions
southwest of the OaxacaValley (Sherman 2005).
Circa I00 8.c., around the beginning of MA II, Monte
Albdn subjugated the El Palenque-headed polity and es-
tablished political control over the entire valley.A new sub-
regional center, Cerro Tilcajete, was built on a hilltop over-
looking the abandoned El Palenque. Cerro Tilcajete is
much smaller than it predecessor (25 ha vs. 76 ha) and its
administrative architecture is dispersed around several
plaza groups. Access to the ceremonial precinct was con-
trolled, and the small plazas were intended to accommo-
date severalhundred people. While the site does have tlvo-
room temples and elite residences,it lacks a ballcourt and
an administrative palace. Overall, the pattern at Cerro
Tilcajete reflects a muted expression of local political pow-
er and suggestsan institutionalized inequality in socio-eco-
nomic linkages between local elites and Monte Albdn's
rulers (Elson 2006, 2007).
During t}re samc time period, Yaasuchi grew to be the
third largest center in the Valle Grande-Ocod:in area (Sher-
man 2005). The estimated population of Yaasuchi (ap-
proximately 370) was considerably smaller, however, than
that of Cerro Tilcajete (approximately 1200), and the civic-
ceremonial stmctures constructed at the former were few-
er in number and even more spatially dispersed than those
at thc lafter. Similarities between the artifact assemblages
(including ceramics) from the two sites suggest that the in-
habitants of Cerro Tilcajete and Yaasuchi panicipated in
some of the same exchangenetworks, including those me-
diated by elites at Monte Albdn. At the same time, there is
considerable variability in the sites' assemblages, which
may reflect differences in the relative status of elites at Cer-
ro Tilcajete, the largest administrative center in the Valle
Grande-Ocotldn area, and the smaller center of Yaasuchi
(sce below).
To summarize, during MA I crema paste was used to
make a variety of utilitarian and decorated vessels.Crema
ceramics probably were indicative of elite status, at least at
Monte Albdn, but they were by no means the most beauti-
ful or elaborate vesselsmade during this time period. Gris
vesselswere generally more elaborately made and more
likely to be included in tombs. Although fanry gris vcssels
were manufactured at severallocations throughout the val-
ley, potters drew on a common repertoire of srylistic ele-
ments and design forms that communicated information
about status among elites throughnut the valley. If we posit
that during MA I much of the Valie Grande-Ocotl{n
branch of the Oa,xacaValley was not controlled by Monte
Albdn, we would conclude that the incorporation of dris
region into Monte Albdn's political sphere after 100 s.c.
brought with it new kinds of social and economic ties.
Ceramic Production and Blite Integration:
Monte Albin II
During MA II, several changes occurred in the ceramic
assemblage.Our interpretation of regional and site-specif-
ic data suggests that crema poftery carne to have elite or
capital-oriented connotations; that step-fret iconography

Thble 2. Primarv domestic vesselforms found in Monte
Albdn II tombs, burials, and offerings at Montc Albdn.
Data from Caso, Bcrnal, and Acosta 1967:213-278,
table 7.
VrvL n %ooftotal number ofveseh
Bridgespout jar 4 L.L6
Trav 7 2.03
Effrgv borvl 8 2.32
Basin II 3.19
B<-rtde/jar 28 8.12
Borvl rvith suppoft and/or spout 48 13.91
Vase/vasc rvith lid 73 2L 16
Borvl 166 48.12
345 100.00
appeared on vessels;and that bowls with tripod and retra-
pod supports became part of a set of elite wares used as
sen'ing vesselsin rirual and momrary contexts. Although
the defining srylistic elements of MA II serving ware were
developed at Monte Albdn, rulers at the capital gave crema
pottery as gifts, which would have encouraged rhe distrib-
ution and adoption of these elements by elites residing at
administrative centers elsewhere in the valley. Over time,
local ceramic produccrs began imitating some crema ce-
ramic forms and iconographv using local pastes.
To document these processes,we examined the available
data on pottery production ar Monte Albdn and the con-
tents of tombs, burials, and offerings excavatedat the cap-
ital in order to charactcrize the divcrsity ofvessels placed in
such contexts. We described the various vesselforms found
in excavationsat Monte Albdn and considered the possible
utilitarian (domestic) and/or ritual functions or associa-
tions of these vesselq,pes. We concluded that crema tripod
and tetrapod bowls were manufactured to display light-
ning motifs and played an impoftant role in domestic ac-
tivities petitioning or thanking Cociyo for agriculrural
prosperity. When we compared our findings from Monte
Alb:in with excavation data from Cerro Tilcajete and Yaa-
suchi, we found that elites at Cerro Tilcajete received more
cremas, including a wider range of vesselforms, than did
elites at the considerably smaller center of Yaasuchi, a pat-
tern that reflects thc different positions held by elites with-
in the regional social and administrative hierarchy.
PotteryProd.uxionat MonteAlbrin
Ethnohistoricaland archaeological
dataindicatethat the
Zapotecproducedpoftery in formal kilns constructedwith
adobe bricks, as well as in ephemeral,open firing pits or
"pit kilns" (e.9.,Balkanskv.Feinman,and Nicholas1997;
Flanneryand Marcus |994;Maninezlipez and Markens
2OO4;Martinezlipezet al.2000: 256; Payne1970;Sher-
man 2005: 200-203; Whalen l98I:97; Winter and Payne
Journal of FieldArchaeolngy/Vl|.32, 2007 27 r
Thble3. Cremapastevcssclforms found in Monte Albdn II
tombs, burials,and offcringsat Monte Albdn. Data from
Caso,Bernal,andAcosta1967:2L3-278,table7.
Crcmn yesselfbm n o/oof all rcseh of this
Bridgespoutjar I 25.00
Tiav 0 0.00
Effrgv bou.l I 12.50
Basin r 9.09
Borde/jar II 39.29
Borvl rvith supportsand/or spout 37 77.08
Vasc/vase rvith lid 46 63.01
Borvl 76 45.78
Total I73 50.14
1976). Cira Martinez l6pez and Robert Markens have
identified 29 MAII ceramic kilns at Monte Albdn, located
in stmctures around the Main Plaza and on the noftheast-
ern slope of the site. Many of these kilns are large enough
to have produced pottery at a scale beyond that of domes-
tic consumption (Manine zlipez and Markens 2004:9I).
