Chapter 06 (1)

Authoritarianism
Authoritarianism is a polit ical syst em charact erized by t he reject ion of democracy and polit ical
pluralit y. It involves t he use of st rong cent ral power t o preserve t he polit ical status quo, and
reduct ions in t he rule of law, separat ion of powers, and democrat ic vot ing.[1][2] Polit ical scient ist s
have creat ed many t ypologies describing variat ions of aut horit arian forms of government .[2]
Aut horit arian regimes may be eit her aut ocrat ic or oligarchic and may be based upon t he rule of a
part y or t he milit ary.[3][4] St at es t hat have a blurred boundary bet ween democracy and
aut horit arianism have some t imes been charact erized as "hybrid democracies", "hybrid regimes" or
"compet it ive aut horit arian" st at es.[5][6][7]
The polit ical scient ist Juan Linz, in an influent ial[8] 1964 work, An Authoritarian Regime: Spain,
defined aut horit arianism as possessing four qualit ies:
1. Limited political pluralism, which is

achieved with constraints on the
legislature, political parties and
interest groups.
2. Political legitimacy based on appeals
to emotion and identification of the
regime as a necessary evil to combat
"easily recognizable societal
problems, such as underdevelopment
or insurgency."
3. Minimal political mobilization, and
suppression of anti-regime activities.
4. Ill-defined executive powers, often
vague and shifting, used to extend the
power of the executive.[9][10]
Minimally defined, an aut horit arian government lacks free and compet it ive direct elect ions t o
legislat ures, free and compet it ive direct or indirect elect ions for execut ives, or bot h.[11][12][13][14]
Broadly defined, aut horit arian st at es include count ries t hat lack human right s such as freedom of
religion, or count ries in which t he government and t he opposit ion do not alt ernat e in power at
least once following free elect ions.[15] Aut horit arian st at es might cont ain nominally democrat ic
inst it ut ions such as polit ical part ies, legislat ures and elect ions which are managed t o ent rench
aut horit arian rule and can feat ure fraudulent , non-compet it ive elect ions.[16] Since 1946, t he share
of aut horit arian st at es in t he int ernat ional polit ical syst em increased unt il t he mid-1970s but
declined from t hen unt il t he year 2000.[17]
Characteristics
Aut horit arianism is charact erized by highly concent rat ed and cent ralized government power
maint ained by polit ical repression and t he exclusion of pot ent ial or supposed challengers by
armed force. It uses polit ical part ies and mass organizat ions t o mobilize people around t he goals
of t he regime.[18] Adam Przeworski has t heorized t hat "aut horit arian equilibrium rest s mainly on
lies, fear and economic prosperit y."[19]
Aut horit arianism also t ends t o embrace t he informal and unregulat ed exercise of polit ical power,
a leadership t hat is "self-appoint ed and even if elect ed cannot be displaced by cit izens' free
choice among compet it ors", t he arbit rary deprivat ion of civil libert ies and lit t le t olerance for
meaningful opposit ion.[18] A range of social cont rols also at t empt t o st ifle civil societ y while
polit ical st abilit y is maint ained by cont rol over and support of t he armed forces, a bureaucracy
st affed by t he regime and creat ion of allegiance t hrough various means of socializat ion and
indoct rinat ion.[18] Pippa Norris and Ronald Inglehart ident ify aut horit arianism in polit icians and
polit ical part ies by looking for values of securit y, conformit y, and obedience.[20]
Aut horit arianism is marked by "indefinit e polit ical t enure" of t he ruler or ruling part y (oft en in a
one-part y st at e) or ot her aut horit y.[18] The t ransit ion from an aut horit arian syst em t o a more
democrat ic form of government is referred t o as democrat izat ion.[18]
Constitutions in authoritarian regimes

Aut horit arian regimes oft en adopt "t he inst it ut ional t rappings" of democracies such as
const it ut ions.[21] Const it ut ions in aut horit arian st at es may serve a variet y of roles, including
"operat ing manual" (describing how t he government is t o funct ion); "billboard" (signal of regime's
int ent ), "blueprint " (out line of fut ure regime plans), and "window dressing" (mat erial designed t o
obfuscat e, such as provisions set t ing fort h freedoms t hat are not honored in pract ice).[22]
Aut horit arian const it ut ions may help legit imize, st rengt hen, and consolidat e regimes.[23] An
aut horit arian const it ut ion "t hat successfully coordinat es government act ion and defines popular
expect at ions can also help consolidat e t he regime's grip on power by inhibit ing re coordinat ion on
a different set of arrangement s."[24] Unlike democrat ic const it ut ions, aut horit arian const it ut ions
do not set direct limit s on execut ive aut horit y; however, in some cases such document s may
funct ion as ways for elit es t o prot ect t heir own propert y right s or const rain aut ocrat s'
behavior.[25]
The Soviet Russia Const it ut ion of 1918, t he first chart er of t he new Russian Socialist Federat ed
Soviet Republic (RSFSR), was described by Vladimir Lenin as a "revolut ionary" document . It was,
he said, unlike any const it ut ion draft ed by a nat ion-st at e.[26] The concept of "aut horit arian
const it ut ionalism" has been developed by legal scholar Mark Tushnet .[27] Tushnet dist inguishes
aut horit arian const it ut ionalist regimes from "liberal const it ut ionalist " regimes ("t he sort familiar in
t he modern West , wit h core commit ment s t o human right s and self-governance implement ed by
means of varying inst it ut ional devices") and from purely aut horit arian regimes (which reject t he
idea of human right s or const raint s on leaders' power).[27] He describes aut horit arian
const it ut ionalist regimes as (1) aut horit arian dominant -part y st at es t hat (2) impose sanct ions
(such as libel judgment s) against , but do not arbit rarily arrest , polit ical dissident s; (3) permit
"reasonably open discussion and crit icism of it s policies"; (4) hold "reasonably free and fair
elect ions", wit hout syst emic int imidat ion, but "wit h close at t ent ion t o such mat t ers as t he
drawing of elect ion dist rict s and t he creat ion of part y list s t o ensure as best it can t hat it will
prevail – and by a subst ant ial margin"; (5) reflect at least occasional responsiveness t o public
opinion; and (6) creat e "mechanisms t o ensure t hat t he amount of dissent does not exceed t he
level it regards as desirable." Tushnet cit es Singapore as an example of an aut horit arian
const it ut ionalist st at e, and connect s t he concept t o t hat of hybrid regimes.[27]
Economy
Scholars such as Seymour Lipset ,[28] Carles Boix, Susan St okes,[29] Diet rich Rueschemeyer,
Evelyne St ephens and John St ephens[30] argue t hat economic development increases t he
likelihood of democrat izat ion. Adam Przeworski and Fernando Limongi argue t hat while economic
development makes democracies less likely t o t urn aut horit arian, t here is insufficient evidence t o
conclude t hat development causes democrat izat ion (t urning an aut horit arian st at e int o a
democracy).[31]
Eva Bellin argues t hat under cert ain circumst ances t he bourgeoise and labor are more likely t o
favor democrat izat ion, but less so under ot her circumst ances.[32] Economic development can
boost public support for aut horit arian regimes in t he short -t o-medium t erm.[33]
According t o Michael Albert us, most land reform programs t end t o be implement ed by
aut horit arian regimes t hat subsequent ly wit hhold propert y right s from t he beneficiaries of t he
land reform. Aut horit arian regimes do so t o gain coercive leverage over rural populat ions.[34]
Institutions
Aut horit arian regimes t ypically incorporat e similar polit ical inst it ut ions t o t hat of democrat ic
regimes, such as legislat ures and judiciaries, alt hough t hey may serve different purposes.
Democrat ic regimes are marked by inst it ut ions t hat are essent ial t o economic development and
individual freedom, including represent at ive legislat ures and compet it ive polit ical part ies.[35][36]
Most aut horit arian regimes embrace t hese polit ical st ruct ures, but use it in a way t hat reinforces
t heir power.[35] Aut horit arian legislat ures, for example, are forums t hrough which leaders may
enhance t heir bases of support , share power, and monit or elit es.[37] Addit ionally, aut horit arian
part y syst ems are ext remely unst able and unconducive t o part y development , largely due t o
monopolist ic pat t erns of aut horit y.[38] Judiciaries may be present in aut horit arian st at es where
t hey serve t o repress polit ical challengers, inst it ut ionalize punishment , and undermine t he rule of
law.[39]
Democrat ic and aut horit arian arguably differ most prominent ly in t heir elect ions. Democrat ic
elect ions are generally inclusive, compet it ive, and fair.[40] In most inst ances, t he elect ed leader is
appoint ed t o act on behalf of t he general will. Aut horit arian elect ions, on t he ot her hand, are
frequent ly subject t o fraud and ext reme const raint s on t he part icipat ion of opposing part ies.[38]
Aut ocrat ic leaders employ t act ics like murdering polit ical opposit ion and paying elect ion
monit ors t o ensure vict ory.[35][41] Despit e t his, t he proport ion of aut horit arian regimes wit h
elect ions and support part ies has risen in recent years.[35] This is largely due t o t he increasing
popularit y of democracies and elect oral aut ocracies, leading aut horit arian regimes t o imit at e
democrat ic regimes in hopes of receiving foreign aid and dodging crit icism.[35][42]
According t o a 2018 st udy, most part y-led dict at orships regularly hold popular elect ions. Prior t o
t he 1990s, most of t hese elect ions had no alt ernat ive part ies or candidat es for vot ers t o
choose. Since t he end of t he Cold War, about t wo-t hirds of elect ions in aut horit arian syst ems
allow for some opposit ion, but t he elect ions are st ruct ured in a way t o heavily favor t he
incumbent aut horit arian regime.[43] In 2020, almost half of all aut horit arian syst ems had mult i-
part y government s.[44] Cabinet appoint ment s by an aut horit arian regime t o out siders can
consolidat e t heir rule by dividing t he opposit ion and co-opt ing out siders.[44]
Hindrances t o free and fair elect ions in aut horit arian syst ems may include:[43]
Control of the media by the authoritarian

