El Language acquisition and socialization ‘THREE DEVELOPMENTAL STORIES AND THEIR IMPLicaTIONS Elinor Ochs & Bambi B. Sehieffelin ‘This chapter addresses the relationship between communication and culture from the perspective of the acquisition of language and so- alization dhrough language. Heretofore the processes of language ‘acquisition and socialization have been considered as two separate ‘omains. Processes of language acquisition are usually seen role tively unaffected by cultural factors such as social organization and local belie systems. These factors have been largely reated ws "cone text,” something that is separable from language and its acquisition, ‘similar attude has prevailed in anthropological studies of socal- ation, The language used both by children and ro children in socal interactions has rarely been & source of information on socialization, ‘As a consequence, we know ite about the role that language plays inthe sequistion and transmission of sociocultural knowledge. Neither the forms, the functions, nor the message content of language have been documented and examined forthe ways in which they organize and are organized by culture. ‘Our own backgrounds in cultural anthropology and language de- ‘lopment have led us toa more integrated perspec. Having carted ‘out rerearch on language in several societies (Malagasy, Bolivian, ‘white-middle-class American, Kalli (Papua New Guinea, and West- ‘em Samoan, focusing on the language of children and thei caregivers in thee of them (white middle lass American, Kalul, Western Sa moat), we have seen tat the primary concern of caregivers is a ensure that their children are able to display and understand behaviors ap- propriate to social situations. A major means by which this is accom- plished is trough language, Therefore, we must examine the language fot caregivers primarily for is socializing functions, rather than fr only its steet grammatical input function, Further, we must examine the prelinguetc and linguistic behaviors of children to determine the ways they are continually and selectively affected by values and beliefs held by those members of society who interact with them, What a child faysrand how he or she says i, will be influenced by local cultural processes in addition to biological and socal processes that have uni Nersal scope, The perspective we adopt is expressed in the fllowing LANGUAGE ACQUISITION AND SOCIALIZATION aw 1. The process of acquiring language is deeply affected by the process of becoming a competent member ofa society 2, The process of becoming a competent member of society is realized (oa lage extent through language, by acquiing knowledge ofits unetions, social distribution, and interpretations in and across so- cially defined situations, ie, trough exchanges of language in par- ticular social situations In this chapter, ve will support these claims through a comparison of social development as it relates to the communicative development ‘of cildren in three societies: Anglo-American white middle las, Kal- Ul, and Samoan. We will present specific theoretical arguments and methodological procedures for an ethnographic approach to the de> ‘lopment of language. Our focus at this point eannot be comprehen sive, and therefore we will address developmental research that has its interests and roots in language development rather than anthro- pological studies of socialization. For current socialization lterture, the reader is recommended to se Biggs 1970; Galimore, Bogss, Jordon 1974; Geertz 1959; Hamilton 1981; Harkness & Super 1980; ‘Korbi 1978; Lederman, Tulkin, & Rosenfeld 1977; LeVine 1980; Levy 1973; Mead & MacGregor 1951; Mead & Wolfenstein 1955; Mon- {agu 1978; Munroe & Munroe 1975; Richards 1974; Wagner & Ste venson 1982; Weisner & Galimore 1977; Whiting 1963; Whiting & Whiting 1975; Wiliams 1969; and Wills 1977 Approaches to communicative development ‘Whereas interest in language structure and use has been a timeless concer, the child as a language user isa relatively recent focus of Scholarly interest, This interest hasbeen located primarily inthe lds ‘of linguistics and psychology, withthe wedding ofthe two in the es- lablishment of developmental psycholingustics as legitimate aca- demic specialization. The concer here has been the relation of Ian- ‘auage to thought, both in terms of conceptual categories and in terms ‘of cognitive processes (suchas perception, memory, recall). The child has become one source for establishing ust what tat relation is, More specifically the language of the child has been examined in terms of the following issues 1. The relation between the relative complexity of conceptual cate- sores and the linguistic structures produced and understood by ‘Young language-learning children at different developmental stages {Gloom 1970, 1973; Bowerman 1977, 1981; Brown 1973; Clark 1974; lark de Clark 1977; Greenfield & Smith 1976; Karmilft Smith 1979; MacNamara 1972; Nelson 1974; Schlesinger 1974; Sinclair 1971; Slobin 197), 2, Processes and strategies underlying the child's construction of gram- mar (Bates 1976; Berko 1958; Bloom, Hood, & Lightbown 1974; Bloom, Lightbown, & Hood 1975; Bowerman 1977; Brown & Bellug278 BLINOR OCHS & BAMBI. SCHIEFFELIE 1964; Brown, Cazden, & Belugi 196; Dore 1975; Eevin-Tripp 1964; Lieven 1980; MacWhinney 1975; Miller 1982; Scollon 1975; Shatz 1978; Slobin 1973) 3. The extent to which these processes and stiategies are language ‘universal or particular (Berman in press; Bowerman 1973; Brown 1975; Clancy in press; Clark in press; Johnston & Slobin 1979; ‘MacWhinney & Bates 1978; Ochs 1982b, in press; Slobin 1981, in press; Asku & Siobin in press). 4. The extent to which thse processes and strategies support the ex- fatence of a language faculty (Chomsky 1959, 1968, 1977; Fodor, over, & Garrett 1974; Goldin-Meadow 1977; MeNeill 1970; New- port 1981; Newport, Gieitman, & Gletman 1977; Piateli-Ralmarini 1980; Shatz 1961; Wanner & Gleitman 1982). 5. The nature ofthe prerequisites for language development (Bates et al. in press; Bloom 1973; Bruner 1975, 1977; Bullowa 1979; Carter 1978; de Lemos 1981; Gleason & Weintraub 1978; Golinkotf 198 Greenfield & Smith 1976; Harding & Golinkoft 1979; Lock 1978, 1981; Sachs 1977; Shaz in press; Slobin 1973; Snow 1979; Snow & Ferguson 1977; Vygotsky 1962; Werner & Kaplan 196) 6, Pereepal and conceptual factors that inhibitor facilitate language development (Andersen, Dunlea, é& Kekelis 1982; Bever 1970; Greenfield & Smith 1976; Hutteplocher 1974; Menyuk & Menn 1979; Piaget 1955/1926; Slobin 1981; Sugarman 1984; Wanner & Gleitman 1980). Underlying ll these issues is the question ofthe source of language, in terms of not only what capacities reside within the child but the relative contributions of biology (nature) and the social world (nurture) to the development of language The relation between nature and nur- ture has been a cental theme around Which theoretical positions have been oriented. B. F. Skinner’ (1957) contention thatthe child brings relatively lite tthe task of leaning language and that i is through Fesponses to specific alt stimuli that language competence is attained provided a formulation that was subsequently challenged and count- ‘red by Chomsky’ (1959) alternative position. This postion, which has been termed nativist, innatst, rationalist (ee Piattll-Palmarini 1980), postulates thatthe adult verbal environment is an inadequate source forthe child to inductively leam language. Rather, the rules ‘nd principles for constructing grammar have as their major source a tenetcally determined language faculty Linguistics, then, may be regarded as that part of human psyehol ogy that is Concerned With the nature, function, and origin ofa particular “mental organ.” We may take UG (Universsl Gram- ‘at to be a theory ofthe language faculty, a common human at- {ribute, genetically determined, one component of the human mind. Through interaction with the envionment, this faculty of| tind becomes articulated and refined, emerging in the mature j ] LANGUAGE ACQUISITION AND SOCIALIZATION co person as a system of knowledge of language. (Chomsky 1977168) It needs to be emphasized that an inatist approach doesnot eliminate the adult world asa source of linguistic knowledge; rather it assigns aiferent role (¥is-visthe behaviorist approach) to that word inthe Chid’s attainment of linguistic competence: The adult language pre- Sens the relevant information that allows the child to select from the Universal Grammar those grammatical prineipls speci to the pa ticular language thatthe child will acquire (One ofthe principal objections tht coud be raised is that although ‘the linguists grammar is theory ofthis [the eh’) attained com- petence™ (Chomsky 1977:163), there is no account of how this linguistic ‘competence is attained. The theory doesnot relat the inguist'spram- ‘mar(s) to processes of sequiring grammatical knowledge. Several psy cholinguists, who hive examined children's developing grammars (0 {erms of their underlying organizing pineples, have argued for simi lattes between these principles and those exhibited by ether cognitive achievements (Bates etal 1979; Bover 1970. ‘A second objection tothe innais approach has concerned its char- acterization of adult speech as "degenerate," fragmented, and often il formed (MeNeill 1966; Miller & Chomsky 1963). Ths character Zation, for which there was no empirical bass, provoked a series of ‘observational studies (including tape-recorded documentation) of the ‘ways in which caregivers speak to their young language-acquirng chil ‘ren Drach 1969; Philips 1973; Sachs, Brown, & Salerno 1976; Suow 1972). Briefly, these studies indicated not ony that adults use well: formed speech wit high frequency but that they modify their speech to children in systematic ways as well. These systematic modifications, categorized a5 a particular speech regiser called babyetalk register (erguson 197, include the increased (relative to other registers) use of high pitch, exaggerated and slowed intonation, a baby talk lexicon (Gamica 1977; Sachs 1977; Snow 1972, 1977) diminuitives, redupli- cated words, simple sentences (Newport 1976), shorter seatences, in terrogatives (Corsaro 1979), vocatves, alk about the "here-and-nov., play and politeness routines ~ peek-a-boo, hi-good-bye, say “thank ‘you" (Andersen 1977; Gleason Weintraub 1978), cooperalive expres- sion of propositions, repetition, and expansion of one's own and the child's utterances. Many of these features are associated with the ‘expression of positive affect, such s high pitch and diminutves. How- lever, the greatest emphasis inthe literature has been placed on these features as evidence that caregivers simplty their specch in addressing young children (eg. slowing down, exaggerating intonation, simpli- ‘ing sentence structure and length of uterance). The scope of the effects on grammatical development fas been debated in a number of Studies, Several studies have supported Chomsky’s position by dem= onstrating that caregiver speech facilitates the acquisition of only lan-280 ELINOR OCHS & BAMBI», SCHIBFFELIN guage specitie features but not those features widely (universally) Shared goross languages (Feldman, Goldin-Meadow, & Gletman 1978; Newport, Gleitmany & Glitman 1977). Other studies, which do not Festrt the role of caregiver speech to Taclitaing only Ianguage- Specfi grammatical features (Snow 1977, 1979), report that caregv- fs appear to adjust thelr speech toa child's cognitive and linguistic ‘capacity (Cross 1977). And as children become more competent, ategivers use fewer features ofthe baby-talk register. Whereas certain, fesearchers have emphasized the direct facilitating role of caregivey speech in the acquisition of language (van der Geest 1977), others have Linked the spesch behavior of caregivers to the caregiver's desire to ‘communicate with the child (Brown 1977; Snow 1977a, 1977, 1979). In this perspective, caregivers simply their own speech in order to take themeeives understood when speaking fo young chiléren. Sim ilarly, caregivers employ several verbal strategies to understand what the child is trying to communicate. For example, the caregiver attends to what the child is doing, where the child is looking, and the child's ‘behavior to determine the child's communicative intentions (Foster 1981; Golinkot? 1983; Keenan, Ochs, & Schiefelin 1976). Further, caregivers often request clarification by repeating or paraphrasing the ehild's utterance with a questioning intonation, as in Example 1 (Bloom 1973:170: Example 1° Mother Alison (46 ms 3 ws) picks up an tying to open) ore wis wid wa 9 wi (A balding rout 0.8) ‘i! Mara Mama Mama a2 Wi! ‘Mar Mama 9 wid) ‘What, darting? Mama wid Mama Mama wid! Mama ‘Mama wis! ‘Wat do you want Mommy to dot 1 9 with 9 wid (A gives jar tom) iter! (A tiesto tn top on Jatin sand) MataiMamns wide pen ius? ~ on open it? OK, (at opens id In other cases, the caregiver facilitates communication by jointly ex- pressing with the child a proposition. Typically, caregiver asks @ + Bxamples 1-5 flow transcription convention ia Bloom and Labey 1978 LANGUAGE ACQUISITION AND SOCIALIZATION 21 qestion to which the child supplies the missing information (often Already known tothe caregiver) as in Example 2 (Bloom 1973:153): Example 2 Moser Alton ‘What's Momany have (holding cookies) (reaching for cook) sock! Cooke! OK. Here's a cookie for you (aks cookie reeching wh oer rand toward thesis ba) oe! “There's more in here, Well ave i ina le whe, (picking up bg of cookies) ao! ‘These studies indicale that caregivers make extensive accommo ‘dations to the cil, assuming the perspective of the chil in the course ‘of engaging him of her in conversational dialogue. Concurrent research ‘on interaction between caregivers and prelingustc infants supports this conelusion (Bruner 1977; Bullowa 1979; Lock 1978; Newson 1977; 1978; Schaller 1977; Shoter 1978). Detailed observation of white mid- dle-cias mother-infant dyads (English, Scotsh, American, Avsta> lian, Duteh) indicates that these mothers allempt to engage their very young infants (starting at birth) in conversational exchanges." These fo-alled protoconversation (Bullowa 1979)are constructed in several ‘ways. A protoconversation may take placewhen one party responds to ome facial expression, action, andor vocalization ofthe other. This response may be nonverbal, as when a gesture ofthe infantis “echoed” by his or her mother. [As a rule, prespeech with gesture is watched and replied to by exclamation of please or suprise like “Oh, my my!", “Good heavens!" “Oh, what a big smile!”, “Hla! That's a big one! (meaning a story), questioning replies tke, “Are you telling me 8 story?" "Oh really?” or even agreement by nodding "Yes" or saying “I'm sure you're right”... A mother evidenly perceives her baby tobe a potson like herself. Mothers interpret baby be: havior as not ony intended to be communicative, but as verbal and meaningful. (Trevarthen 1979a:338) ‘On the other hand, mother and infant may respond to one another through verbal means, as, or example, when a mother expresses agree- ment, disagreement, or surprise following an infant behavior. Social intersctions may be susiained over soveral exchanges by the mother tssuming both speaker roles. She may construct an exchange by re- sponding on behalf ofthe fant 10 her own utterance, or she may282 BLINOR Oct & BAMBI R, SCHIEFFELIN. ‘verbally interpret the infant's interpretation. A combination of several “strategies i lustrated in Example 3 (Snow 1977a:12), Example 3 Mother ‘An (3.08) ents) Oh what aceite set ‘Yes, in that ice? ‘Thess nice lesa. Courps), ‘What a ice wind el i ‘Yor thas baler, 7 i Yes | Yer (voeaties) Yer) ‘These descriptions capture the behavior of white middle-class caregivers and, in turn, ean be read for what caregivers believe to be the eapabilides and predispositions of te infant, Caregivers evidently see their infants ae sociable and as capable of inteationalty, particularly twith respect to the intentional expression of emotional and physical Sates. Some rescarchers have concluded that the mother, in inter preting an infant's behaviors, provides meanings for those behaviors fhat the infant will ultimately adopt (Lock 1981; Ryan 1974; Shoter 1978) and thus emphasize the active role of the mother in socializing the infant to her set of Interpretations. Other approaches emphasize | the effect ofthe infant on the caregiver (Lewis a Rosenblum 1974), particularly with respect tothe innate mechanisms for organized, pur- oseful action thatthe infant brings to interaction (Trevarthen 19790), “These studies of caregivers" speech to young children have all at tended to what the child is learting from these interactions with the mother (or earegiver), There has been a general movement away from the search for direct causal inks between the ways.in which caregivers | fpeak to their children and the emergence of grammar. Instead, | Caregivers’ speech has been examined for its more general eommu- ictie functions, that ie, how meanings are negotiated, how activites fate organized end accomplished, and how routines and games become stablished. Placed within this broader communicative perspective, Tanguage development is viewed a one of several achievements ac: Complished through verbal exchanges between the caregiver and the child, The ethnographic approach ‘To moot middleclass Werter readers, the descriptions of verbal and nonverbal behaviors of middle-class caregivers ‘with their children LANGUAGE ACQUISITION AND SOCIALIZATION 283 seem very familar, desirable, and even natural. These descriptions Capture in rich detail what goes on, to greater of lesser exten, in ‘many midale-class households, The characteristics of caregiver speech (Gaby-talk register) and comportment that have been specified are highly valued by members of white middle-class society, including re- searchers, readers, and subjects of study. They are associated with {good mothering and ean be spontaneously produced wit litle effort, for reflections. As demonstrated by Shatz and Gelman (1973), Sachs land Devin (1976), and Andersen snd Johnson (1973), children as young fd years of age ollen speak and act in these ways when addressing small children, From our research experience in other societies as well as our a ‘quanta with some ofthe cross-cultural studies of language sociale {ation (Blount 1972; Bowerman 1981; Claney in press; Eisenberg 1982; Fischer 1970; Hamilton 1981; Harkness 1975; Harkness & Super 1977; “ea 1983; Miler 1982; Philips 198; Sehieffein & Eisenberg press; ‘Scollon & Scollon 1981; Stross 1972; Ward 1971; Watson-Gegeo & Gegeo 1982; Wills 1977) the general patterns of white middle-class caregiving that have been described inthe psychological literature are ‘characteristic neither ofall societies nor of all socal groups (e.g. all Social classes within one society), We would like the