It is not clear what types of ceramics were produced in
these locations, though some kilns are associatedwith elite
residenccs.Martinez Iipez and Markens recently excavat-
ed one MA II structure on the Main Plaza with clear er,'i-
dence for shell and obsidian production (Martinez Iipez
and Markens 2004), and they and other scholars have sug-
gestcd that the Montc Albdn elite had a desire to dominate
the production and distribution of several kinds of goods,
including certain rypes of pottery', worked shell, and obsid-
ian (Elson 2006; Martinez Iipez and Markens 2004;
Winter f989).
Monte Albdn WsselForwr.sond PasteTypes
There are two primary kinds of ceramics in burials and
offerings: forms used for food preparation and serving, and
forms used in ritual. Here, we review published informa-
tion on 345 preparation and serving vesselsthat Caso and
his colleagues found in 22 tombs, 14 burials, and 10 of-
ferings at Monte Albdn (Caso, Bernal, and Acosta 1967:
213-278, table VII) (TABLEz). Earlier, we noted that data
from stratigraphic excavationsand burial and offering con-
tcxts at Monte Albrin suggestedan emerging preferencefor
decorated vesselsmade of crema paste. I73 of 345 (5oo/o)
MA II food preparation and serving vesselscoded by Caso
and colleaguesare made in crema paste (rern 3). Data
from tombs and burials from more recently excavated,but
perhaps lower-status, MA II residencesshow that lI of 46
of the same kinds of food preparation and serving vessels
are crema paste (Maninez lipez 1998; Winter et al.
r995).
Ceramics used in food preparation and serving include
trays, basins, bowls, and jars. Comales (typically made of
 272 Crenta Ware and.Elite Powerat Monte Albdn, Oaxaca Valhy,Mexico/Ekon and Shewnan
VB
D A.9), and eight bowls have colorfi,rl stuccoed designs (rrc.
-
G scribed below), but we have noted that both vessel wpes
J
Figure5 Sn4izedMonteAlbdnII ceramic
forms(scctextfor
descriptions).
cafd paste) are not present in mornran' contexts or offer-
ings, but small "trays" made of the same cafe paste are
found (rrc. iA). Tiays may have functioned as symbolic
substitutes for comales (Caso, Bernal, and Acosta 1967:
253). Large utilitarian basins placed in these contexts are
made almost exclusively of undecorated gris (rype G.f)
paste.
Most ceramics placed in momrary contexts and offer-
ings are more elaborately decorated than trays xn4 basins.
A few forms common in MA I and made primarily in gris
paste are found in low frequencies in MA II contexts and
include effigy bowls (rrc. 5n)-small receptacleswith ani-
mal amributes. Seven of the eight examplesfound in MA II
contexts are made of gris paste.Bridgespout jars (uc. 5c)
are rare in MA II, and all but one are made of gris paste
(rype G.3). Bridgespout jars may have been used to serve
liquids, perhaps cacao-baseddrinks (Powis et al. 2002).
Botdes and jars (Frcs. 5D, B) are common in MA I and
II contexts and can have simple or elaborate composite-sil-
houette shapes(Caso, Bernal, andAcosta 1967:219-223).
fust over one-third of the vesselsdocumented bv Caso and
his colleagues are made of crema paste. In general, finer
versions ofbottles and iars tend to have dark-colored exte-
riors (wpes G.3 and C.2O). Bowls are frequendv madc of
crema paste. Most bowls have outleaning walls (rrc. 5r),
although some have incurving or straight (vertical) walls
(Frc. jc). Some 46% of the bowls Caso,Bernal, and Acos-
ta documented are made of crema paste ().967: 223-230).
Eleven amarillo-paste bowls have red painted motifs (tvpe
sn). It is not possible to determine how many A.9 and
stuccoed vessels are decorated with the step-fret motifs
commonly found on crema tripod and tetrapod bowls (de-
exhibit a wide range of motifs, including step-frets, flow-
ers, dots, and lines (Caso, Bernal, and Acosta 1967: figs.
48-50).
MA I vasesare almost always made of gris paste, and
some have composite-silhouette forms. Vases become
more prevalent in MA II, when they are made primarily of
crema paste. They are fairly uniform in manufacture, with
straight walls and simple rims (rrc. 5r). Vases with lids
(Frcs. JJ,x) are specificto MA II (Caso, Bernal, and Acos-
ta 1967: 224-2M). Caso and colleagues coded I 18 vases
and vaseswith lids, but provide detailed information for
only 5l vasesand 22 vaseswith lids. Of these 73 vessels,
630/oare made of crema paste and only one is a red-paint-
ed amarillo (type A.9). In the more recently excavatedMA
II contexts described above, 14 of 2O \ases are cream paste
(Martinez Lopez 1998; Winter et al. f 995).
The most specializedvesselsin terms of form and deco-
rative attributes are bowls with supports. Some gris tripod
bowls, which tend to have straight walls and everted-to-
horizontal rims, appear in MA I tombs. Tiipod and tetra-
pod bowls with flat bottoms, oudeaning walls, flared rims,
and three or four large bulbous feet (r'rcs. jL, M), howev-
er, are highly characteristic of MA II. The supports of tri-
pod vesselsare usually sphericalin shape(FIG. jL). In con-
trast, tetrapod vesselsare characterizedby either elongated
"mammiform" suppofts (rrc. 5trl), or in a few cases,cylin-
drical supports. Tiipod bowls with spouts (rrc. 5N) are
made exclusively of crema paste and found only in tombs
(Tombs 8, I18, and 162) (Caso, Bernal, and Acosta 1967:
234,fi5.2II).
Of 48 reported tripod/tetrapod bowls and tripod bowls
with spouts, 77o/oaremade of crema paste and 8oloare red-
painted amarillos. Of the 48 tripod/tetrapod bowls and tri-
pod bowls with spouts reported by Caso and his colleagues
(1967: 234),18 (or 38%o)are crema vesselswhose exteri-
ors are painted red or black and incised with step-fret mo-
tifs. In the more recent MA II excavations mentioned
 Joumal of FieldArchazol.og,t/Vol.
32, 2007 273

above, 5 of 14 such vesselsare crema paste and one is a red-

painted amarillo (Maninez Iipez 1998; Winter et al.
1995). Caso and his colleagues(1967: 68) pointed out
that cremaswith incised motifs (types C.Il and C.12) al-
most alwavs occur as straight-walled bowls with three or
four globular or mammiform supports.
In stratigraphic excavationsin the North Mound Com-
plex, red and black crema vesselswith incised motifs com-
prised only 2o/oof the total ceramic assemblage,while in
tombs, burials, and offerings the,v constituted 5% of the
pottery. Thus, such incised vesselsmav be over-represent-
ed in momrary contexts.