incumbents.
Interference with opposition
campaigning.
Electoral fraud.
Violence against opposition.
Large-scale spending by the state in
favor of the incumbents.
Permitting of some parties, but not
others.
Prohibitions on opposition parties, but
not independent candidates.
Allowing competition between
candidates within the incumbent party,
but not those who are not in the
incumbent party.
Interactions with other elites and the

masses
The foundat ions of st able aut horit arian rule are t hat t he aut horit arian prevent s cont est at ion
from t he masses and ot her elit es. The aut horit arian regime may use co-opt at ion or repression (or
carrot s and st icks) t o prevent revolt s.[45][46] Aut horit arian rule ent ails a balancing act whereby t he
ruler has t o maint ain t he support of ot her elit es (frequent ly t hrough t he dist ribut ion of st at e and
societ al resources) and t he support of t he public (t hrough dist ribut ion of t he same resources):
t he aut horit arian rule is at risk if t he balancing act is lopsided, as it risks a coup by t he elit es or an
uprising by t he mass public.[47][48]
Manipulation of information
According t o a 2019 st udy by Sergei Guriev and Daniel Treisman, aut horit arian regimes have over
t ime become less reliant on violence and mass repression t o maint ain cont rol. The st udy shows
inst ead t hat aut horit arians have increasingly resort ed t o manipulat ion of informat ion as a means
of cont rol. Aut horit arians increasingly seek t o creat e an appearance of good performance,
conceal st at e repression, and imit at e democracy.[49]
While aut horit arian regimes invest considerably in propaganda out of a belief t hat it enhances
regime survival, scholars have offered mixed views as t o whet her propaganda is effect ive.[50]
Systemic weakness and resilience

Andrew J. Nat han not es t hat "regime t heory holds t hat aut horit arian syst ems are inherent ly
fragile because of weak legit imacy, overreliance on coercion, over-cent ralizat ion of decision
making, and t he predominance of personal power over inst it ut ional norms. ... Few aut horit arian
regimes – be t hey communist , fascist , corporat ist , or personalist – have managed t o conduct
orderly, peaceful, t imely, and st able successions."[51]
Polit ical scient ist Theodore M. Vest al writ es t hat aut horit arian polit ical syst ems may be
weakened t hrough inadequat e responsiveness t o eit her popular or elit e demands and t hat t he
aut horit arian t endency t o respond t o challenges by exert ing t ight er cont rol, inst ead of by
adapt ing, may compromise t he legit imacy of an aut horit arian st at e and lead t o it s collapse.[18]
One except ion t o t his general t rend is t he endurance of t he aut horit arian rule of t he Chinese
Communist Part y which has been unusually resilient among aut horit arian regimes. Nat han posit s
t hat t his can be at t ribut ed t o four fact ors such as (1) "t he increasingly norm-bound nat ure of it s
succession polit ics"; (2) "t he increase in merit ocrat ic as opposed t o fact ional considerat ions in
t he promot ion of polit ical elit es"; (3) "t he different iat ion and funct ional specializat ion of
inst it ut ions wit hin t he regime"; and (4) "t he est ablishment of inst it ut ions for polit ical part icipat ion
and appeal t hat st rengt hen t he CCP's legit imacy among t he public at large."[51]
Some scholars have challenged not ions t hat aut horit arian st at es are inherent ly brit t le syst ems
t hat require repression and propaganda t o make people comply wit h t he aut horit arian regime.
Adam Przeworski has challenged t his, not ing t hat while aut horit arian regimes do t ake act ions
t hat serve t o enhance regime survival, t hey also engage in mundane everyday governance and
t heir subject s do not hold a post ure t owards t he regime at all moment s of t heir life. He writ es,
"People in aut ocracies do not incessant ly live under t he shadow of dramat ic hist orical event s;
t hey lead everyday rout ine lives."[52] Similarly, Thomas Pepinsky has challenged t he common
ment al image of an aut horit arian st at e as one of grim t ot alit arianism, desperat e hardship, st rict
censorship, and dict at orial orders of murder, t ort ure and disappearances. He writ es, "life in
aut horit arian st at es is most ly boring and t olerable."[53]
Violence
Yale Universit y polit ical scient ist Milan Svolik argues t hat violence is a common charact erist ic of
aut horit arian syst ems. Violence t ends t o be common in aut horit arian st at es because of a lack of
independent t hird part ies empowered t o set t le disput es bet ween t he dict at or, regime allies,
regime soldiers and t he masses.[45]
Aut horit arians may resort t o measures referred t o as coup-proofing (st ruct ures t hat make it hard
for any small group t o seize power). Coup-proofing st rat egies include st rat egically placing family,
et hnic, and religious groups in t he milit ary; creat ing of an armed force parallel t o t he regular
milit ary; and developing mult iple int ernal securit y agencies wit h overlapping jurisdict ion t hat
const ant ly monit or one anot her.[54] Research shows t hat some coup-proofing st rat egies reduce
t he risk of coups occurring[55][56] and reduce t he likelihood of mass prot est s.[57] However, coup-
proofing reduces milit ary effect iveness,[58][59][60][61] and limit s t he rent s t hat an incumbent can
ext ract .[62] A 2016 st udy shows t hat t he implement at ion of succession rules reduce t he
occurrence of coup at t empt s.[63] Succession rules are believed t o hamper coordinat ion effort s
among coup plot t ers by assuaging elit es who have more t o gain by pat ience t han by plot t ing.[63]
According t o polit ical scient ist s Curt is Bell and Jonat han Powell, coup at t empt s in neighboring
count ries lead t o great er coup-proofing and coup-relat ed repression in a region.[64] A 2017 st udy
finds t hat count ries' coup-proofing st rat egies are heavily influenced by ot her count ries wit h
similar hist ories.[65] A 2018 st udy in t he Journal of Peace Research found t hat leaders who
survive coup at t empt s and respond by purging known and pot ent ial rivals are likely t o have longer
t enures as leaders.[66] A 2019 st udy in Conflict Management and Peace Science found t hat
personalist dict at orships are more likely t o t ake coup-proofing measures t han ot her aut horit arian
regimes; t he aut hors argue t hat t his is because "personalist s are charact erized by weak
inst it ut ions and narrow support bases, a lack of unifying ideologies and informal links t o t he
ruler."[67]
According t o a 2019 st udy, personalist dict at orships are more repressive t han ot her forms of
dict at orship.[68]
Typologies
According t o Yale professor Juan José Linz t here a t hree main t ypes of polit ical regimes t oday:
democracies, t ot alit arian regimes and, sit t ing bet ween t hese t wo, aut horit arian regimes (wit h
hybrid regimes).[69][70]
Similar terms
An authoritarian regime has "a