reader, therefore, to reconsider the descriptions of caregiving In the psychological lit ttature as ethnographic descriptions. By ethnographic, we mean descriptions tht take into account the perspective of members of socil group, including belies and values That underie and organize their activites and utterances. Ethnogra- phers rely heavily on observations and on formal and informal elici- fation of member reflections and interpretations asa bassfor analysis, (Geertz 1973) Typically, the ethnographer is nota member ofthe group tinder study. uther, io presenting an ethnographic account the re Searcher faces the problem of communicating world views or sets of ‘Values that may be unfamiliar and strange tothe reader. Ideally, such, Sfatements-provide forthe reader set of organizing priniples that five coherence and an analytic focus to the behaviors described ‘Psyehologists who have eaied out research onthe verbal and non- verbal behavior of caregivers and their children draw on both methods However, unlike most ethnographer the psychological researcher is ‘member of the soci group under observation. (In some case, the Tesoarcher’s ov children are the subjects of study.) Further, unlike the ethnographer, the psychologist addresses a teadership fami with, the social seenes portrayed. “That the researcher, reader, and subjects of study tend fo have in ‘common a white middle-class erate background has had several on Sequences. For example, by and large, the psychologist has not been Faced withthe problem of cultural translation, as ha the anthropolo- There has been a tecit assumption that readers ean provide the rer cultural framework for making sense out ofthe behaviors doc-284 ELINOR OCHS 2 BAMBI 9. SCHIEFFELIN ‘mented, and, consequently, the cultural nature ofthe behaviors and principles presented have nl been explicit. From our perspective, n= {Buage and culture as bodies of knowledge, structures of understanding, onceptions ofthe world, and collective representations are extrinsic to any individval and contain more information than any individual ‘ould know of lear, Culture encompasses variations in knowledge between individuals, but such variation, although crucial to what an individual may know and to the social dynamic between individuals, doesnot have is locus within the individual. Our position is tht culture isnot something that can be considered separately from the accounts of caregiver-chid interaction; rather, is what organizes and gives Ineaning to that interaction This isan important pint, as it afects the definition and interpretation ofthe behaviors of caregivers and chil trea, How caregivers and children speak and act toward one another isle to cultural paters that extend and have consequences beyond the specific interactions observed. For example, how caregivers speak to their children may be linked io other institutional adaptations to Young children. These adaptations in tur, may be bers of given society view children more generally (their their social satus and expected comportment) and to how members, think eildren develo. ‘We are suggesting Here thatthe sharing of assumptions between researcher, reader, and subjects of study i a mixed blessing. Infact, this sharing represents & paradox of familiarity, We are able to apply ‘without efor the cultural framework for interpreting the behavior of ‘Caregivers and young children in our own social group; indeed, 2s mem bets of white middle-class socety, we ate socialized todo this very work, that is, interpret behaviors, atiibute motives, and so on. Par ‘onicaly, however, in spite ofthis ease of effort, we can not easily isolate and make explicl these cultural principles. As Goffman’ s work fon American society has illustrated, the articulation of norms, beliefs fn values is often posible only wien faced with violations, that iy wth gales, breachee, misfirings, andthe like (Goffman 1963, 1967; ‘Much & Shweder 1978). "Another vay to ee the cultural principles at work in our own society isto examine the ways in which other societies are organized in terms Of social interaction and of the society at lrg. In carrying out such Fesearch, the ethnographer offers point of eostrast and comparison ‘with our vn everyday actives. Such comparative material can lead ts lo reinterpret Behaviors cultural that’ we have assumed 10 be natural. From the anthropological perspective, every society wil have His owm cultural constructs of what #8 natural and what is not. For txample, every society has ils own theory of procreation, Certain AuS- tralian Aboriginal societies believe that a number of diferent factors Contribute to conception. Von Sturmer (1980) writes that among the ugu-Nganychara (West Cape York Peninsula, Australia) the spirit of thechild may fist enter the man through an animal that he has kiled LAKQUAGE ACQUISITION AND SOCIALIZATION 285 ‘and consumed. The spirit passes from the man to the woman through sexual inlereourse, but several sexual acts are necessary to build the thild (ee also Hamilton 1981; Moatagu 1957). Even within a single Society there may be diferent beliefs concerning whea ife begins an ‘ends, as the recent debates in the United States and Europe concerning Abortion and merey Kling indicate. The issue of what is nature and ‘what is nurtured (cultural) extends to patterns of caregiving and child development. Every society has (implicitly or expliidy) given notions toncering the capacities and temperament of children at cilferent ‘Points in their development (se, e-, Dentan 1978; Ninio 1979; Snow, ‘de Blau, & van Roosmalen 1979), andthe expectations and responses ‘of caregivers are directly related to these notions. [At this point, using an ethnographic perspective, we will recast selected behaviors of white middle-class caregivers nd young children as picces ‘of one "developmental story." The white middle-class developmental "oty that we are constructing is based on various descriptions available “and focuses on those patterns of interaction (bth verbal and nonverbal), that have been emphasized inthe literature, This story will be com- pared with two other developmental stories from societies that are Strikingly different: Kalu (Papua New Guinea) and Western Samoan. 'A major goal in presenting tnd comparing these developmental sto ries is to demonstrate that communieative interactions between care flvers and young children are culturally consiruted. In our compar- ons, we will focus on thee facets of Communicative interaction: (1) the social orgtnization of the verbal environment of very young chil dren, (2) the extent to which children are expected to adapt to situations ‘or that situations are adapted to the chil, (3) the negotiation of meaning by caregiver and child, We first presenta general sketch ofeach social group and then discuss in more detail the consequences ofthe difer- tenes and similarities in communicative patierasin these socal groups. “These developmental stories are not timeless but rather are linked in complex ways to particular historical contexts. Both the ways in ‘which caregivers behave toward young children and the popular and Scientific accounts of these ways may differ at diferent moments in time, The sores that We present represent ideas currently held inthe thre social groups. "The three stories show that there s more than one way of becoming social and using lenguage in early childhood. All normal chien will become members oftheir own social group, but the process of becom ing social, Including becoming a language user, is culturally con- structed. In relation to this process of constuction, every society has its own developmental stories that are rooted in social organization, beliefs, and values, These storie may be explcily codified andlor tacitly assumed by members.286 eLawoR ocuts & nama m, ScuLBPPRLIN An Anglo Amercan white middle-class developmental story. The mi dh ce in tin nae Unict Ses nde a ond range of Snel nide nie, td ups idles weal an otealnal over and hc eso ete common ive deylopmentig been gel ted nei: nd per tiie feels, Thess hoeols en conto ele pucker ny tower ie tien The pay eategier Mow iho exepign te cimatu! or aged other = searchers have focused on comminicatve situations in which one child“ interact wit ior hr mother The geacralation proposed by these ‘eseachers concerning mother-cil communication could be ena Int of his metbodlegel fous. However, could be argucd tht the attention to twosparty encounters between a mother and er child ‘cts the most feaoent typeof comminiatve inerecion to which fost youre miles cen ae expved.Pariipton in Wo: arty ts opposed to mulpaty interacons 4 product of many con. erations inclucing he pystal sing of households, where interior fd exterior walls bound an iit acento soca interaction. Soonafter an fats bor, many lies ho ther fens in uch away tal they are faceoface and yea hem. Moers have been eoservedto ase thins vrai oth a ein and i tae, Inoter words rom bith oo, heft ate ah ‘cil berg tnd a8 an adresse soe interaction, The inf ‘ocallzatins and physi movements nd tts are oten iterpreted 1 meaningful and se responded fo veraly by the mother or otber Scegver, inthis way, potoconverantions are exablished and ss ined along a dyad turaking model. Throughout tis pvod and the subsequent language-aoauring Yeas, caregivers teat very YOUN children at communicative partes: Oe very important procedure it tain hve sl ecg ihe thers or ter crear) ining the prepectve othe hil, This perspective is evidenced i ter own spect trough the may simplifying and fective features of the bay reise tat have ben desribet and rough the various Stacie employed to hen what he young oil may be xpress ing. Such perspective taking i part ofa much wider set of accommo- dations by adits to young chien. These secommodatons re man ffestedin several donne: Fr example, he are widespread materia Accommodations to ffancy apd eldhood athe form of eltrl ar iets designed forthe stage fife, fr example, baby clothes, baby food, maturation of fare, an toy, Special be voral accom Inodtons are coordinated wit ihe infant's perceived needs ance pocies for example, patting the by que place to fia and Ensure proper sleep; baby-proofing™ a house a ech becomes i ereasngly mobile, yet not ave Of, Or able (0 contol, the conse- tcnees os or het own behavior In genera tho pallern appears fo ‘rn of reventon an intervention, which tions se saped LANGUAGE ACQUISITION AND SOCIALIZATION. 