Incised crema tripod and tetrapod serving vesselswere
time-consuming to manufacture, considering the number
of steps necessaryto produce them. In terms of production
cost, thev are among the most "expensive" vesselsto man-
ufacture and may require as many as five production steps:
rq E hh\5r
l) fitting several elements together to make one vessel; 2)
FGHI
modeling; 3) slipping or polishing; 4) painting; and 5)
post-firing incising. While it is not surprising that, as a pro-
ponion of the total ceramic economy, such vesselsproba-
blv are over-represented in tombs and burials, we believe
that these data also indicate that crema vesselsmav have
had special functions rather than being simplv "fancf'serv-
ing bowls. Figure 6. Step-fret and zig-zag motifs found on Monte Albdn II potterv.

To summarize, between MA I and MA II several

changes occured in the ceramic assemblage found in
tombs, burials, and offerings at Monte Albdn. Crema ves-
selsmake up 50% of vesselsplaced in MA II mornrarv con-
texts. Vases and tripod/tetrapod bowls, first produced in
MA I, take on more standardized forms and are increas-
ingly made of crema paste during MA II. Tiipod and tetra-
pod bowls are often decorated with zig-zag and step-fret
motifs. A smaller number of bowls and tripod/tetrapod
bowls arc made of amarillo paste;thesecarry a wider range
of motifs including step-frets, flowers, dots, and lines.
Some very rare bowls covered with stucco were also deco-
rated with step-fret motifs. We suggest that crema tri-
pod/tetrapod bowls-and to some extent straight-walled
vases-\vere particularly valuable to elites at the capital and
were exported to elites at administrative centers in the Valle
Grande-Ocoddn.
Iconography
MA II pottery q'pically doesnot carry iconography.Of
the iconographicelementspresent,the most common is
the step-fret.\4hile this motif appearedinfrequendy on
pottery beforeMA II (Casoand Bernal1952: III; note
one MA I vesselin Caso, Bernal, and Acosta 1967: fig.
134), it becamethe dominantdecorativeelemenron por-
tery after I00 n.c. In its most completeform, the step-fret
motif is complex (FIGS.6A-c), while in simpler caseseither
the "steps" or the "frets" appear individually in an abbrevi-
ated form (FIGS.6D-I) (Caso and Bernal 1952: fig. I83;
Caso, Bernal, and Acosta 1967: plates III-IY X, figs.
49-50,205, and 208-209:' Sharp 1970).
Caso and his colleagues interpreted the step-fret as a
srylized representation of a serpentine head-a motif, the)'
argued, related to feathered serpent imagery which in Cen-
tral Mexico is closely affiliated with the deity Quetzalcoad
(Caso and Bernal 1952: IL2-LI3). Ethnohistorical docu-
ments describe Quezalcoad primarily as a wind and storm
deity whose actions bring rain (Miller and Thube 1993:
I4I-142). Several temples at Teotihuacdn, such as the fa-
mous Quetzalcoad temple in the Ciudadela, feature feath-
ered serpent imagerl', suggesting that this deity played an
important cultural role in Central Mexico by the ClassicPe-
riod (ca. ^.D.200-700) (Iipez Austin 1991; Miller and
Thube 1993; Sugiyama 1989).
In Oaxaca, researchershave documented a long history
of serpent iconography on poftery dating to as early as
1150 s.c. (Flannery and Marcus 1994). Drawing on
ethnographic data, loyce Marcus (1989: I70; see also
Flannery and Marcus 1994: 136; Marcus and Flannery
1996: 18-19) suggeststhat instead of being associated
274 Crema Ware and Elite Powerat Monte Albri.n, Oaxaca Valley,Mexico/Elsonand Shennan
*,ith Quetzalcoatl, the Oa-racanserpent motif was part of a
fire-serpent iconographic complcx and depicted the por.ver
of thc Sh, in its r.iolent form as Cocivo, or lightning. As the
preeminent force in the Ztrpoteccosmos,Cocivo/lightning
used its awesomepower to split the clouds and bring rain.
Indeed, Zapotec cosmologv envisioned fbur companions
to Cocit'o: clouds, rain, rvind, and hail (Marcus and Flan-
n e q , 1 9 9 6 :1 9 ) .
Br. the beginning of MA II (ca. 100 n.c.), traditional
fire-serpent motifb no longer appeared on potten, in the
Vallet' of Oa-raca.At about the same time, however, step-
fiet motifi became prominent decorativc features on par-
ticular kinds of ceramic vessels.While the fire-serpent mo-
tifs that appearedon potten, until the MA II period do not
seem to be closely relatcci sn4isticallv to step-fiets (scc
Flannery and Marcus 1994: figs. l2.l-I2.5), the appear-
ance of the latter motifs around the same time that the fbr-
mer disappeared is highl--vsuggestive. Moreover, several
lines of o.idcnce appear to indicate that stcp-fret motif-s
have an associationwith Cocivo. One is the appearanceof
a zig-zagmotif (FIGS.3e-n, 6H-1) incised on crema bor.l'ls
u'ith large bu-lbous feet that mav be a more explicit render-
ing of lightning. In addition, r'arious fbrms of Cociyo
iconographv appear in MA II, including ceramic urns de-
picting Cocivo that u,ere placed in elite burials and tombs
(Caso and Bemal 1952). These urns become even more
common after e.n. 200 (the beginning of the Monte Albdn
IIIa period). Severaldepict Cocirro on A pedestalbearing
water svmbols or simple frets like those shorvn in Figure
6G (Casoand Bernal 1952: 46, figs. 3, 4, 15, 65, and 66).