concentration of power in a leader or an
elite not constitutionally responsible to
the people".[71] Unlike totalitarian states,
they will allow social and economic
institutions not under governmental
control,[72] and tend to rely on passive
mass acceptance rather than active
popular support.[73]
An Autocracy is a state/government in
which one person possesses "unlimited
power".
A Totalitarian state is "based on
subordination of the individual to the
state and strict control of all aspects of
the life and productive capacity of the
nation especially by coercive measures
(such as censorship and terrorism)".[74]
and are ruled by a single ruling party
made up of loyal supporters.[75] Unlike
autocracies, which "seek only to gain
absolute political power and to outlaw
opposition",[76] totalitarian states are
characterized by an official ideology,
which "seek only to gain absolute
political power and to outlaw
opposition",[76] and "seek to dominate
every aspect of everyone's life as a
prelude to world domination".[76]
A Fascist state is autocratic and based
on a political philosophy/movement,
(such as that of the Fascisti of pre-WWII
Italy) "that exalts nation and often race
above the individual and that stands for
a centralized autocratic government
headed by a dictatorial leader, severe
economic and social regimentation, and
forcible suppression of opposition".[77]
Subtypes
Several subt ypes of aut horit arian regimes have been ident ified by Linz and ot hers.[78] Linz
ident ified t he t wo most basic subt ypes as t radit ional aut horit arian regimes and bureaucrat ic-
milit ary aut horit arian regimes:
Traditional authoritarian regimes are

those "in which the ruling authority
(generally a single person)" is
maintained in power "through a
combination of appeals to traditional
legitimacy, patron-client ties and
repression, which is carried out by an
apparatus bound to the ruling authority
through personal loyalties." An example
is Ethiopia under Haile Selassie I.[78]
Honoring South Korean President
Park Chung-hee in Army Parade at
Armed Forces Day on 1 October 1973
Bureaucratic-military authoritarian
regimes are those "governed by a
coalition of military officers and
technocrats who act pragmatically
(rather than ideologically) within the
limits of their bureaucratic mentality."[78]
Mark J. Gasiorowski suggests that it is
best to distinguish "simple military
authoritarian regimes" from
"bureaucratic authoritarian regimes" in
which "a powerful group of technocrats
uses the state apparatus to try to
rationalize and develop the economy"
such South Korea under Park Chung-
hee.[78]
According t o Barbara Geddes, t here are seven t ypologies of aut horit arian regimes: dominant
part y regimes, milit ary regime, personalist regimes, monarchies, oligarchic regimes, indirect
milit ary regimes, or hybrids of t he first t hree.[79]
Subt ypes of aut horit arian regimes ident ified by Linz are corporat ist or organic-st at ist ic, racial and
et hnic "democracy" and post -t ot alit arian.[78]
Corporatist authoritarian regimes "are

those in which corporatism institutions
are used extensively by the state to
coopt and demobilize powerful interest
groups." This type has been studied
most extensively in Latin America.[78]
Racial and ethnic "democracies" are
those in which "certain racial or ethnic
groups enjoy full democratic rights while
others are largely or entirely denied
those rights", such as in South Africa
under apartheid.[78]
Post-totalitarian authoritarian regimes
are those in which totalitarian
institutions (such as the party, secret
police and state-controlled mass
media[80]) remain, but where "ideological
orthodoxy has declined in favor of
routinization, repression has declined,
the state's top leadership is less
personalized and more secure, and the
level of mass mobilization has declined
substantially."[78] Examples include the
Russian Federation and Soviet Eastern
Bloc states in the mid-1980s.[78] The
post-Mao Zedong People's Republic of
China was viewed as post-totalitarian in
the 1990s and early 2000s, with a
limited degree of increase in pluralism
and civil society.[81][82] however, in the
2010s, particularly after Xi Jinping
succeeded as General Secretary of the
Chinese Communist Party and rose to
power in 2012, Chinese state repression
sharply increased, aided by digital
control and mass surveillance.[83][84][85]
Azerbaijan's President Ilham Aliyev

and Venezuela's President Nicolas
Maduro on 25 October 2019
Aut horit arian regimes are also somet imes subcat egorized by whet her t hey are more personalist ic
or populist .[78] Personalist ic aut horit arian regimes are charact erized by arbit rary rule and aut horit y
exercised "mainly t hrough pat ronage net works and coercion rat her t han t hrough inst it ut ions and
formal rules."[78] Personalist ic aut horit arian regimes have been seen in post -colonial Africa. By
cont rast , populist aut horit arian regimes "are mobilizat ional regimes in which a st rong, charismat ic,
manipulat ive leader rules t hrough a coalit ion involving key lower-class groups."[78] Examples
include Argent ina under Juan Perón,[78] Egypt under Gamal Abdel Nasser[78] and Venezuela under
Hugo Chávez and Nicolás Maduro.[86][87]
A t ypology of aut horit arian regimes by polit ical scient ist s Brian Lai and Dan Slat er includes four
cat egories:
machine (oligarchic party dictatorships);

bossism (autocratic party
dictatorships);
juntas (oligarchic military dictatorships);
and
strongman (autocratic military
dictatorships).[4]
Lai and Slat er argue t hat single‐part y regimes are bet t er t han milit ary regimes at developing
inst it ut ions (e.g. mass mobilizat ion, pat ronage net works and coordinat ion of elit es) t hat are
effect ive at cont inuing t he regime's incumbency and diminishing domest ic challengers; Lai and
Slat er also argue t hat milit ary regimes more oft en init iat e milit ary conflict s or undert ake ot her
"desperat e measures" t o maint ain cont rol as compared t o single‐part y regimes.[4][3]
John Duckit t suggest s a link bet ween aut horit arianism and collect ivism, assert ing t hat bot h
st and in opposit ion t o individualism.[88] Duckit t writ es t hat bot h aut horit arianism and collect ivism
submerge individual right s and goals t o group goals, expect at ions and conformit ies.[89]
According t o St even Levit sky and Lucan Way, aut horit arian regimes t hat are creat ed in social
revolut ions are far more durable t han ot her kinds of aut horit arian regimes.[90]
Authoritarianism and democracy
Democracy Index by the Economist Intelligence Unit,