287 or mosiied tothe child rather than the reverse. Further, the child is focus of attention, in that the child's actions and verbalizations are ‘often the stating point of social nteration with more mature persons. Although such developmental achievements as crawling, walking, 8nd first words are awaited by caregivers, the accommodations have the effect of keeping the child dependent on, and separate from, the ‘adult community fora considerable period of ime, The child, protected from those experiences considered harmfil (eg. playing with knives, slimbing stairs), is thus denied knowledge, and his or her competence in such contexts is delayed. ‘The accommodations of white middle-class caregivers to young cil- ren can be examined for other values and tendencies. Particularly ‘among the American middle las, these accommodations reflect a dis- ‘comfort with the competence differential between adult and child. The competence gap is reduced by two strategies. One is forthe adil t0 Simplify hetthis speech to match more closely what the adult considers tobe the verbal competence ofthe young child, Let us ell his stategy the selP-owering strategy, following Irvine's (1974) analysis of inter- caste demeanor. A second strategy i forthe caregiver to richly inter. pret (Brown 1973) what the young chilis expressing. Here the adult Acts asf the chil were more competent than his behavior more stcy ‘Would indicate, Let us call this sategy the chil-rising (no pur i tended!) strategy. Other behaviors conform to this strategy, such a5 When an adult cooperates ina task with a child but treats tht task a ‘an accomplishment ofthe child, For example, in eliciting 2 story from a chil a caregiver often operates with the child inthe telling of the story. This cooperation ‘ypically takes the form of posing questions to the child, such as “Where did you go?" “What did you see?" and so on, to which the ‘adult knows the answer. The child is seen as tli the story even ‘though she or he is simply supplying the information the adult has breselected and organized (Greenfclé & Smith 1976; Ochs, Schiefelin 4 Plat 1979; Schitfelin Eisenberg 1984). Bruner’ (1978) description of scaffolding, in which a caregiver constructs tower or ether pay ‘object, allowing the young child to place the last Block, i also good {example ofthis tendeney, Here the tower may be scen by the cereiver| and others as the child's own work. Silly, in leter life, caregivers Playing games with ther children let them win, acting es ifthe child an match or more than match the eompetence of the adul. ‘The masking of incompetence applies not only in white middle-class relations with young children but also in relations with mentally, and {osome extent to physically, handicapped persons aswel. As the work of Edgerton (196?) and the recent film Best Boy indicate, mentally Felarded persons are often restricted to protected environments (ily households, sheltered workshops or speci homes) in which treined staff or family members make vast accommodations to theit special needs and capacities,288 eLINOR OCHS & BAMBI. SCIIEFFELIN ‘A final aspect ofthis white middle-class developmental story con- eine the wilingaess of many caregivers to interpret uninteligible oF ‘peril inteligible utterances of young children (f. Ochs 1982, for ample, the eaegiver offer 4 paraphrase (or "expansion; Brown {& Bellagi 1964; Cazden 1965), using a question intonation, This be- havior of caregivers has continuity with thir earlier attrbutions of fntentionality tothe ambiguous uterances of the infant, For both the Drelingustic and language-asing child, the caregiver provides an ex- Dlicity verbal interpretation. This interpretation or paraphrase is po- {enuially available tothe young child to affirm, disconfirm, or modity. "Through exposure to, and periipation in, these clarification ex- changes, the young eld fs scilized into several cultural patterns. ‘The frat of these recognizes and defines an utterance or vocalization that may not be immediately understood, Second, the chilis presented ‘vith the procedures for dealing with ambiguity. Through the successive Dfferings of possible interpretations, the hil learns that more than ‘one understanding ofa given utterance or vocalization may be possible. ‘The child i also learning who can make these interpretations and the txteat to which they may be open to modification. Finally the child {elearning how to sete upon a possible interpretation and how to show Uisagreement or agreement This entre process soializes the child into ullraly specie modes of organizing knowledge, thought, and Ian- seunge? |A Kalu developmental story. A small (population approximately 41200), nonlierate egalitarian society (Schietein 1976), the Kall peo- ie tve ia the topieel rain forest on the Great Papuan Plateau in the outhern highlands of Papua New Guines.? Most Kalul are monoli- lfua, speaking ¢ non-Austronesian ver final erglive language, They fhaisamn large gardens and hunt and fish. Traditionally, the sixty t© ‘iney individuals that comprise a vilage ive in ne large longhouse thou! internal walls. Currently, although the longhouse is main nod, many families live in smaller dwellings that provide accom- thodations for two or more extended families. It isnot unusual for at [east a dozen individuals of diffrent ages to be living together in one house consisting essentially of one semiparttioned room. ‘Men and women use extensive networks of obligation and rec prociy inthe ormanization of work end sociable interaction, iveryday Fis is overtly focused around verbal interaction. Kali tink of, and te, lak as & means of carol, manipulation, expression, assertion, lind appeal. Tell. gets you what you want, need, or feel you are owed. {Talk rs primary indicator of social competence and a primary means ‘fsocialZing, Learning how to talk and become independent is a major {oil of socialization ior the purpose of comparison and for understanding somethins of the cultural basis for the ways in which Kalul act and speak to their hikten, iis important first to describe selected aspects of « Kalu LANGUAGE ACQUISITION AND SOCIALIZATION or developmental story that Ihave constructed from various ethnographic (ata, Rall describe their babies as helpless, "sof iyo), and “hav {ng no understanding" (asugo andoma). They take cae of them, they say, Because they “feel sory for them." Mothers, the primary care fives, are attentive to ther infants and physially responsive o them, Whenever an infant eres itis offered the breast, However, while nurs ing er infant, a mother may also be involved in other activites, such, as food preparation, or she may be engaged in conversation with in ‘ividoals inthe household, Mothers never leave their infants alone and ‘only rarely with other caregivers. When not holding thei inns, moth fers carry them in neted bags sispended from their heads. When the mother is gardening, gathering wood, or just sting with others, the ‘aby sleeps inthe netted bag next tothe mother's body. ‘Kalil mothers, given their belie tha infats “have no understand ing,” never teat their infants 3s partners (speaker’addressee) in dyadic ‘communiative interactions. Although they greet their infants by name land use expressive voeslizations, they rarely address otheruterances tothem, Furthermore, mother and infant donot gaze into each other's tyes, an interstional patern Oat is consistent with adult patterns of, not gazing when vocalizing in interaction with one another. Rather than facing their babies and speaking to them, Kaluli mothers tend to face their babies outward a that they can see, and be seen by, other mem roup, Older children grest and address the infant, tnd the mother responds ina high-pitched nasalized voice “for” the bby while moving the baby up and down. Triadie exchanges such as that in Example 4 are typical (Golinkotf 1983). Example 4 Mother is boli er infnt son Bage Co). Abi 3S me) is Holding stick {mis shoulder in amanner similar fo hain which one woul eat a bea, fll boxe ox nol be gon pwc o s f Mother Ab Gio baby) Bagel do you se my box here) ‘age! i bok we Daya! De you sei slibdaye?? (bh nasal voice taking asf she she baby, ‘moving the bby who facing AB Ny brocher, Tl ake bal, my brother, ao, beds i Gen, wo. Ctoling tek ot) smother give in ball! sm hebo.emo Gina noche, ‘ny broterberfbere tke hl! ‘Bo welwe hobs dina Gina high nasa voice a baby Dy brother, what hal oT take? ao, heb din hel?290 BLINOR OCHS & AMBIB. SCHIEFFELIS. Wot stow 7 my bot, pa i on the tones