After e.l. 200, the step-fret motif u,asless ubiquitous on
potter\! and glvph or "pseudo" glvph elements were more
conmon (Caso, Bernal, and Acosta 1967: ta6le XIII). The
step-fret motif reappeared,horvever,after,r.o. 500, rvhen
it u'as incorporated into elite architecrural features (e.g.,
tombs, temple platforms, and cornicc dccorations) at sites
in the Oaxaca Vallel, like Lambiwcco, Yagul, and Mitla
(Slrarp 1970). Here, too, there are indications that step-
frets were associatedwith Cocivo. At Lambiweco, the form
shorvn in Figure 6F appears on a temple btrservith elabo-
rate plaster Cociyo figures (Paddock, Mogor, and Lind
1968 Rabin 1970).
We proposc that there was an iconographic revision in
the Oa-xacaVallev around I00 s.c., rvith traditional fire-
serpentdepictions being replacedbv step-fretssvmbolizing
lightning. The step-fret/lightning motif er.oked Cocivo,
the preeminent force in the Zapotec cosmos.At least ini-
tiall1,, this revision rvas focused on certain forms of crema
poftenr-predominantly large bou4s rvith fanry rims and
bulbous feet. Such vessels,rvhose production likelv rvas
sponsored bt' elites at Monte Alb{n. were intended to
transmit Cocivo iconographv from the capital to other sites
in thc valle'rr
The importance of Cocivo in prehistoric Zapotec reli-
gion, especiallvin relationship to the agricultural cvcle,
cannot be overstated(Flannerv and Marcus 1976; Marcus
2006). The Oa-racaVallev is a semi-arid environment, and
becauseof the valler"s geographl,, dams, irrigation canals,
and similar tcchnological measures are not easilv used as
against climatic instabilit\a Prehistoricalh', agriculnrre was
possible on less than l0% of the valler/s land. Even toda\,,
over 80%oof agriculnrra-lproduction takes dre lbrm of rain-
fhll thrming, and the vallev experienccs some level of
clrought and crop failure as frequendrr as one out of er.ery
four vears (Feinman 2006; Flannen,et al. 1967; I(rkbv
1973). Zapotec nobles plat'ed an important role in or.er-
seeing the timing and content of pravers and sacrificescru-
cial for petitioning rain and in managing feastsintended to
thank Cociyo for his benevolence (Marcus 2006).
Swnrnary of MA II CerarnicDatnfi,oru
Monte Albrin
The ceramic data oudined above enable us to make ser.
eral suggestions about the role of crema l,esselsduring MA
II. Crema vesselsu'cre manufactured close to Monte Al-
bdn, and crema \vas the most abundant ceramic paste n'pe
found in elite contexts at that site. For instancc,crema ves-
selsaccounted fbr over 48% of the ceramic assenblagein
the North Mound Complex. At the same time, in contrast
to the prececlingtime period, crema paste was used more
frequentlv to manufacture decorated vesselsand less fre-
quentl-y to nrake undecorated 'i'essels.Data from tombs,
burials, and offcrings shorv that the majorifi' of decorated
crema vesselsare borvls, vases/rrases with lids, and tripod
and tetrapod bowls. One particular purpose of crema tri-
pod and tetrapod bowls was to displav lightning motif-s,
rvhich, \ve propose, were intended to er.oke sr.mbolic asso-
ciations r'vith the preeminent Zapotec deiw Cocil,o. kss
fiequentlr,, this iconographv was used on red-painted
amarillo vesselsand on stuccoed bowls, t\vo tvpes that dis-
plal' a wider range of designs. Our suggestion is that the
Zapotec elite sought to acquire crema tripod and tetrapod
bolvls u,ith iconographic dcpictions of lightning because
these vesselsplal'ed an important role in activities petition-
ing or thanking Cocivo for agricultural prosperifir We con-
sider below the importance of crema vesselsat sites other
than Monte Albdn, using data fiom Cerro Tilcajete and
Yaasuchi.
Imponailorua.nd.Imitd.tiznin the Valle
Ceraw'tic
Grande-OcothinSubregion
To rvhat extent are ceramic pafterns at the Zapotec cap-

Thble4. Ceramicsby pastetvpe at Ccrro Tilcajete(Strucnrre3 and Fcarure
l) and Yaasuchi(Strucrure4 and Feature5). Data includeonlv diagnostic
shcrds(e.g.,rims, bascanglcs,decoratedbodv sherds,and specia-l
forms).
(lmoTikdtc
Stntoure 3 Feahre I Stnrchtre I
Gris 999 55 69 223 36.03 2048 54.29
Crcma 410 22.85 188 30.37 432 lr 45
Amarillo 70 3.90 66 10.66 242 6.42
Cafe 313 17.45 142 2294 LO20 27.04
Other 2 0.1I 0 0.00 30 0.80
Total 1794 100.00 619 100.00 3772 100.00
ital replicated at sites in the Valle Grande-Ocotldn subre-
gion of the Oa-xacaVallevf What kinds of vesselswere im-
ported into the latter area, and what kinds of vesselswere
locallv madel As noted above, it was not expedient or cost-
effective to transpoft crema tripod and tetrapod bowls
from the capital to other sites in the vallev becausethese
vesselsare not stackablc, and added elements like hollow
feet are fragile and would tend to break (Kowalewski et al.
1989: 167).
Nevertheless, crema tripod and tetrapod bowls had a
special significance, and acquiring and using them mav
havc bcen one means by which elites throughout the vallev
could expresstheir high status. It may be that initiallv the
dissemination of these valued vessels was restricted by
elites at Monte Alb{n and occurred primarily or solely
through gift-giving. At thc same time, our researchat Cer-
ro Tilcajete and Yaasuchi (discussed below) suggests that
local people used gris and cafe pastes to manufacture imi-
tarions of true crema yessels.We hy,pothesizethat one gris
paste used to make crema-like vesselshad its source in the
Valle Grande-Ocotldn subregion (Minc et al. 2007). Caso
and his colleagues(1967:51, 53, and 67) were the first to
suggest drat some vesselsmade from cafe and gris pastes
were intended to imitate cremas. For all intents and pur-
poses, the finish given some of these vesselswould have
rendered them virnrally indistinguishable from their crema
counterParts.
One cafe type, designated K.17, has a dark brown to
black fimsh similar to that found on the crema types C.12
and C.20. K.17 sherdsoccurred in very low frequenciesin
stratigraphic contexts on the North Mound at Monte Al-
bdn (resr,r r). The K.l7 vesselsfound in tombs, burials,
and offerings included jars, vases,bowls, tripod and tetra-
pod bowls, teczmates(neckless jars), and incense burners
(Caso, Bernal, and Acosta 1967: 53).
The gris rype designaredG.29 also mimicked cremas.
Specifically.,many G.29s look similar to a crema type called
C.7 that has a red-painted exterior. At Monte Albdn, G.29
sherds were absent in the North Platform test excavations
lournal of FieldArchazohgt/Vol.32, 2007 275
Feanre 5
II8 51.30
17 7 39
20 8.70
73 3I.74
2 0.87
230 100.00
and very rare in offerings; whole vesselswerc found on-lyin
a complex offering in the North Platform containing ce-
ramics, large stones, and notched whale ribs (Caso, Bernal,
and Acosta 1967 67, table \|II). Our data from Cerro
Tilcajete and Yaasuchi, detailed in the following section,
lead us to suggest that G.29 vesselswere actually produced
in the Valle Grande-Ocotlain subregion.