2022.[91] Green countries are democratic, yellow are
hybrid regimes, and red are authoritarian governments.
Aut horit arianism and democracy are not necessarily fundament al opposit es and may be t hought
of as poles at opposit e ends of a scale, so t hat it is possible for some democracies t o possess
aut horit arian element s, and for an aut horit arian syst em t o have democrat ic element s.[92][93][94]
Aut horit arian regimes may also be part ly responsive t o cit izen grievances, alt hough t his is
generally only regarding grievances t hat do not undermine t he st abilit y of t he regime.[95][96] An
illiberal democracy, or procedural democracy, is dist inguished from liberal democracy, or
subst ant ive democracy, in t hat illiberal democracies lack feat ures such as t he rule of law,
prot ect ions for minorit y groups, an independent judiciary and t he real separat ion of
powers.[97][98][99][100]
A furt her dist inct ion t hat liberal democracies have rarely made war wit h one anot her; research
has ext ended t he t heory and finds t hat more democrat ic count ries t end t o have few wars
(somet imes called milit arized int erst at e disput es) causing fewer bat t le deat hs wit h one anot her
and t hat democracies have far fewer civil wars.[101][102]
Research shows t hat t he democrat ic nat ions have much less democide or murder by
government . Those were also moderat ely developed nat ions before applying liberal democrat ic
policies.[103] Research by t he World Bank suggest s t hat polit ical inst it ut ions are ext remely
import ant in det ermining t he prevalence of corrupt ion and t hat parliament ary syst ems, polit ical
st abilit y and freedom of t he press are all associat ed wit h lower corrupt ion.[104]
A 2006 st udy by economist Albert o Abadie has concluded t hat t errorism is most common in
nat ions wit h int ermediat e polit ical freedom. The nat ions wit h t he least t errorism are t he most
and least democrat ic nat ions, and t hat "t ransit ions from an aut horit arian regime t o a democracy
may be accompanied by t emporary increases in t errorism."[105] St udies in 2013 and 2017 similarly
found a nonlinear relat ionship bet ween polit ical freedom and t errorism, wit h t he most t errorist
at t acks occurring in part ial democracies and t he fewest in "st rict aut ocracies and full-fledged
democracies."[106] A 2018 st udy by Amichai Magen demonst rat ed t hat liberal democracies and
polyarchies not only suffer fewer t errorist at t acks as compared t o ot her regime t ypes, but also
suffer fewer casualt ies in t errorist at t acks as compared t o ot her regime t ypes, which may be
at t ribut ed t o higher-qualit y democracies' responsiveness t o t heir cit izens' demands, including
"t he desire for physical safet y", result ing in "invest ment in int elligence, infrast ruct ure prot ect ion,
first responders, social resilience, and specialized medical care" which avert s casualt ies.[106]
Magen also st at ed t hat t errorism in closed aut ocracies sharply increased st art ing in 2013.[106]
Wit hin nat ional democrat ic government s, t here may be subnat ional aut horit arian enclaves. A
prominent examples of t his includes t he Sout hern Unit ed St at es aft er Reconst ruct ion, as well as
areas of cont emporary Argent ina and Mexico.[107]
Competitive authoritarian regimes

Anot her t ype of aut horit arian regime is t he compet it ive aut horit arian regime, a t ype of civilian
regime t hat arose in t he post -Cold War era. In a compet it ive aut horit arian regime, "formal
democrat ic inst it ut ions exist and are widely viewed as t he primary means of gaining power, but ...
incumbent s' abuse of t he st at e places t hem at a significant advant age vis-à-vis t heir
opponent s."[108][109] The t erm was coined by St even Levit sky and Lucan A. Way in t heir 2010
book of t he same name t o discuss a t ype of hybrid regime t hat emerged during and aft er t he
Cold War.[108][110]
Compet it ive aut horit arian regimes differ from fully aut horit arian regimes in t hat elect ions are
regularly held, t he opposit ion can openly operat e wit hout a high risk of exile or imprisonment and
"democrat ic procedures are sufficient ly meaningful for opposit ion groups t o t ake t hem seriously
as arenas t hrough which t o cont est for power."[108] Compet it ive aut horit arian regimes lack one or
more of t he t hree charact erist ics of democracies such as free elect ions (i.e. elect ions unt aint ed
by subst ant ial fraud or vot er int imidat ion); prot ect ion of civil libert ies (i.e. t he freedom of speech,
press and associat ion) and an even playing field (in t erms of access t o resources, t he media and
legal recourse).[111]
Authoritarianism and fascism

Aut horit arianism is considered a core concept of fascism[112][113][114][115] and scholars agree t hat
a fascist regime is foremost an aut horit arian form of government , alt hough not all aut horit arian
regimes are fascist . While aut horit arianism is a defining charact erist ic of fascism, scholars argue
t hat more dist inguishing t rait s are needed t o make an aut horit arian regime
fascist .[116][117][118][119][120][121][122][123][124]
Authoritarianism and totalitarianism
Benito Mussolini, the founder of

Italian Fascism, called his regime the
"Totalitarian State": "Everything in the
State, nothing outside the State,
nothing against the State." [125]
Tot alit arianism is a label used by various polit ical scient ist s t o charact erize t he most t yrannical
st rain of aut horit arian syst ems; in which t he ruling elit e, oft en subservient t o a dict at or, exert
near-t ot al cont rol of t he social, polit ical, economic, cult ural and religious aspect s of societ y in
t he t errit ories under it s governance.[126]
Linz dist inguished new forms of aut horit arianism from personalist ic dict at orships and t ot alit arian
st at es, t aking Francoist Spain as an example. Unlike personalist ic dict at orships, new forms of
aut horit arianism have inst it ut ionalized represent at ion of a variet y of act ors (in Spain's case,
including t he milit ary, t he Cat holic Church, Falange, monarchist s, t echnocrat s and ot hers). Unlike
t ot alit arian st at es, t he regime relies on passive mass accept ance rat her t han popular support .[73]
According t o Juan Linz t he dist inct ion bet ween an aut horit arian regime and a t ot alit arian one is
t hat an aut horit arian regime seeks t o suffocat e polit ics and polit ical mobilizat ion while
t ot alit arianism seeks t o cont rol and ut ilize t hem.[69] Aut horit arianism primarily differs from
t ot alit arianism in t hat social and economic inst it ut ions exist t hat are not under government al
cont rol. Building on t he work of Yale polit ical scient ist Juan Linz, Paul C. Sondrol of t he Universit y
of Colorado at Colorado Springs has examined t he charact erist ics of aut horit arian and t ot alit arian
dict at ors and organized t hem in a chart :[72]
Totalitarianism Authoritarianism
Charisma High Low
Role concept ion Leader as funct ion Leader as individual
Ends of power Public Privat e
Corrupt ion Low High
Official ideology Yes No
Limit ed pluralism No Yes
Legit imacy Yes No
Sondrol argues t hat while bot h aut horit arianism and t ot alit arianism are forms of aut ocracy, t hey
differ in t hree key dichot omies:
(1) Unlike their bland and generally unpopular authoritarian brethren, totalitarian
dictators develop a charismatic "mystique" and a mass-based, pseudo-democratic
interdependence with their followers via the conscious manipulation of a prophetic
image.
(2) Concomitant role conceptions differentiate totalitarians from authoritarians.