IWant so, en wel dont {Abin trol vin float htc Tens wes deeds (abies ak on tabs hose The, crely pot to. To da font accident Poker ny) Fel omy so. jn itons, ‘When a mother tes the speaking ole of an inf she ses engage Thais el formed and appropri for an oer eh. Only tho mie Seteation and hghrich markt as “th fats When speaking a die infant to oer chigre, moshers spon assertively tht they fever whine or be on bell ofthe tant. Ths in aking hi le {he motor docs fr the infnt what he fat cannot for el ha feartosct na sorflled sn competent manne, sins lang, ‘These kinds of ntcracos comin ut a baby is between 4 and months of ae ‘Sovealpos are important here Fest, these adc exchanges are carried ou primary fr te bene ofthe ler cid and lp create elatonsp betwen the fo clren, Second, the mothers ter Svcs in the exchanges ae no based on, nord they orate With, fying thn he int has fainted ~ er veal or gestural Fecal th Kal ci tat nts avs no derstanding How could {Smeone vill no undorandig”iniate appropriate tere eqn Tigwever, there isan even more important and enduring cla const tat helps mae snse ou of te mother's Behaviors a his Staton ad any others aswel Ral sy hate canna kw ‘that anther thks or fests" Although Kall obvious interpret nd See one anothers avalabl Besvirs ander sates, these te {eprealowsarenotculturaly acceptable as topics fakin ‘ite alk about this own fstings (Um fad, 'm Bappy et) HO ‘Sve ther culunl dpeterence forte sboutor making claims Shout wht another might tin, wt anther might el or what ther about fo do, eapesiaiy i there no external eidene. As We Shoes these culsraly contacted behaviors ave several mporat SSuseqance rte wae in whch Kalu cregvers verbally interact, Sf ei children and ate related to oer pervasive pales of an- ge se, which wl be dsansed Iter. "Kr tuats become oer (12 month), they ae ual eld inthe ara care ont souler ofthe mother en ler sl. They {ia poset i lf ongoing household active, aswell as subience sites iat ink Pace ose te lag the bush, Dosing this Ez petods tac ae adresse by sds lined exten. They are greeted by a varity of names (proper names, kin terms, affective And relationship terms) and receive a limited st of both negative and positive imperative. In addition, when they do something they are tld ‘not todo, such as reach for something that isnot theits to take, they will often receive suck chetorical question sch ax “who are you?!” (meaning “not someone to do that") or “sit yours?!"(meaning "itis ‘ot yours") to control their actions by shaming them (sasidiad). I. should be stressed thatthe language addressed tothe preverbal child ‘consists largely of “one-liners” that call for no verbal esponse but for either an action or termination of an action. Other than these uter= ances, very litle talk is directed to the young child by the adult caregiver. ‘This pattern of adults treating infants as noncommunicative partners continues even when babies begin babbling, Although Kalul recognize babbling (dabedan), they eal it noncommunicative and do not relate ito the speech that eventually emerges. Adults and older children ‘occasionally repeat vocalizations back 1 the young ehild (age 12-16 ‘months, reshaping them into the names of persons in the household ‘orinto kin terms, but they do not say tha the baby is saying the name for do they wait for, or expect, the child to repeat those vocalizations ian altered form. In edition, vocalizations are not generally treated ‘as communicative and given verbal expression except inthe following siluation. When a toddler shrieks in protest of the assaults ofan older chil, mothers say “I'm unwling” (using a quotative parle), refer= ring tothe toddler's shriek These ae the only circumstances ia which ‘mothers treat vocalizations as. communicative and. provide verbal expression for them. In no olhereircumstances did the adults Inthe four families in the study provide a verbally expressed interpretation ofa vocalization ofa preverbal child. Thus, throughout the preverbel Petiod very litle language is directed tothe child, excep fr imper- atves, hetorial question, and greetings, A child who by Kalul terms has not yet begun to speak isnot expected to respond either verbally ‘or vocally. As a result, during the first 18 months of so very litle sustained dyadic verbal exchange takes place between alt and infant, ‘The infantis only minimally treated as an addressee and isnot treated as a communicative partaer in dyadic exchanges. Thus, the conver- ‘tonal model that has Been deseribed for many white middle-class Caregivers and thei preverbl children has no spplicaton inthis case, Furthermore, if one defines language input as language directed tothe child hen itis reasonable to say that for Kal hilren who have not yet begun to speak there is vey Title. However, this does nat mean ‘hat Kelli children grow up in aa impoverished verbal environment 1nd do not learn how to speak. Quite the opposite struc, The verbal tnvironment ofthe infant i ich and varied, and from the very begin hing the infant is surounded by adults and‘ older children who spend 4 great deal of time talking to one another. Furthermore, asthe infant ‘develops and begins to cravl and engage in play activiies and other292 SLINOR ocHS & BAMBI R, SCHIEFFELIN independent actions, these actions are frequently referred to, de seribed, and commented upon by members ofthe household, especially ‘lier children, to each other, Thus the ongoing activites of the pre= ‘Verbal child aan important topic of tlk smong members ofthe house hold, and this talk about the here-and-now of the infantis available to the infant, though isnot talk addressed (othe infant. For example, inreferring tothe infant's actions, siblings and adults use the infants name or kin term. They sa, "Look at Seligiwo! He's walking.” Thus the child may lean from these contexts (o attend the verbal environ ‘ment in which be or she lives. ‘Every society has ts own ideology about language, including when it begins and how children acquire it. The Kaluli are no exception. Kalul claim that language begins atthe time when the child uses two ‘ritcal words, “mother” (m9) and “breast” (b0). The child may be Tsing other single words, but unl these two words ae used, the be- [inning of language is not recognized. Once a child has used these ‘words, a whole set of interrelated behaviors is set into motion. Once child has begun to use language, he o she then must be "shown how to speak" (Sehiefelin 1979). Kall show their children language inthe formof a teaching strategy, which involve providing a model for what the child is to say followed by the word eloma, an imperative meaning ‘Say lke that,” Mothers us tis method of dzet instruction to teach the social uses of artertive language (easing, shaming, requesting, Challenging, reporting), However, object labeling is never part of an ‘lema sequence, nor does the mother ever use clema to instruct the ‘child o beg or appeal for food or objects. Beeging, the Kaluli say, i fatural for children, They know how todo it In contrast, a child must be taught fo be essetive through the use of particular linguistic expres- sons and verbal sequences. “Atypical sequence using elem istriadic involving the mother, child (20-36 months), and other participants, asin Example 5 Schieffelin, 1979). Example 5 Mother, daughter Bian (Sys), cousa Mama (312 yr), and son Wan (27 rosa at home, dividing yp some cooked vegetables, Binal as been beg [Bn for some other mater tins ha she Bas hod ee Share Mo W-> 5 ‘Whos isi! say tke that. ‘Abenowo?! dea. what is ety Menowotl si your! yk that Genawo? dena. iste yours’ enoworl ‘Who ate yout! say ke tha proba? lena LANGUAGE ACQUISITION AND SOCIALIZATION 23 so ae youth seo! Mama W > B Did yoo pick? say tke tha Bswwotl ceme, it you pick B suwot Mo Wo: ‘My grandmother picked! say Uk tha ‘we sel elema, My gander ited Mama + W > B “Thi my moter picked! say ke that wernt miwe sel elma ‘This my motte picked sve me sk s+ = speaker adresse ‘Ty Besse“ Tntended addressee In this situation, asin many others, the mother does not modify her Janguage to fit the linguistic ability ofthe young child, Instead, her Tanguage is shaped so as o be appropriate (in ers of form and content) forthe child's intended addressee. Consistent withthe Way’ she fer: acts with her infant, what a mother instruts her young child to say ‘ually doesnot hve ie origins in any verbal or nonverbal behaviors (ofthe child but in what the mother thinks should be said. The mother pushes the chil into ongoing interactions thatthe child may or may ‘ot be interested in and will at times spend a good! deal of energy in ‘ying to get the child verbally involved. This is part of the Kalli pattem of fiting (or pushing) the child into the situation rather than, hanging the situation fo meet the interests or abies ofthe child, “Thus mothers take a directive role with their young children, teaching {tem what say so that they may become participants in the social ‘ru, 1M addition to instructing their children by telling them what to say in often extensive interacuonsl sequences, Kaluli mothers pay atten tion to the form of thet children's utterances. Kell correct the pho- nological, morphological, or lexical form of an uterance oF Is pra matic or semantic meaning. Because the goals of language acquisition include the development of a competent and independent child who uses mature language, Kalu use no baby-talk lexicon, fr they said (shen I asked about i) that fod