Cerarnic Pntterns a.t Cetryl Tilcajete and. Taaswchi
The largest MA II site in the Valle Grande-Ocoddn sub-
region, Cerro Tilcajete was about 18 km (as the crow flies)
from Monte Albrin and connected to the central part of the
Oa,racaValley by a road. Two elite residences,a lower-sta-
tus residence, and two civic-ceremonial buildings were cx-
cavated at the site. A more detailed analysisof ceramics and
other artifacts from Cerro Tilcajete has been published else-
vi'here (Elson 2006,2007), and here we focus primarily on
the potterv found in onc elite residence, Structure 3, and
compare that structure's assemblageto data from Yaasuchi.
A total of L794 diagnostic sherds from the house were an-
alyzed (renn +). This excluded undecorated gris and cafd
paste body sherds.Another 1953 sherds (both diagnostic
and non-diagnostic) from an associatedmidden, Feature l,
were coded as well.
Yaasuchi was the third largest centcr in the Valle
Grande-Ocotldn during MA II, but was considerably
smaller than Cerro Tilcajete. Two civic-ceremonial struc-
tures dating to MA II were excavatedat Yaasuchi. One of
these, Structure 4, was a large, rectangular, three-room
building located on the west end of the site's main plaza.
Given its location and distinctive plan, which differed from
MA II residencesand temples excavatedelsewhere in the
valley, Structure 4 most likely was a civic or administrative
building rather than a residenceor temple . Immediatelv to
the north of Structure 4, excavationscut through a midden
(Feature 5) that also dated to MA II. Data on the entire ce-
ramic assemblagefrom Yaasuchi have been presented else-
r.r'here(Sherman 2005), and here we focus only on the pot-
terlr f1o- Structure 4 and Feature 5. A total of 3772 diag-
 276 Cremn Wat e and Elite Powerat Monte Albrin, Oaxaca Vnllev,Mexico/Elsonand Shetrynan

Thble 5. Comparison of diagnostic crema, red-painted amarillo (A.9), dark

brown to black finish cafi (K.I7), and red-paintcd gris (G. 29) sherds
from Cerro Tilcajete (Strucnrre 3) and Yaasuchi (Strucrure 4).
Tnaschi Stmcture I
Ceramic Ttpe t/o oftotal o/ooftotaL
t^omt n nw l0tm5 dlaqilqslrts n lam

red and black borvls 15 72 t4 7.),6 tr

red and black tri/tetrapod bowls 4.63 8 2.O7 7
jars 0 ll I 0.00 0
vases 0.17 r 0.00 0
rims too small to code 1.62 0 .l 3
fragments 0.39 1.25*
undecorated 0.22 0.85
Total 22.86 24 11.46 t8
Red-painted amarillo (A 9)
bowls 0.66 7 0.93
supports lor borvls 0.1I 0.00
VASCS 0.00 0 0.00
rims too small to code 0.00 0.19
bodv sherds 0.72 0.77
Ttrtal' r.19 7 r.89
Dark brown to black finish cafe (K.17)
bowls 0.84 4 0.03 0
incised like C 12 0.56 3 0.16 2
vases 0.r7 I 0.00 0
rims too small to code 0.1I 0.00
body sherds 0.39 0.03
Total 2.07 8 022
Red-parnted gris (G.29)
borvls 2.62 s 4.45 t2
vases 0.06 r 0.00 0
rims too sma-llto code 0.22 0.24
body sherds 0.89 r.94
Total 379 6 663 12
*This total includes decorated crema sherds that mar. date
to the MA I

nostic sherds were recovered from Stnrcture 4, while Fea-
ture 5 (which was onl,v partially excavated)yielded 230 d|-
agnostic sherds.
At both Cerro Tilcajete and Yaasuchi, sherds were first
classified according to their paste wpe (ra.rr,n 4). For most
excavated contexts at both Cerro Ti-lcajete and Yaasuchi,
besidesfeatures like middens, only diagnostic sherds (e.g.,
rims, base angles, decorated bodv sherds, and special
forms) were coded. Over 50% of the diagnostics from
Structure 3 at Cerro Tilcajete were gris sherds, while all
four major paste types were represented more equally in
the midden (Feature I). Gris sherds also comprised more
than 50% of the sample from both Structure 4 and Feature
5 at Yaasuchi. Cremas were far more abundant at Cerro
Tilcajete, however-where they accounted for roughly
20-3oo/o ofthe diagnostic sherds recovered from Structure
3 and Feature 1-than they were at Yaasuchi. Orly 7-l2o/o
ofthe sherds recovered from Structure 4 and Feature 5 at
the latter site were cremas.
Data on vessel forms and decoration shed additional
light on the krnds of ceramics deposited at Cerro Tilcajete
and Yaasuchi.The ceramic analyses(ralr,n 5) conducted at
both sites included multiple variables (in addition to paste)
for each sherd, such as type of sherd (e.g., rim, base,foot,
handle, and body sherd, etc.), wall and rim forms, foot
trpe, and decoration (e.g., painting, slipping, and incising,
etc.).
In Thble 5, the crema category "red and black bowls" in-
cludes bowl rims and body sherds without post-finng in-
cising, and bowl base angles widrout marks or "scars"
where supports were once attached (wpes C.6, C.7, C.20).
The crema category "red and black tri/tetrapod bowls" in-
cludes bowl rims and body sherdswith post-firing incising,
base angles with support "scarsl' and fragments of hollow
supports (types C.lI and C.I2). This choice was basedon
our analysis of data from Monte Albdn, which indicated
drat red- and black-painted crema vesselswith incising al-
most always are tripod or tetrapod bowls, while red and
black crema vesselswithout incising are only sometimes
tripod and tetrapod bowls (Caso, Bernal, and Acosta 1967:
230-234- table \lII). Data from Monte Albdn do not allow
us to subdivide red and black tripod and tetrapod bowls in-

to motif t\pes, so \r.e did not do this for the assemblages
from Cerro Tilcajete and Yaasuchi.We did, horver.er, doc-
umerlt zig-zag motifs (rrcs. 3,t, s) and step-fiet motifs
(rrc. 3o) in the sample.Red-painted amarillo (A.9) sherds
could be from borvls or borvls vi'ith supports (Frc. 4). It
rvas difficult to categorize decoration on most A.9 bodv
sherds, so rve make no aftempt to do so here.