Authoritarians view themselves as individual beings largely content to control and
often maintain the status quo. Totalitarian self-conceptions are largely teleological.
The tyrant is less a person than an indispensable function to guide and reshape the
universe.
(3) Consequently, the utilisation of power for personal aggrandizement is more

evident among authoritarians than totalitarians. Lacking the binding appeal of
ideology, authoritarians support their rule by a mixture of instilling fear and
granting rewards to loyal collaborators, engendering a kleptocracy.[72]
Kim Il-Sung, founder of North Korea,
established an authoritarian regime
which was modeled after other
totalitarian countries.[127]
Compared t o t ot alit arianism, "t he aut horit arian st at e st ill maint ains a cert ain dist inct ion bet ween
st at e and societ y. It is only concerned wit h polit ical power and as long as t hat is not cont est ed
it gives societ y a cert ain degree of libert y. Tot alit arianism, on t he ot her hand, invades privat e life
and asphyxiat es it ."[128] Anot her dist inct ion is t hat "aut horit arianism is not animat ed by ut opian
ideals in t he way t ot alit arianism is. It does not at t empt t o change t he world and human
nat ure."[128] Carl Joachim Friedrich writ es t hat "a t ot alist ideology, a part y reinforced by a secret
police, and monopoly cont rol of ... indust rial mass societ y" are t he t hree feat ures of t ot alit arian
regimes t hat dist inguish t hem from ot her aut ocracies.[128]
Greg Yudin, a professor of polit ical philosophy at t he Moscow School of Social and Economic
Sciences, argues "polit ical passivit y and civic disengagement " are "key feat ures" of
aut horit arianism, while t ot alit arianism relies on "mass mobilizat ion, t error and homogeneit y of
beliefs".[129]
Economic effects
In 2010, Dani Rodrik wrot e t hat democracies out perform aut ocracies in t erms of long-t erm
economic growt h, economic st abilit y, adjust ment s t o ext ernal economic shocks, human capit al
invest ment , and economic equalit y.[130] A 2019 st udy by Daron Acemoglu, Suresh Naidu, Pascual
Rest repo, and James A. Robinson found t hat democracy increases GDP per capit a by about 20
percent over t he long-t erm.[131] According t o Amart ya Sen, no funct ioning liberal democracy has
ever suffered a large-scale famine.[132] St udies suggest t hat several healt h indicat ors (life
expect ancy and infant and mat ernal mort alit y) have a st ronger and more significant associat ion
wit h democracy t han t hey have wit h GDP per capit a, size of t he public sect or or income
inequalit y.[133]
One of t he few areas t hat some scholars have t heorized t hat aut ocracies may have an
advant age, is in indust rializat ion.[134] In t he 20t h cent ury, Seymour Mart in Lipset argued t hat low-
income aut horit arian regimes have cert ain t echnocrat ic "efficiency-enhancing advant ages" over
low-income democracies t hat gives aut horit arian regimes an advant age in economic
development .[135] By cont rast , Mort on H. Halperin, Joseph T. Siegle and Michael M. Weinst ein
(2005) argue t hat democracies "realize superior development performance" over aut horit arianism,
point ing out t hat poor democracies are more likely t o have st eadier economic growt h and less
likely t o experience economic and humanit arian cat ast rophes (such as refugee crises) t han
aut horit arian regimes; t hat civil libert ies in democracies act as a curb on corrupt ion and misuse of
resources; and t hat democracies are more adapt able t han aut horit arian regimes.[135]
Historical trends
Post-World War II anti-

authoritarianism
Bot h World War II (ending in 1945) and t he Cold War (ending in 1991) result ed in t he replacement
of aut horit arian regimes by eit her democrat ic regimes or regimes t hat were less aut horit arian.
World War II saw t he defeat of t he Axis powers by t he Allied powers. All t he Axis powers (Nazi
Germany, Fascist It aly and Imperial Japan) had t ot alit arian or aut horit arian government s, and t wo
of t he t hree were replaced by government s based on democrat ic const it ut ions. The Allied
powers were an alliance of Democrat ic st at es and (lat er) t he Communist Soviet Union. At least in
West ern Europe t he init ial post -war era embraced pluralism and freedom of expression in areas
t hat had been under cont rol of aut horit arian regimes. The memory of fascism and Nazism was
denigrat ed. The new Federal Republic of Germany banned it s expression. In react ion t o t he
cent ralism of t he Nazi st at e, t he new const it ut ion of West Germany (Federal Republic of
Germany) exercised "separat ion of powers" and placed "law enforcement firmly in t he hands" of
t he sixt een Länder or st at es of t he republic, not wit h t he federal German government , at least
not at first .[136]
Cult urally t here was also a st rong sense of ant i-aut horit arianism based on ant i-fascism in
West ern Europe. This was at t ribut ed t o t he act ive resist ance from occupat ion and t o fears
arising from t he development of superpowers.[137] Ant i-aut horit arianism also became associat ed
wit h count ercult ural and bohemian movement s such as t he Beat Generat ion in t he 1950s,[138] t he
hippies in t he 1960s[139] and punks in t he 1970s.[140]
In Sout h America, Argent ina, Bolivia, Brazil, Paraguay, Chile and Uruguay moved away from
dict at orships t o democracy bet ween 1982 and 1990.[141]
Wit h t he fall of t he Berlin Wall in 1989 and t he Soviet Union in 1991, t he ot her
aut horit arian/t ot alit arian "half" of t he Allied Powers of World War II collapsed. This led not so
much t o revolt against aut horit y in general, but t o t he belief t hat aut horit arian st at es (and st at e
cont rol of economies) were out dat ed.[142] The idea t hat "liberal democracy was t he final form
t oward which all polit ical st riving was direct ed"[143] became very popular in West ern count ries
and was celebrat ed in Francis Fukuyama's book The End of History and the Last Man.[143]
According t o Charles H. Fairbanks Jr., "all t he new st at es t hat st umbled out of t he ruins of t he
Soviet bloc, except Uzbekist an and Turkmenist an, seemed indeed t o be moving t owards
democracy in t he early 1990s" as were t he count ries of East Cent ral Europe and t he Balkans.[144]
In December 2010, t he Arab Spring arose in response t o unrest over economic st agnat ion but
also in opposit ion t o oppressive aut horit arian regimes, first in Tunisia, and spreading t o Libya,
Egypt , Yemen, Syria, Bahrain and elsewhere. Regimes were t oppled in Tunisia, Libya, Egypt and
part ially in Yemen while ot her count ries saw riot s, civil wars or insurgencies. Most Arab Spring
revolut ions failed t o lead t o enduring democrat izat ion. In t he decade following t he Arab Spring,
of t he count ries in which an aut ocracy was t oppled in t he Arab spring, only Tunisia had become a
genuine democracy; Egypt backslid t o ret urn t o a milit ary-run aut horit arian st at e, while Libya,
Syria and Yemen experienced devast at ing civil wars.[145][146]
2000s authoritarian revival
Since 2005, observers not ed what some have called a "democrat ic recession",[143][147] alt hough
some such as St even Levit sky and Lucan Way have disput ed t hat t here was a significant
democrat ic decline before 2013.[147] In 2018, t he Freedom House declared t hat from 2006 t o
2018 "113 count ries" around t he world showed "a net decline" in "polit ical right s and civil libert ies"
while "only 62" experienced "a net improvement ."[148] It s 2020 report marked t he fourt eent h
consecut ive year of declining scores.[149] By 2020, all count ries marked as "not free" by Freedom
House had also developed pract ices of t ransnat ional repression, aiming t o police and cont rol
dissent beyond st at e borders.[150]
Writ ing in 2018, American polit ical

International trends in
journalist David Frum st at ed: "The democracy/authoritarianism
hopeful world of t he very lat e 20t h
countries becoming countries becoming
cent ury – t he world of NAFTA and an
more democratic more authoritarian
expanding NATO; of t he World Wide
Web 1.0 and liberal int ervent ionism; of late 1990s 72 3
t he global spread of democracy under 2021 15 33