so would result in child sounding babyish, which was clearly undesirable and counterproductive, The entre process of a child's development, of which language acquisition plays a very important rol, is thought of asa hardening process and ‘olminats inthe child's use of “hard words" (Feld & Schicfelin 198). "The cultural dispreference for saying what another might be thinking or feeling has important consequences forthe organization of dyadic294 ELINOR OCHS & PAMBI 8. SCHIEFELIN exchanges between caregiver and child. For one it affects the ways which meaning is notated duriag an exchange. For the Kalu, the responsibility for clear expression is wit the speaker, and child speak- fers are not exempt from this. Rather than offering possible interpre- {ations or guessing at the meaning of what a chil is saying, caregivers make extensive tse of clarification requests such as “hut” and ‘Swat? in an attempt to elit clearer expression from the child. Chil dren are held to what thy say and mothers wil remind them that they in fact have asked for food or an objec if they don't act appropritely ‘on receiving it Because the esponsibility of expression les with the Spesker, children are also instructed with elema to request larifiction (sing similar forms) from others when they do not understand what, someone is saying to them, “Another important consequence of not saying what another thinks isthe absence of adultexpansions of child uterances,Kalul caregivers, ‘put words into the mouths oftheir children, but these words originate from the caregiver. However, caregivers do not elaborate or expand itlerancesiiiated by the child. Nor do they jointly build propositions fetossutlerances and speakers except in the content of sequences with felema in which they ae constructing the tlk forthe hil “Al these patterns of esly language use, such as the lack of expan~ sions end the verbal asibulion ofan interaal state to an individual are consistent with important cultural conventions of adult language usage. ‘The Kall avoid gossip and often indicate the source of information they report. They make extensive use of direct quoted speech in a Tanguage that dacs not allow indirect quotation. They use a range of ‘evidential markers in their speech to indicate the source of speakers! information, for example, whether something was said, seen, heard oF fathered from other kinds of evidence. These patter are also found ‘chil's early speech and, as Such, affect the organization and ac- tion of conversational exchanges In tis face-o-fce egalitarian society ‘A Samoan developmental story. In American and Western Samos, an archipelago inthe southwest Pacific, Samoan, a verb-initial Polynesian fanguage, is spoken The following developmental story draws prt marily on direct observations of life in large, traditional village on the island of Upolu in Western Samoa; however, it incorporates as well analyses by Mead (1927), Kernan (1969), and Shore (1982) of social Iie, lanzvage use, and cblidhood on othe islands (the Manu’ islands and Sava’). 'As has been described by numerous scholars, Samoan society is highly strated Indvidoals are ranked in terms of whether or not they have ate, andif so, whether tian orator oa chiefly tte ~ bestowed fn persons by an extended family unit (aiga povopoto) ~ and within tach sats, particular ties ae reckoned with respect tone another. LANGUAGE ACQUISITION AND SOCIALIZATION 295 Social stratification characterizes relationships between uniled persons at well with the assesment of relative rank in terms of gon fration and age. Mos relevant tothe Samoan developmental story to be told here is that carepivings also socially stratified. The young child, is cared for by a range of untitled persons, typically the chills older siblings, the mother, and unmarried siblings of the child's mother. Where more than one of these are present, the older is considered t0 bbe the higher ranking caregiver and the younger the lower ranking caregiver (Ochs 1982). As willbe discussed in the cours of this story, ranking affects how caregiving tasks are carried out and how verbal interactions are organized, [From birth until the age of $ or 6 months, an infantis referred to as ‘pepemearsea (baby thing thing). During this period, the infant stays lose this or her mother, whos assisted by other women and children, in child-care tasks. During this period, the infant spends the periods of rest and sleep nea, but somewhat separated from, others, on arBe pillow enclosed by a mosquito net suspended {rom a beam or rope, ‘Waking moments are spent in the arms of the mother, ocasionally the father, but most often on the hips or lps of other children, who deliver ‘the infant to his orher mother for feeding and in general are responsible {or salistying and comforing the chi ‘in these early months, the infant is talked about by others, partic- larly in regard fo his or her physologieal states and needs. Language addressed fo the young infant tends to be in the form of songs or ‘hythmie vocalizations fo sof, high pitch. Infants at this stage are not treated as conversational priners. Their gestures and vocalizations are interpreted for what they indicate about the physiological state of the child. If verbally expressed, however, these interpretation are directed in general not «othe infant but to some other more mature ‘member of the household (older child), typically inthe form of adi “Asan infant becomes more matute and motile, he or she i referred {oas simply pepe (baby). When the infant begins to craw, his oF her immediate socal end verbal environment changes, Although the infant continues 10 be carted by an older sibling, he or she is also expected {ocome tothe mother or other mature family members on his or her own. Spontaneous language is directed tothe infant to a much greater extent. The chil, for example, is told to "come" to the caregiver. "To undersand the verbal environment of the infant at this stage, it is necessary to consider Samoan concepts of childhood and children Once a child ie abe to locomote himeelf or herself and even somewhat before, he or she is frequently described as cheeky, mischievous, and ‘wilful! Very frequently, the infantis negatively sanctioned for his ac tions. An infant who sucks eager, vigorously, or frequently a the breast may be tasingly shamed by other family members. Approaching 2 guest or touching objects of value provokes negative directives firs, tnd mock threats second, The tone of voice shifts dramatically from296 BLINOR OCHS & BAMBI B. SCHIEFPELIN that used with younger infants. The piteh drops to the level used in fasuslincractions with adult addressees and voice quality becomes foud and sharp Ii to be noted here that caregiver speech is lrpely {alk directed a the infant and typically caregivers do not engage in “Conversations” with infants over several exchanges. Further, the an iguaze used by caregivers is not lexiealy or syntactically simplified, “The image ofthe small child as bighly assertive continues for several ‘years and reflected in what srepored tobe the first word of Samoan, hilren: tae (Shit, a curse word used to reject, retaliate, or show flupleanure atthe action of another, The chills earliest use of Ian- fuage, then, is seen a expliily defiant and angry. Although caregivers Simonish the verbal and nonverbal expression af these qualities, the ‘ualties are in fat deeply valued and considered necessary and de- Stable in particular social circumstances "As noted earlier, Samoan children are exposed to, and participate in. a highly stratified society. Children usually grow up in a family Compound composed of several households an heated by one or more titled persons Tiled persons conduct themseives ina particular man- ner in pubic, namely, to move slowly or be stationary, and they tend {o disassociate themselves from the activi of lower satus persons, {in their immediate environment. In a less dramatic fashion, this de meanor chareterizes high ranking caregivers ina household es well, tio tend to leave the more active Tasks, such as bathing, changing, tnd carrying an infant (o younger persons (Ochs 19822). “phe social statfcation of caregiving has its reflexes inthe verbal environment of the young child. Throughout the day, higher ranking ‘dregivers (e-., the mother) diect lower ranking persons to carry. put {0 sleep, soothe, fed, bathe, and clothe » child. Typically, a lower tanking caregiver waits for such a directive rather than inate such ctvides spontaneously. When a smal child begins to speak, he or she earns to make his or her needs known tothe higher ranking eregive. ‘The child learns not to necessarily expecta direct response, Rather, the child's eppeal usually generates a conversaional sequence such as the following: Child appeals to high-ranking caregiver ase High ranking caregiver directs lower ranking caregiver (B—> C) [Lower ranking caregiver responds to child (ca) "These verbal interactions difer from the ABAB dyadic interactions deserved for white miale-lass caregivers and children, Whereas a ‘White midde-las chilis offen slone with caregiver, a Samoan child TWot Traditional Samoan houses have no internal or external wally a play conversations involve several persons inside and outside {he house. For the Samoen cil then, multiparty conversations are the norm, and participation is organized along hierarchical lines “The importance of status and'rank is expressed in other uses of langage a0 well. Very stall