In the assemblagesfrom both Structure 3 at Cerro Tilca-
jete and Structure 4 at Yaasuchi,borvls rvithout supports or
incising are the most prevalent crema r.esseltvpe, q.hile tri-
pod and tetrapod bowls with incising are less common
(rerrE s). These vesselforms-and cremas in general-
comprised a considerablv higher percentage of the ceramic
assemblageat Cerro Tilcajete than thev did at Yaasuchi. In
addition, Stmcture 3 at Cerro Tilcajete _vieldeda rvider
range of crema rim forms than did Structure 4 at Yaasuchi
(renn 5). Moreover, while a feu'crema jar and vasesherds
were recovered at Cerro Tilcajete, these particular vessel
forms werc cntirely absent fiom the Yaasuchicrema assem-
blage.
These data shed light on the export of crema potter\/
from Monte Albdn to centers elsewhere in the vallev. The
patterns are interesting, given rvhat rve might expect based
on the cost of manufacturing and transporting different
r.esselforms, and the evidence indicating hou'different ves-
sels were used at the capital. The easicstvesselsto trans-
port-red or black bou4s without suppofts-are the most
common forms at Cerro Tilcajete and Yaasuchi.The pauci-
tv of crema bottles/jarsand'i'ases-u'hich rvere more time-
consuming to manufacture and less portable than borvls-
at Cerro Tilcajete and Yaasuchimay indicate that local elites
at these centers did not har.e accessto the full range of cre-
ma vesseltvpes enjoyed bv the elite at the Zapotec capital.
Crema tripod and tetrapod bowls rvith incising, the most
elaborateand leasttransportablevessels,are rare outside of
Monte Albdn. Nevertheless, the presenceof some of these
vcssels in the ceramic assemblagesat Cerro Tilcajetc and
Yaasuchi likely reflects their function as prestige goods
greatlv desired bv local elites.
A similar pattern is apparent rvhen u'e compare the as-
semblagcsliom Cerro Tilcajete and Yaasuchi. Elites at the
fbrmer site, the largest center in the Valle Grande-Ocotldn,
received more cremas, including a wider range of vessel
forms, than did elites at the considerablv smaller center of
Yaasuchi (renr,r 5). In short, differences in the abundance
and diversiw of crema ceramicsconsumed at Monte Albdn,
Cerro Tilcajete, and Yaasuchi mav har.e reflected and, in
turn, reinforced, the different positions that elites at the
three sites held within the regional social and administra-
tive hierarchv
FIou' do Datterns in the consumDtion of cremas at Cer-
Jowrnnlof Field.Arcbaeohflfzl. 32, 2007 277
Thblc 6. Variation in red-painted gris (G.29) sherds
from Ccrro Tilcajete (Stmcture 3) and Yaasuchi
(Structure 4). Data include onlv diagnostic sherds
(c.g., rims, baseangles,decoratedbodv sherds,
and soecialfbrms).
Cnro Tihajcte Tnsvrcbi
Sttttcture 3 Sttttcture I
I)enratiott n %o
Imitationof C.6 or C 7 32 47.06 194 77.60
Imitatirrrrof C.20 2 2.94 I 0 40
Splotchcdrvith red 'paint 2 2 94 18 7.20
Piain(no slip) 32 47.06 37 14.80
Tirtal 68 100.00 250 100.00
ro Tilcajete and Yaasuchicompare with the consumption of
tvpes like K.l7 (dark brorvn to black finish cafe paste) and
G.29 (red-painted gris) that may have been manufactured
Iocallv in order to imitate crema vesselsl As we noted
above, K.17 sherds have a finish similar to that found on
the crema tvpes C.12 and C.20. At Cerro Tilcajete, K.17
sherds rvere relatively uncommon, and the range of K.17
vesselfbrms r.vasfrarmore restricted than that of true crema
lbrms (resl-B s). Only a handful of I(.17s (including just
nvo bowl fbrms) were found at Yaasuchi.Nearly 360/o(16
of 45) of the K.l7 sherdsfound at both sites had incised
motifs on their exterior, giving them a C.l2-like aPpear-
ance. Furthermore, one bowl sl-rerdfrom Yaasuchi had a
mark u'here a support had been attached-indicating that
at least some I(17 bowls were tripod or tetrapod bowls
Iike their crema counterparts.We suggestthat K.17 vessels
r'vere produced localh,, or acquired from elsewhere in the
valle,r',in order to supplement the restricted flow of dark-
colored cremas from Monte Albdn during MA II.
At both Cerro Tilcayeteand Yaasuchi,G.29 (red-paint-
ed gris) sherds\r/eremore abundant than K.l7 sherds,al-
though the former tt'pe consisted almost exclusively of
bowl lbrms (one G.29 vasesherd was also found at Cerro
Tilcajete) (rerrns s, 6). G.29 sherds were distinguished
first and foremost bv their compact, dark grav to black
paste rvith visible opaline inclusions. The outer laters of
G.29 sherds were frequently oxidized to a tan, brown, or
orangish-brown color, rvhile the core remained dark. Sur-
face treatment rvas highl,v variable. At both sites most were
carefullvdecoratedwith cream, brown, or red paint giving
them the appearanceof the crema tvpes C.6 or C.7 (TABLE
6). Many C.7 r,esselsare decoratedwith red paint contain-
ing shinv hematite inclusions (called"specularred"); hou-
ever, the paint used on G.29 r'esselslackedhematite. In ad-
dition, none of the G.29 r,esselsfound at Cerro Tilcajete
and Yaasucl'riexhibited incised motifs.
G.29 sherdswere more abundant in the excavationsof
Structure 4 at Yaasuchi than thev were in Structure 3 at
278 Crema Wat e and Elite Powerat Monte Albcin, Oaxnca Valley Mexico/Ekon and Shetwan
Cerro Tilcajete (TABLES 5, 6). The Yaasuchispecimenswere
also far more r.ariable in tcrms of both form and decora-
tion. Fourteen different G.29 bou4 rim forms rvere identi-
fied during dre ceramic analvsisat Yaasuchi,while onlv five
forms were documented at Cerro Tilcajete. Moreovcr, in
comparison to the assemblageat Cerro Tilcajete, a higl-rcr
percentage of the G.29s at Yaasuchi, r,r4reretrue cremas
u'ere less abundant o'i'erall, r,veredecorated so as to imitate
crema vessels (resr,s 6). A similar pattern is liker.viseap-
parent at the site level. For instance,at Cerro Tilcajete,the
frequenry of G.29 sherds from excavatedcontcxts was in-
verselypropor-tional to the numbcr of cremas;that is, res-
idences with more crema shcrds contained ferver G.29
sherds,and vice versa (seeElson 2007: Appendix A).