leaders such as Václav Havel and
source: V-Dem[151][152]
Nelson Mandela – now looks bat t ered
and delusive."[153]
Michael Ignat ieff wrot e t hat Fukuyama's idea of liberalism vanquishing aut horit arianism "now
looks like a quaint art ifact of a vanished unipolar moment "[143] and Fukuyama himself expressed
concern.[142] By 2018, only one Arab Spring uprising (t hat in Tunisia) result ed in a t ransit ion t o
const it ut ional democrat ic governance [154] and a "resurgence of aut horit arianism and Islamic
ext remism" in t he region[155] was dubbed t he Arab Wint er.[156][157][158][159][160]
Various explanat ions have been offered for t he new spread of aut horit arianism. They include t he
downside of globalizat ion, and t he subsequent rise of populism and neo-nat ionalism,[161] and t he
success of t he Beijing Consensus, i.e. t he aut horit arian model of t he People's Republic of
China.[162] In count ries such as t he Unit ed St at es, fact ors blamed for t he growt h of
aut horit arianism include t he financial crisis of 2007–2008 and slower real wage growt h[163] as
well as social media's eliminat ion of so-called "gat ekeepers" of knowledge – t he equivalent of
disint ermediat ion in economics – so t hat a large fract ion of t he populat ion considers t o be
opinion what were once "viewed as verifiable fact s" – including everyt hing from t he danger of
global warming t o t he prevent ing t he spread of disease t hrough vaccinat ion – and considers t o
be fact what are act ually only unproven fringe opinions.[164]
In Unit ed St at es polit ics, t he t erms "ext reme right ", "far-right ", and "ult ra-right " are labels used t o
describe "milit ant forms of insurgent revolut ionary right ideology and separat ist et hnocent ric
nat ionalism",[165] such as Christ ian Ident it y,[165] t he Creat ivit y Movement ,[165] t he Ku Klux Klan,[165]
t he Nat ional Socialist Movement ,[165][166][167] t he Nat ional Alliance,[165] t he Joy of Sat an
Minist ries,[166][167] and t he Order of Nine Angles.[168] These far-right groups share conspiracist
views of power which are overwhelmingly ant i-Semit ic and reject pluralist democracy in favor of
an organic oligarchy t hat would unit e t he perceived homogeneously racial Völkish nat ion.[165][168]
The far-right in t he Unit ed St at es is composed of various Neo-fascist , Neo-Nazi, Whit e
nat ionalist , and Whit e supremacist organizat ions and net works who have been known t o refer t o
an "accelerat ion" of racial conflict t hrough violent means such as assassinat ions, murders,
t errorist at t acks, and societ al collapse, in order t o achieve t he building of a Whit e
et hnost at e.[168]
Examples
There is no one consensus definit ion of aut horit arianism, but several annual measurement s are
at t empt ed, including Freedom House's annual Freedom in the World report . Some count ries such
as Venezuela, among ot hers, t hat are current ly or hist orically recognized as aut horit arian did not
become aut horit arian upon t aking power or fluct uat ed bet ween an aut horit arian, flawed, and
Hybrid regime due t o periods of democrat ic backsliding and/or democrat izat ion. The t ime period
reflect s t heir t ime in power rat her t han t he years t hey were aut horit arian regimes. Nazi Germany
and St alinist Russia are oft en regarded as t he most infamous examples of t ot alit arian syst ems.
Some count ries such as China and various fascist regimes have also been charact erized as
t ot alit arian, wit h some periods being depict ed as more aut horit arian, or t ot alit arian, t han ot hers.
Cont emporary examples of t ot alit arian st at es include t he Syrian Arab Republic and t he
Democrat ic People's Republic of Korea.[169]
Current
The following is a non-exhaust ive list of examples of st at es charact erized as aut horit arian, as
seen in t he sources in t he Not es and references column. Count ries list ed also are not rat ed as
democracies by The Economist Democracy Index, as 'free' by Freedom House's Freedom in t he
World index or reach a high score at V-Dem Democracy Indices.
Time Ruling group
State Notes and references
period or person
1996–2001; Tot alit arian t heocrat ic

Afghanist an Taliban
2021– st at e.[170]
[171]
Angola 1975– MPLA
New Azerbaijan [172][173][174][175][176][177]

Azerbaijan 1993–
Part y
[178]
Bahrain 1783– House of Khalifa
Awami League
[179]
Bangladesh 2009- under Sheikh
Hasina
Alexander [180][181][182][183][184]
Belarus 1994–
Lukashenko
[185]
Burundi 2005– CNDD–FDD
Cambodian [186][187]
Cambodia 1979–
People's Part y
[188][189]
Cameroon 1982– Paul Biya
China received 9 out of 100

point s in Freedom House's
2024 Global Freedom
Score.[190] The part y
promot es it self as
Chinese 'consult at ive' on local issues
People's Republic of China 1949–
Communist Part y and some scholars describe
t he Chinese syst em as "a
fragment ed aut horit arianism"
(Liebert hal), "a negot iat ed
st at e", or "a consult at ive
aut horit arian regime."[191]
1969–1992; Congolese Part y [192]

Republic of t he Congo
1997– of Labour
Time Ruling group
period or person
Communist Part y [193]

Cuba 1959–
of Cuba
People's Rally for [194][195]

Djibout i 1977–
Progress
Abdel Fat t ah el- [196]

Egypt 2014–
Sisi
[197][198]
El Salvador 2019– Nayib Bukele
Teodoro Obiang
[199]
Equat orial Guinea 1979– Nguema
Mbasogo
Erit rea is considered a

Erit rea 1993–[a] Isaias Afwerki
t ot alit arian dict at orship.[200]
[201]
Eswat ini 1968– House of Dlamini
Abiy Ahmed and his part y

considered "aut horit arian" by
some act ivist s and
Et hiopia 2018– Abiy Ahmed
dissent s.[202] He is considered
by some a "charming
dict at or".[203][204]
Since t he enact ment of t he

Hong Kong Nat ional Securit y
Law, t he Hong Kong
government began cracking
Hong Kong (Special
Pro-Beijing camp down on pro-democracy
administrative region of 2020–
(Hong Kong) act ivist s, polit icians, and news
People's Republic of China)
out let s. Which is considered
by many t o be a sign of rising
aut horit arianism in Hong
Kong.[205][206][207]
[208][209]
Hungary 2010– Fidesz
Time Ruling group
period or person
India 2014– Narenda Modi
Aft er t he Iranian Revolut ion,

Iran became a t ot alit arian
clerical st at e (nominally an
"Islamic republic") based on
t he absolut e aut horit y of t he
unelect ed Supreme Leader of
Iran, based on t he st rict Shia
concept of Guardianship of
t he Islamic Jurist .If it has t he
opport unit y, t his legal body
will remove reformist
Assembly of polit icians.[210][211] In 2000,
Iran 1979–
Expert s Juan José Linz wrot e t hat "it
is difficult t o fit t he Iranian
regime int o t he exist ing
t ypology, as it combines t he
ideological bent of
t ot alit arianism wit h t he limit ed
pluralism of aut horit arianism
and holds regular elect ions in
which candidat es advocat ing
differing policies and
incumbent s are oft en
defeat ed."[212]
Israel 1996–1999; Benjamin Alt hough it has boast ed of

2009–2021; Net anyahu and being t he "only democracy in
2022– Likud t he Middle East " t he
t reat ment in reference t o
Palest ine is st rict ly
aut horit arian, such as t he
prohibit ion of commemorat ing
t he Nakba t o members of t he
Time Ruling group
period or person
Knesset , t he prohibit ion of

blocking a st at e sovereign
Palest inian or even not abiding
by UN
resolut ions.[213][214][215][216]
[217]
Jordan 1946– Hashemit es
Lao People's
[218]
Laos 1975– Revolut ionary
Part y
[217][219][220]
Morocco 1957– Alaouit e dynast y
[221]
Mozambique 1975– FRELIMO
The Tat madaw allowed a

democrat ically elect ed
administ rat ion t o exercise
Myanmar 1962– Tat madaw
some power from 2016 t o
2021, wit hout allowing civilian
cont rol of t he milit ary.[222]
1979–1990; [223][224]
Nicaragua Daniel Ort ega
2007–
Workers' Part y of Some scholars consider Nort h

Nort h Korea 1949– Korea under Kim Korea t o be t he most
Dynast y t ot alit arian count ry.[225][226]
[227]
Oman 1970– House of Al Said
Palest ine
[228]
Palest ine 1964– Liberat ion
Organizat ion
[229]
Qat ar 1971– House of Thani
[230][231][232][233][234][235]
Russia 2000– Vladimir Put in
[236]
Rwanda 2000– Paul Kagame
[237]
Saudi Arabia 1934– House of Saud
Time Ruling group
period or person
People's Act ion Dominant -part y