ehilren are encouraged to produce cer LANGUAGE ACQUISITION AND SOCIALIZATION a7 tsi spech ats that they wil be expected to produce Inter as younger low ranking) member ofthe household, One ofthese speech ses {s reporting of news to older family members. The rporing af nes by lower sats persons complement the detachment esocated wilh relatively high status. High status persons dell (or official) receive information through reports rather than through thsi own diet ae volvement in the affairs of others Ofcourse, this deli not alvays realized. Nonetheless, children from the one-word stage on will Be xpi istucted to note aers and to provide information to oth ers as Example 6 lusts. Example 6 es erg ining ain 3 4a Mae's tes, lana rei the hte. These Alesana (mem fresh peed it Sent othe de toe rm he esa ree hire oer Pesio @ ys3 mos) Others Inlon: Vast Alesans = Tok (a Alesana Hun Inliana: Alesana Masclino: lesga! si Alesnen! ook (a) Alesana Ioana: Vala Alesana Cat Als (very high, loud)) a ‘Skat sist oud) mes bh (cresting Ina (ole (Sa) pe ne ee (or Bos a Sego lea! a) were here (enos Us here) “The character of these instructions is similar to that of the triadic exchanges described inthe Kalli developmental story. A young child fs to repeat an uterance offered by a caregiver toa third party. Asin the Kalli wiadie exchanges, the uterance is designed primarily for thy, Fo eal, gh of vie pay nd one expresses deference in greeting Alesana, the third party. Caregivers lise fuch exchanges to tach chldren a wide range of shils and know298 eLiNon ocHs @ AMAL D, SCHIEEFELIN cele, In fact, the tak of repeating what the caregiver has sid self fn object of knowledge, preparing the child for his or her eventual role fs messenger, Children atthe age of 3 are expected to deliver verbatim messages on behalf of more mature members ofthe family “The cumulative orientation isone in which even very young chien are oriented toward others, In contrast tothe white middle-class ten- ‘ences to accommodate situations to the child, the Samoans encourage the child to mest the needs of the situation, that is to notice others, listen to them, and adapt one's own speech to their particular status and needs. “The pervasiveness of socal statiction is felt in another, quite fundamental aspect of language, that of ascertaining the meaning of an ltterance. Procedures fr elrification are sensitive tothe relative rank fof conversational participants inthe fllowing manne. If high status person produces a partly or wholly unintelgible utterance, the bur Sem of clarification tends to rest withthe hearer. It snot inappropriate or high status persons to produce such utterances fom time to time, he cate of orator’ in particular, there Is an expectation that certain terms and expressions will be obscure 10 certain members of their tdienees. On the other and, alow status persons speech is uncer, the burden of clarification tends to be placed more on the speaker, “The late situation applies to most situations in which young chil. ren produce ambiguous or unlear utterances. Both adult and child Caregivers tend not {o try to determine the message content of such ttleranees by, for example, repeating or expanding such an utterance ‘vith a query intonation. In fact, uninteligible utterances of young chit tren wll sometimes be considered as not Samoan but another language, Usually Chinese, or not language at all but the sounds ofan animal. & teareyiver may choose to nidate clarification by asking “What?” oF SSHuh?™" but iis upto the child to make his or her speech intelligible to the addresse. ‘Whereas the Samoans place the burden of clarification onthe child, white midale-lass caregivers asist the child in clarifying and express: Ing ideas. As noted in the white middle-class developmental story, such tssstance is associated with good mothering. The good mather is one ‘ho responds to her child's incompetence by making greater efforts than normal to clarify his or her intentions, To this end, a mother tries to pul herself in the child's place (Cake the perspective ofthe chil) Tin Samoa good mothering or good caregiving is almost the reverse: A ‘Young childs encouraged to develop an ability to take the perspective 2E higher ranking persons in order to assist them and factitate ther webng. The aby 100205 pt showing salelo espe, ‘a most necessary demeanor in social life “We can aot leave our Samoan story without touching on another limension of ineligibility and understanding in caregiver-child inter Scone In particular, we need to torn ou attention to Samoan atitudes {Toward motivation and intentionality (e- Ochs 1982). n philosophy, EANGUAGE ACQUISITION AND SOCIALIZATION 9 soci cence an literary ecm, arate oink een pied ‘over the relation between act and intention behind an act. The pursuit Sd aseraning tatoos high vauein many soe ere tet ae steel of intrprcaion and motes oe ated ws ie tren tional Sano sey wh exceptons tack sea fd tng, acons arent teed ar open merrton, They tre reste fort orp having ove esignatle meng At niin may nt says know what tat ening a athe ase an eatoric psa in thse aes, one septa ther oe ‘Seaning tat he nay tayo evenly eons knw. For he fost prt lhe nt a concern oes neo ad otis tnfryin the performance af ome prea Responses of Seon careprersounitligiitetances and acts ot youn hen aed toe understood nth Tia, Crepes end sco gtean hypotheses meet uch wtcnecs and fet ipart bean these procedures re ot nal ngage ya iGas expt, daly sve interaction in lag ae Counters wit oer, creer pene sal chi Ss a rmt Sa m e er e srtranl the meaning econ known othe carver ean inate a interrelation, : = hea young Sen tilen pari in sich inerstion, he come to know how "meaning i treated in thei society. They learn wat cone a mening eg cl uterancs a acto) p> drs fr assing menting to rnce tnd tons and prove Shes fortandng ning sn pata lige werace nd Stns nts way thotph ngage oe, Samoan shen sem Sita ino erly eter says ces infra Such Senteat of cxperne rove he tric flannel, tnd ‘tov Interactional design reexamined. We propose tht infants nd cae givers do not interact with one another according to one particular jolopieally designed choreography” (Stern 1977), There are many choreographies within and across societies, and cultural as well a8 biological systems contribute to their design, frequency, and signi cance. The biological predispositions constraining and shaping the 50 ‘ial behavior of infants and caregivers must be Broader than thus far conceived in that the use of eye gaze, vocalization, and body alignment ate orchestrated differen inthe socal groups we have observed. At noted earlier, for example, Kalli mothers donot engage in sustained ‘gazing at, or elicit and maintain diect eye contact with, their infants 4s such behavior is disprefered and associated with witchcraft. ‘Another argument in support of a broader notion of a biological predisposition to be social concerns the variation observed in the par tieipant struture of social interactions. The literature o white mide=300 ELINOR oct 4 BAMBI B. SCHIEEFHLIN class child development has been oriented, quite legitimately, toward the two-party relationship between infant and earepiver, typically in fant and mother. The letimacy ofthis focus rests on the fact that this, relationship is primary fr infants witia tis social group. Further, most communicative interactions are dyadic inthe adult community “Although the mother san important figure in both Kalli and Samoan developmental stories, the interactions in which infants are participants fare typealy triadic or multiparty. As noted, Kaluli mothers organize ttadic interactions in which infants and young children are oriented vay from their mothers and toward a third party. For Samoan, the Absence of internal and external walls, coupled withthe expectation, that others wil atend to, and eventually participate in, conversation, Inakes multiparty interaction far more common, Infants are socialized {participate in such iterations In ways appropriate tothe status and rank ofthe participants, "This is not to say that Kaluli and Samoan caregivers and children do not engage in dyadie exchanges. Rather, the points that such ex- hanges are not sovorded the same significance asin white middle- lass society. In white middle-class households tat have been studied, the process of becoming social takes place predominantly through Gyadie interactions, and social competence itself is measured in terms fof the young child's capacity to participate in such interactions. 