These patterns, in addition to the close resemblanceof
G.29 r'ariants to particular crema types, suggest that manv
G.29 vesselsrvere intended to imitatc crena ceramics.In-
deed, the results of a preliminary neutron activation analy-
sis including G.29 fragmcnts from both Cerro Tilcajete and
Yaasuchi indicates that these sherds u'ere oroduced in the
Valle Grande/Ocotldn (Minc et al.2OO71.Thus, to the ex-
tent that supplies of true cremas from the capital were re-
stricted, elites at sites likc Cerro Tilcajete and Yaasuchimay
have compensated b_vsponsoring the production of imita-
tions bv local potters.
The grcater abundance and varietv of G.29s at Yaasuchi
is consistentwith the above scenario.If G.29s were indeed
meant to imitate crema vesscls,we might expect them to
be more common in lort'er-status contexts and at smaller
cellters such as Yaasuchi.As rve have seen, relatir.e to their
counterparts at Cerro Tilcajete, elites at Yaasuchi had less
accessto true cremas from Monte Albdn. Consequentlr,,
thev may have invested more in the production or acquisi-
tion of local imitations like G.29s.
Acquiring or sponsoring tl-rclocal production of K.17
vesselsmav have bccn another way that elites at both Cer-
ro Tilcajete and Yaasuchi supplementecl the flou, of crema
pofterv from the capital. If step-frets and zig-zags came to
be associatedwith Cocivo during MA II, then K.17','essels
decorated widr such motifs would have bcen valued as
symbols of clite status. Interestingll,, none of the G.29
sherds recol'ered at Cerro Tilcaycte or Yaasuchi bore anv
painted motifs or incised decoration. That incising oc-
curred only on K. l7s is not necessarilvsurprising. Excava-
tion data from Monte Albdn indicate that during MA II,
dark brown- and black-painted crema vcsselswere more
abundant at dre Zapotec capital than were cremasrvith red-
paintedexteriors(Caso,Bernal,andAcosta 1967:68).In-
cal elites at Cerro Tilcajete and Yaasuchimay ha'l'e vierved
black-paintedcrema imitations (K. I7s) asespeciallypotent
svmbols of elite status, and thus the most eflective vehicles
for Cocivo imagenr At the sametime, incised I(.17 borvls,
particularlv tripod or tetrapod borvls, would have been
more cosdv to manufacture than G.29 bowls, rvhich lacked
incised decoration and supports. The fewer steps necessary
to produce G.29 vesselsmav help to explain rvhr. such crc-
rna imitations \\.ere more abundant dlan K. l7 r.essclsat
both Cerro Tilcajete and Yaasuchi.
Red-painted amarillo (A.9) vesselsoccur lessfrequentlr.
than crema bowls (including tripod and tetrapod forms) at
both Cerro Tilcajete and Yaasuchi (ranr,r s). The relative
Iack of A.9 vesselsis interesting, considering that evidence
from regional sun.ey suggeststhat this type was pafticular-
lv prevalent in the Tlacolula and Valle Grande subregions
of the valley (Kowalewski et al. 1989: 168-170, fig.7.16).
Although A.9 vesselscould carry step-fret iconographv, it
may be that local elites at centers like Cerro Tilcajete and
Yaasuchi desired them less than crema vesselsbecauseA.9
vesselswere not as closely associatedwith, and/or were not
distributed as gifts b,r.,the ruling elite at Monte Albdn. As
we noted above,A.9 sherdswere not nearlv as commoll as
crema sherds in excavatedassemblagesat the capital.
Discussion
Crema ceramics first appeared in the Valley of Oa-xaca
during the MA I period, around the time that Monte Al-
bdn was founded. The distir-rctive diorite temper used to
produce crema vessels was obtained exclusivelv from
sourcesin the viciniw of Monte Albdn, and the ruling elites
at the capital were able to control the production of crema
pottery and its distribution to communitics drroughout
the valle\r As a result, crema ceramics came to be associat-
ed with the high-status members of Zapotec socien; par-
ticularly those lir.'ing at Monte Albdn. By the MA II peri-
od, when the Zapotec state encompassedthe entire Vallev
of Oa-xaca(and bevond), there rvas a decline in the con-
sumption of undecoratcd, utilitarian crema vessels at
Monte Albdn. Pofters began to focus their ellbrts on pro-
ducing decorated crema vessels,including tripod and tetra-
pod borvls incised with a new iconographic element svm-
bolizing lightning. By e.n. 200 the lightning motif per-
sonificd Cociyo, the most powerful force in the Zapotec
cosmos.
Decorated cremas, including tripod and tetrapod bowls
with lightning motifs, were exported from Monte Albdn to
other parts of the vallerr The distribution of these vessels
mav have occurrcd via elite gift exchange.For local elites at
sites like Cerro Tilcajete and Yaasuchi, the acquisition of
true crema ceramics during MA II would harrebeen an ef-
fective means of establishing and maintaining links to the
capital, signaling membership in the upper stratum of so-
cieq', and reinforcing their positions within the valley-wide

sociopolitical hierarchv. Possessing ceramic vessels with
Cociyo iconography allowed elites at Monte Albein and at
lower-order centers in the valley to reinforce collective
links to the supernatural and bolster their privileged status
in socieqr The ability of local elites to obtain crema cerarn-
ics, however, was dependent at leasr in part on production
and transport costs, as well as the whims of elites at Monte
Albdn who were in a position to dominate the manufacture
and distribution of these goods. Producing high-status
items and controlling the ability of others to acquire them
was one means by which elites at the capital could exercise
power over elites at subordinate centers. The distribution
of crema ceramics appears to mirror a more general eco-
nomic paftern documented by archaeologists for Oa-raca.
Data on the production and distribution of obsidian (all
sources of which lay outside the Valley of Oaxaca) and
worked shell suggest that during MA II both of these ex-
otics may first have been imported to Monte Albdn and
then distributed to other sites in the valley (Maninez
Iipez and Markens 2004; Winte r 1989:352).
The results of our research at Cerro Tilcajete and Yaa-
suchi indicatethat though local elitesat both sitesmanaged
to acquire crema serving vessels,they acquired only a few
of the vesselforms available at the capital-primarily bowls
without supports and tripod/tetrapod bowls-the most
simplc and most difhcult, respectively, to manufacture and
transport. To compensate, the elites at Cerro Tilcajete and
Yaasuchiincorporated other decorated ceramics,some pro-
duced locally to imitate cremas) into their array of serving
vessels.Black-painted cafe vesselsmimicked a crema type
found in abundance at the capital. Other pomery intended
to imitate brown- and red-painted crema qpes likely was
manufactured using raw materials obtained in the Valle
Grande-Ocoddn area.