Singapore 1965–
Part y syst em[238][239]
Sudan People's
Liberat ion
[240]
Sout h Sudan 2011– Movement under
Salva Kiir
Mayardit
Republika Srpska
[241][242][243]
(part of Bosnia and 2006– Milorad Dodik
Herzegovina)
Arab Socialist
Ba'at h Part y – Tot alit arian police
Syria 1963– Syria Region st at e [244][245][246] under a
under al-Assad heredit ary dict at orship
family
Abdel Fat t ah al- Failed st at e in a power

Sudan 2021–
Burhan vacuum[247]
[248]
Tajikist an 1994– Emomali Rahmon
[249]
Togo 1967– Eyadema Family
Just ice and

Development It has been described by
Turkey 2003– Part y under observers as a "compet it ive
Recep Tayyip aut horit arian regime."[250]
Erdoğan
Effect ively a t ot alit arian

Berdimuhamedow
Turkmenist an 2006– heredit ary
Family
dict at orship.[251][252]
Royal families of
[253][254]
Unit ed Arab Emirat es 1971– t he Unit ed Arab
Emirat es
Time Ruling group
period or person
[255]
Uganda 1986– Yoweri Museveni
Uzbekist an
[256][257][258]
Uzbekist an 1989– Liberal
Democrat ic Part y
Unit ed Socialist
[259]
Venezuela 1999– Part y of
Venezuela
Viet namese [260]

Viet nam 1976–
Communist Part y
[261][262]
Zimbabwe 1980– ZANU-PF
Historical
The following is a non-exhaust ive list of examples of st at es which were hist orically aut horit arian.
Time Ruling group or
period person
Abdelaziz [263]
Algeria 1999–2019
Bout eflika
Just icialist Part y

1946–1955 See also Peronism.[264][265]
under Juan Perón
Milit ary See also t he Argent ine

1966–1973
government Revolut ion.[264][265]
Just icialist Part y

Argent ina
[264][265]
1973–1976 under Juan and
Isabel Perón
See also t he Nat ional

Jorge Rafael
1976–1983 Reorganizat ion
Videla
Process.[264][265]
Christ ian Social

Part y under
Engelbert Dollfuß See also t he Federal St at e
Aust ria 1933–1938
and Fat herland of Aust ria and St ändest aat .
Front under Kurt
Schuschnigg
1937–1945 Get úlio Vargas See also t he Vargas Era.[266]
Milit ary
Brazil St art ed wit h t he 1964
1964–1985 dict at orship in
Brazilian coup d'ét at .[266]
Brazil
St art ed wit h t he 1962

Milit ary
Burmese coup d'ét at and
government and
Burma 1962–2011 ended wit h t he 2011–2012
t he Burma Socialist
Burmese polit ical
Programme Part y
reforms.[267]
Burundi 1961–1993 UPRONA
Confederat e St at es of 1861–1865 Jefferson Davis Herrenvolk republic wit h a

America "democracy of t he whit e
period person
race".[268][269]
Habré was deposed by Idriss

Déby, he was t ried in Senegal
for crimes against his
Chad 1982–1990 Hissène Habré count ry and died in prison
mont hs aft er t he man who
removed him from power
died in combat .
Government Junt a
Chile 1973–1990 under August o
Chilean coup d'ét at .[270]
Pinochet
Kuomint ang and

The Republic of China on
Nat ionalist
Republic of China 1927–1949 Taiwan is list ed furt her
government under
below.
Chiang Kai-shek
Laurent -Désiré
Democrat ic Republic of Zaire is list ed furt her
1997–2019 Kabila and Joseph
t he Congo below.[271]
Kabila
Ust aše under Ant e See also Independent St at e

1941–1945
Pavelić of Croat ia
Croat ian
Croat ia
Democrat ic Union [272][273]
1990–1999
under Franjo
Tuđman
Part y of Nat ional

Czechoslovakia 1938–1939
Unit y
Gamal Abdel
Nasser, Anwar [274]
Egypt 1952–2011
Sadat , and Hosni
Mubarak
period person
Francisco Macias
Equat orial Guinea 1968–1979
Nguema
Mengist u Haile
Mariam and t he [275]
Et hiopia 1974–1991
Workers' Part y of
Et hiopia
Et hiopian People's
[276]
Et hiopia 1991–2019 Revolut ionary
Democrat ic Front
Fiji 2006–2022 FijiFirst [b] [277][278][279][280]
Commit t ee of
Public Safet y, a
provisional
See also t he French
France 1793–1794 government during
Revolut ion.
t he Reign of Terror
under Maximilien
Robespierre.
Gabonese Ali Bongo is overt hrown in a

Gabon 1961–2023
Democrat ic Part y milit ary coup.
Jammeh is overt hrown by

Gambia 1994–2017 Yahya Jammeh democrat ic elect ions and is
forced t o resign.
Nat ional Socialist

Nazi Germany 1933–1945 German Workers' See also Nazism.
Part y
Ahmed Sekou
Touré, Lansana Guinea was marked by a
Guinea 1958–2021 Cont é, Moussa series of aut horit arian
Dadis Camara and generat ions.
Alpha Condé
period person
Nino Vieira would govern in an

aut horit arian manner in t he
80s and 90s unt il his
João Bernardo
Guinea-Bissau 1980–1999 overt hrow, in 2005 he
Vieira
ret urned t o t he presidency
unt il his assassinat ion in
2009.
Miklós Hort hy and [281]

Hungary 1920–1944
t he Unit y Part y
See also t he Guided

Sukarno and
Indonesia 1959–1998 Democracy era and t he New
Suhart o
Order.
[282]
Iran 1925–1979 Pahlavi dynast y
Arab Socialist
Ba'at h Part y – Iraq
Region under
Iraq 1968–2003
Ahmed Hassan al-
Bakr and Saddam
Hussein
Hirohit o and t he
Imperial Rule
Empire of Japan 1931-1945
Assist ance
Associat ion
Part y t hat ruled Liberia for

more t han 100 years and t he
1886–1980 True Whig Part y
monopoly was overt hrown
by t he 1980 Liberian coup.
Liberia
The Liberian president ends
up capt ured and execut ed
1980–1990 Samuel Doe
for a long t ime in t he middle
of a Civil war.
period person
Nat ional Fascist [283]

Fascist It aly 1922–1943
Part y
Formelly named Nur Ot an.

The incumbent president
Kassym-Jomart Tokayev
renounced his part y
Kazakhst an 1990–2022 Amanat membership, est ablishing in
t he amendment s of t he
second republic t hat no
president should have
affiliat ion wit h any part y.[188]

Libyan coup d'ét at and
Libya 1969–2011 Muammar Gaddafi
ended wit h t he 2011 Libyan
Civil War.[284]
Ended in t he Soviet
Lit huania 1926–1940 Ant anas Smet ona
occupat ion.[285]
[286][287]
Macedonia 2006–2016 Nikola Gruevski
Moussa is deposed in t he
1991 Malian coup d'ét at and
Mali 1968–1991 Moussa Traoré
sent enced t o deat h t wice,
exonerat ed in May 2002.
Massachuset t s Bay [288][289]

1630–1691 John Wint hrop
Colony
Mexico 17 May–4 Sant a Anna

June 1833
18 June–5
July 1833
27 Oct ober–
December
1833
period person
1834–1835
20 March–
10 July 1839
1841–1842
14 May–6
Sept ember
1843
4 June–12
Sept ember
1844
21 March–2
April 1847
20 May–15
Sept ember
1847
1853–1855
Porfirio Díaz, Juan