1a Kalli and Semoan households, the process of becoming social takes place through participation in dyadic, triadic, and multiparty social Fnterections, withthe ltter wo more common than the dyad. ‘From en arly age, Samoan and Kalli children must learn how to participate in interactions involving a number of individuals. Todo this Frinimally requires attending to more than one individual's words and fetions and knowing the norms for when and how to enter interactions, {aking into account the social identities of atleast three participants Further, the sequencing of tums jn triadic and multiparty interactions has a far wider range of possibliies vis-i-vis dyadic exchanges and this requites considerable knowledge and skl. Wheress dyadic ex- {changes can only be ABABA... , triadic or mutparty exchanges can be sequenced in a variety of ways, subject to such socal constraints fs speech content andthe satus of speaker as discussed inthe Samoan ‘Sevelopmental stor), For both the Kalu andthe Samoan child triadic dis mulliparty interactions constitute thelr earliest social experiences fnd reflest the ways in which members ofthese societies routinely ‘communicate with one another. Caregiver register reexamined. A second major proposs! based on ‘Bese three developmental stories is that the simplifying features of white middle-class speech are not necessary input for the acquisition ‘Or Tanguage by young children. The word “input” itself implies a dt feclionality toward the child as information processor. The dat base for the child's construction of language i assumed to be language di LANGUAGE ACQUISITION AND SOCIALIZATION 301 rected othe child. Its ted toa model of communication thats dyadic, ‘hth participation limited tothe roles of speaker and addressee. If we Were to apply this strict notion of input Vanguage addressed to the ‘hild) to the Kaluli and Samoan experiences, we would be left with a highly restrited corpus from which the child is expected to construct Tanguage. As we have emphasized in these developmental stories, the ‘very young chil is less often spoken to than spoken about. Nonethe- less, both Kalli and Samoan children bocome fuent speakers within, the range of normal developmental variation ‘Given that the features of caregivers" speech cannot be accounted {or primarily in term of their language-faciiating function, that i, as input, we might ask what ean account for the special ways in which caregivers speak to their children. We suggest thatthe particular fea {ures ofthe caregiver register are best understood as an expression of ‘basi sociological phenomenon. Every socal relationship is associ- sd with & tet of behaviors, verbal and nonverbal, that set off that lationship from other relationships. Additionally, these behaviors in- ficate to others that a particular socal relationship is being actualized From this point of view, the special” fetures of caregiver speech in the sense that verbal modiieations do occur ships are called into play. This phenomenon has been overlooked in part because in describing the language of caregivers to children iis usually contrasted with a generalized notion fof the way’ in which adults talk to everyone else. The most extreme txample ofthis is found in interviews with alls in which they are Asked to describe special ways of talkingto babies (Ferguson 197). A Tess extreme example is found in the procedure of comparing caregiver speech to children with caregiver speech to the researcherioutsider (Newport, Gletman, & Gleiman 1977). In the latter ease, only one adult-adul elationship is used a bass of comparison, ad this re lationship is typically formal and socially distant, "The social nature of caregiver speech has been discussed with re- spect toils talus 83 a type of speech register. Nonetheless, the language-simpifyng fentres have been emphasized more than any ‘other aspect ofthe register. Tae dimension of simplification is signi Jeant with respect to the white middle-class caregiver registers docu- mented; however, the notion of simplification has been taken as syn- ‘onymous with the caregiver register itself. More to the point ofthis, ‘discussion isthe apparent tendency to see simplification as auniversal, itnot natural, process. Ferguson's insightful parallel between caresiver speech and forelgner talk (977) has been taken to mean that more Competent speakers everywhere spontaneously accommodate their Spesch to less competent interactional poriners, direc iafluencing language change in contact stations (pigins in particular) as well as in acquishion of a foreign language. Ferguson's own discussion of “Simplified registers” doesnot carry witht tis conclusion, however. Further, the stories tod here of Kalli and Samoan earegiver speech302 ELINOR Oct & BAMBI. SCHIEFFELIN and comportment net that siplifeaton sultry organize in items of hen, Hom, an extent In both sores, caregivers do not Spun adiamatcaly more sinpied manner to very young hire, ‘hoy do nto so for eon ela reasons: The Kall do noi Simpify beens such specie tint he development of com- fete apocch, the Samoans beaute sich accommodations are ds Frafred whe the adresse i of lower rea than the sper. “curl nue of iiieton seo very ley wen ve eonpate Suan speech to young children wh Samoan speech Eeiocs (pag). Ar iscustd by Duran (9, “foreigner talk” I sipped a many wayssin const to aby fa" To understand ‘hare cd on era oth sol pl of nie rank Fa Signer gical end historical) are persons o whom respect a9- iepauesreagersor ucts of eave hgh st. The appropiate omportnent toward such persons sone of acommodation 1 their Seed, commotfentve need bln basi The Samoan example i an Import one, because we cane io understand socal groups or ‘tom spat to frcaner ike speaking to eden. That i, ¥e Sahat at ow where to tr! the poses of onderstanding this Speech phenomenon to see the phenomenon sy expressive of cultural iEiets an ates Tist a thre se cltaral explanations fr why and Sow Samoa speak difereny to young chien and foreigners, thre ae eit explanations for why and how white mies Aus oy it spesh in smn syst these wo tes ofa essen These cxpnmtions go fr beyond the aiuesdtessed in the mite midlets sory. Our en See fool provide an ade ‘five caura acount but eter to encourage moe etal esearch $line ese ines, An understantng of earegner or babytlk register ipeurteuar suey wil never be achieved without amore serious sldtaton ofthe soctlogial pre of eis What caregivers do with words. In ths section we build on the prior ‘wo proposals and suggest that 1. A functional account of the speech of both caregiver and child must incorporate information concerning cultural knowledge and expec 2. Generalizations concerning the elaons btneen the Bevin and the goals of caregivers and young chidrea should not presuppose the presence or equivalent significance of particular goals across social groups. = In each of these developmental stores we saw that caregivers cluldren interacted with one another in culturally patterned ways. Our ‘Sveriding theme has been thal earegiver speech behavior must be seen fs part of eareuiving and socialization more generally. What caregivers fay and how they interact with young children are motivated in part by concerns and beliefs held by nany members ofthe local community. LANGUAGE ACQUISITION AND SOCIALIZATION 303 ‘As noted earlier, these concerns and beliefs may not be conscious in all cases Certain beliefs, such as the Kaluli notions of the child as “soft” and socialization as “hardening the child, are explicit. Others, sich asthe white middle-class notions of the infant and smal child ws focal and capable of acting intentionally (expressing intentions), are not expliily formulated ‘Tounderstand what any particular verbal behavior is accomplishing, we need to adopt ethnographic procedures, namely, o relate particular behaviors to those performed in other situations. What a caregiver is doing in speaking to child i obviously related to what she or he does andlor others doin other recurrent situations. We have suggested, for example, that the accommodations that middle-class (particularly ‘American caregivers make in speaking to young children are linked Patterned ways of responding te incompetence in general (e.g, hand ‘capped persons, retardates). Members of this socal group appest {0 apt situations to meet the special demands of less competent persons to 8 far greater extent than in other societies, for example, Samoan society. We have also suggested thatthe heavy use of expansions by midle-class caregivers to query or confirm what a child is expressing is linked to culturally preferred procedures for achieving understand ing, for example, the recognition of ambiguity, the formulation and vetfcaion of hypotheses (interpretations, guesses). In participating {ninteraction in which expansions are used inthis way, the child learns the concepts of ambiguity, interpretation, and verification, and the pro cedures associated with them ‘A common method in child language research has been to infer func ‘ion or goal from behavior. The pitalls of this procedure are numerous, and socal scientist are acutely aware of how dificult itis establish Structure-funetion relations. One aspect ofthis dilemme is that one ‘cannot infer function on the basis ofa structure in isolation. Structures {get their functional meaning through thei elation to contexts in which they appear. The “same” structure may have different funetions in sifferet circumstances. This is true within a society, but our reason for mentioning ic here is that itis tre also across societies end lan ‘ages. Although caregivers in two different societies may expard their Chldren’s utterances, i would not necessary follow thatthe caregi- fers shared the same beliefs and values. It is possible that their behavior is motivated by quite different cultural processes, Similarly, the ab- fence of a particular behavior, such as the absence of expansions among caregivers, may be motivated quite differently across societies. Both the Kaluli nd the Samoan caregivers do not appear to rely on ‘expansions, but the reasons expansions are dispeterred difer. The ‘Samoans do not do son part because of thelr dispreference for guessing And in part because oftheir expectation that the burden of ntligibiity ‘ests withthe child as lower status party rather than with more mature ‘mombers ofthe society. Kall do not use expansions to esa) or gues