Conclusions
Some archaeologically-known goods are highly exclu-
sive items that demonstrate rhe relationship between rulers
and "gods, ancestors,foreign powers, or historic or politi-
cal events"; other items, classified as prestige goods, usual-
ly were given as gifts and displayed during household and
community feasts (kCount 1999: 240).We have evaluat-
ed the development of elaborate crema tripod and tetrapod
bowls with lightning motifs in the Terminal Formative pe-
riod of the Oaxaca Valley and concluded that they fi.nc-
tioned as prestigc goods. Thcse bowls were produced at
the state capital and exponed to second- and third-tier ad-
ministrative centers.The vesselslikely were given as gifts to
elites at administrative sites where they were used in do-
mestic acts involving feasting or offering food to the deiry
Cocivo.
Journal of FieldArchaeolog"v/Vol.
32, 2007 279
Taking a view from the capital, we believe that Monte
Albdn's rulcrs developed these vesselsto tie aspectsof do-
mestic rirual to state symbolism and to conrrol the actions
of local elites recently integrated into a valley-wide political
hierarchy-elites who traditionally had been charged with
petitioning Cociyo for rain and thanking him for his
benevolence.The adoption of the step-fret motif may rep-
resent the application of a pan-Mesoamerican concept (a
rain-feniliry complex) to a specific Zaporec deiq,, Cociyo,
with whom Monte Albdnt rulers wished to promote their
exclusive communication (through semi-divine ancestors).
In this sense, the origin of the motif may be pan-
Mcsoamcrican, but Zapotec rulers used it for their own
purposes and with the intent of formalizing emergent so-
cial strata. The capital elite also sought to monopolize ac-
cessto other prestige goods, including obsidian and shell.
Thus, we hypothesize that Monte Albdn's rulers wielded a
great deal of power over local administrators.
Taking a view from lower-order administrarive centers,
we see that local elites acquired many crema vesselsfrom
the capital, including some with Cociyo iconography. At
the same time, they sponsored the production of local im-
itations to supplement the gifts they received from Monte
Albdn. \44rile local imitations did not achieve the popular-
ity of true imported crema wares, their appearancesuggests
subordinate elite agenry and the purposeful molding of
capital-centric behavioral templates to suit local needs. Lo-
cal elites'use of iconography and crema or crema-like ves-
selstied them into the new regional sociopolitical network
and linked them rvith other elites at rhe capital and
throughout the valley. Nevertheless, the production of lo-
cal imitations necessarily subvened Monte Albdn's ability
to control prestige goods and the elites who coveted them.
The successof Monte Albdn's strategy was not long-
lived. By ca.A.D. f00-200 (a period at the capital spanning
the Terminal Formative-Classic transition), major changes
took placc in the Oaraca ceramic assemblagc.Tiipod and
tetrapod crema vesselswith lightning iconography "disap-
pear and disappear definitivel/'from the assemblage(Ca-
so, Bernal, and Acosta 1967: 307), replaced by new kinds
of prestige goods, panicularly gris-paste vaseswith pscu-
do-glyphs that had very different patterns of manufacrure
and distribution. It is not yet clear why the MA II strategy
of producing and distributing prestige goods failed, but we
suggest that rulers at Monte Albdn could not effectively
control the use of iconography or its visual presentation on
poftery as lesserelites at the capital and at subregional cen-
ters grew in number and possibly in their ability ro emu-
late, and to subven the control of, the ruling elite (see El-
son and Covey 2006: 9-10).
Our evaluation of crema tripod and tetrapod vessels
 280 Crema Wnre nnd Elite Powerot Monte Albrin, Oaxaca Vnlley,Mexico/Elsonnnd Shetrynan
with lightning iconography sheds light on the lands of
strategies Zapotec elites used during the MA II period and
provides a more nuanced view of social and political strate-
gies in the years immediatelv following the consolidation
of the Oaraca Valley. These prestige goods were used to
build consensus arnong traditional political rivals of the
same social class.At the same time, they were used to in-
stirutionalize the different social positions of elites within
an expanding political hierarchy. Ironically, these vcrv same
prestige goods eventually provided local elites with an op-
portunitv to subven higher-level elites and enhance their
own position within Zapotec sociew.
Acknowledgments
We thank the Instituto Nacional de Antropologia e His-
toria for permission to conduct research at both Cerro
Tilcajete and Yaasuchi. Fieldwork at Cerro Tilcajete was
supported b,vthe National Science For,rndation, the Foun-
dation for the Advancement of Mesoamerican Studies,
Inc., and the University of Michigan, Ann Arbor. The Yaa-
suchi Archaeological Project was supported b,va Fulbright-
F{avs Doctoral Dissertation Research Abroad Fellorvship
and the University of Michigan, AnnArbor. Luca Casparis,
R. Alan Covel', Elsa Redmond, Charles Spencer,and Lau-
ra Villamil made invaluable contributions to the field and
lab research.We thank Garv Feinman and two anonvmous
reviewers fbr their comments on this ar-ticle.
ChrixinaM. Elson, (Ph.D. 2003, Universi4, ofMichigan,
Ann Arbor) is a Research,4ssociate at theAwerican Mwsewru
of Natural History, New Torh, and is interestedin the develop-
ment of elite hierat chiesand.bureawcracyand the tua1ectznt 0f
Mesoaynericanstatet. Mniling addres: Dipision of Anthropol-
ogy Amet'ican Mwsewu. of Natwrnl Histoty, Cenh,al Parh
Westnt 79th Street,New Tork, NT 10024-5192. E-mail: cel-
son@ntnnh.org
R. Jnson Shenruan,(Ph.D.2005, University of Michigan,
Ann Arbor) is an 'AssistantProfesor nt the Univet sitl, of Wis-
consin-Milwnwhee and is interexed in tbefonnation, develop-
rnent, nnd politicnl nnd econornicorganization of Mesoameri-
ca.nsta.tes.Mniling ad.d.ress : Deparhnent of Anthropohgy,
U niv ersity of Wisconsin -Milw awkee, 2 9 0 Sabin H nl l, 34 13
N. Downer Arenwe,Milwnwhee, W 53211. E-rnail: sher-
manr@tuwm.edw
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