1876–1911 Méndez, and See also Porfiriat o.
Manuel Flores.
1929–2000 PRI Mexico was very

aut horit arian when PRI was
t he ruling part y in Mexico but
in 2000 aft er about 70 years
of ruling t hey lost t he 2000
Mexican president ial
elect ion. They event ually
came back t o power in 2012
by winning t he Mexican
president ial elect ion but
event ually lost power in t he
2018 Mexican president ial
period person
elect ion as t heir candidat e

finished 3rd. See also
Tlat elolco massacre and t he
rigged 1988 Mexican
president ial elect ion.
1878–1908 Abdul Hamid II

Ot t oman Empire
1913–1918 The Three Pashas
Democrat ic Part y
of Socialist s of [290][291][292][293][294]
Mont enegro 1990–2023
Mont enegro, under
Milo Đukanović
The Somoza clan loses

Nicaragua 1936–1979 Somoza Family power in t he Sandinist a
revolut ion.
Ended wit h 1989 Paraguayan

coup d'ét at . St roessner's
Paraguay 1954-1989 Alfredo St roessner Colorado part y cont inues t o
dominat e Paraguayan
polit ics, however.
Marcos was elect ed

democrat ically, but used
mart ial law t o expand his
1965–1986 Ferdinand Marcos powers.
Philippines
Ended wit h t he People
Power Revolut ion.
[295][296]
2016–2022 Rodrigo Dut ert e
Poland 1926–1939 Sanat ion See also t he May Coup.
Port ugal Milit ary See also t he Nat ional

1926–1933
government Dict at orship.
period person
Est ado Novo

regime under
Ended wit h t he Carnat ion
1933–1974 Ant ónio de Oliveira
Revolut ion.[297]
Salazar and
Marcelo Caet ano
Whit e movement
Russian St at e 1918–1920 under Alexander
Kolchak
Gregoire Kayibanda
Rwanda 1961–1994 and Juvenal
Habyarimana
Somalia 1969–1991 Siad Barre
Ended wit h t he end of

Sout h Africa 1948–1994 Nat ional Part y
apart heid.[298][299]
1948–1960 Syngman Rhee
Park Chung-hee [300][301]

Sout h Korea
1961–1987 and Chun Doo-
hwan
Francisco Franco
Unt il t he Spanish t ransit ion
Francoist Spain 1936–1977 under FET y de las
t o democracy.[302]
JONS
Jaafar Nimeiry and Oust ed in 2019 Sudanese

Sudan 1969–2019
Omar al-Bashir coup d'ét at .[188]
Kuomint ang under

The Republic of China
Chiang Kai-shek
Taiwan 1945–1987 (1927–1949) is list ed furt her
and Chiang Ching-
above.[303]
kuo
Thailand Plaek Ended wit h t he 1957 Thai

1948–1957
Phibunsongkhram coup d'ét at .
period person
Sarit Thanarat and

Ended wit h t he 1973 Thai
1958–1973 Thanom
popular uprising.
Kit t ikachorn
[304]
2014–2023 Prayut Chan-o-cha
The 250-member Senat e,

appoint ed by t he milit ary
junt a, has considerable
power, t hey have t he right t o
approve t he appoint ment of
t he Prime Minist er and t he
House of Represent at ives
has oft en been int ervene by
2019–2024 Senat e
t he Senat e. In t he 2023
elect ion, even t hough t he
Move Forward Part y wit h
Pit a Limjaroenrat as t he
leader will have t he most
vot es. However, t he Senat e
reject ed Pit a as Prime
Minist er.[305]
Zine El Abidine Ben

Tunisia 1987–2011 See also Tunisian Revolut ion.
Ali
Republican [306][307]
Turkey 1923–1950
People's Part y
Democrat ic Part y
of Turkmenist an Effect ively a t ot alit arian
Turkmenist an 1991–2006
under Saparmurat dict at orship.[251][252]
Niyazov
Communist Part y See also aut horit arian

Soviet Union 1922–1991
of t he Soviet Union socialism.
period person
Ended in t he Orange
1992–2005 Leonid Kuchma
Revolut ion.
Ukraine Part y of Regions
Ended in t he Revolut ion of
2010–2014 under Vikt or
Dignit y.
Yanukovych

Pavlo Ukrainian coup d'ét at and
Ukrainian St at e 1918
Skoropadskyi ended wit h t he Ant i-Het man
Uprising.
Uganda 1971-1979 Idi Amin Dada
Alexander I and t he See also t he 6 January

1929–1934
JRSD Dict at orship.
Milan St ojadinović
1934–1941
and t he JRZ
Yugoslavia League of
Communist s of See also t he deat h and
1944–1990 Yugoslavia under st at e funeral of Josip Broz
Josip Broz Tit o (– Tit o.[308][309]
1980)
Socialist Part y of
Federal Republic of See also t he overt hrow of
1992–2000 Serbia under
Yugoslavia Slobodan Milošević.[310][311]
Slobodan Milošević
The Democrat ic Republic of

Zaire 1965–1997 Mobut u Sese Seko t he Congo aft er 1997 is
list ed above.[271]
See also
Absolute monarchy
Absolute monarchy
Authoritarian capitalism
Authoritarian socialism
Autocracy
Criticism of democracy
Left-wing dictatorship
Managed democracy
Right-wing dictatorship
Notes
a. Eritrea gained de facto independence in

1991; de jure independence was achieved
in 1993.
b. While FijiFirst's leader, Frank Bainimarama,

still forms government in Fiji, democratic
elections were held again in 2014 after
eight years without elections following the
2006 Fijian coup d'état.
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External links
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Authoritarianism

1. Limited political pluralism, which is

Constitutions in authoritarian regimes

Control of the media by the authoritarian

Interactions with other elites and the

Systemic weakness and resilience

An authoritarian regime has "a

Traditional authoritarian regimes are

Corporatist authoritarian regimes "are

Azerbaijan's President Ilham Aliyev

machine (oligarchic party dictatorships);

Authoritarianism and democracy

Democracy Index by the Economist Intelligence Unit,

Competitive authoritarian regimes

Authoritarianism and fascism

Benito Mussolini, the founder of

Charisma High Low

Role concept ion Leader as funct ion Leader as individual

Ends of power Public Privat e

Corrupt ion Low High

Official ideology Yes No

Limit ed pluralism No Yes

Legit imacy Yes No

(2) Concomitant role conceptions differentiate totalitarians from authoritarians.

(3) Consequently, the utilisation of power for personal aggrandizement is more

Post-World War II anti-

Writ ing in 2018, American polit ical

t he global spread of democracy under 2021 15 33

1996–2001; Tot alit arian t heocrat ic

New Azerbaijan [172][173][174][175][176][177]

China received 9 out of 100

1969–1992; Congolese Part y [192]

Communist Part y [193]

People's Rally for [194][195]

Abdel Fat t ah el- [196]

Erit rea is considered a

Abiy Ahmed and his part y

Since t he enact ment of t he

India 2014– Narenda Modi

Aft er t he Iranian Revolut ion,

Israel 1996–1999; Benjamin Alt hough it has boast ed of

Knesset , t he prohibit ion of

The Tat madaw allowed a

Workers' Part y of Some scholars consider Nort h

People's Act ion Dominant -part y

Abdel Fat t ah al- Failed st at e in a power

Just ice and

Effect ively a t ot alit arian

Viet namese [260]

Just icialist Part y

Milit ary See also t he Argent ine

Just icialist Part y

See also t he Nat ional

Christ ian Social

1937–1945 Get úlio Vargas See also t he Vargas Era.[266]

St art ed wit h t he 1962

Burundi 1961–1993 UPRONA

Confederat e St at es of 1861–1865 Jefferson Davis Herrenvolk republic wit h a

Habré was deposed by Idriss

Kuomint ang and

Ust aše under Ant e See also Independent St at e

Part y of Nat ional

Fiji 2006–2022 FijiFirst [b] [277][278][279][280]

Gabonese Ali Bongo is overt hrown in a