Balthasar Hübmaier:

The Forgotten Archetype of the Baptist Denomination

By
Darren M. Slade
10 March 2012
 CONTENTS

Introduction ................................................................................................................................... 1

General Chronology (1480/85 - 1528) ......................................................................................... 1

Life in Catholicism (1503-1523) ................................................................................................... 3

Hübmaier’s Study of the New Testament ................................................................................... 5

Life in Protestantism (1523-1525)................................................................................................ 6

Hübmaier’s Dispute with Infant Baptism ................................................................................... 9

Life in Anabaptism (1525-1528) ................................................................................................ 11

Hübmaier’s Anabaptist Theology ............................................................................................. 12

Hübmaier’s Dominant Publications .......................................................................................... 15

Hübmaier’s View on the Magistrate ......................................................................................... 16

Life in Persecution (1518-1528) ................................................................................................. 18

Conclusion ................................................................................................................................... 19

Bibliography ................................................................................................................................ 21

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 Introduction

In the last decade of his life, Balthasar Hübmaier influenced the religious and political

composition of Southern Germany and dramatically altered the course of Christian history. His

opponents charged him with sedition and heresy, accusing him of causing rebellion and

bloodshed. 1 Contemporary supporters hail him as “brilliant,” “eloquent,” “courageous,” and

“outspoken.” 2 Yet, Hübmaier would say he merely preached the Word of God. 3 This paper will

detail Hübmaier’s changes from Catholic priest, to evangelical Reformer, and finally to

Anabaptist scholar. The paper will demonstrate that Hübmaier’s theology isolated him from the

traditions of his day. Though condemned for Anabaptism, Balthasar Hübmaier’s beliefs

prevented him from being fully accepted by Catholics, Protestants, and other Anabaptists.

General Chronology (1480/85 - 1528)

Torsten Bergsten dates Hübmaier’s birth to the first half of the 1480s in Frieberg, Bavaria

where he enrolled at the University of Freiberg in 1503. Becoming a priest, he acquired the title

baccalaureus biblicus in 1511 and earned a Doctorate in Theology at Ingolstadt in 1512. He was

both a professor of theology and the Vicar of Ingolstadt’s largest church until 1516. Hübmaier

then became a priest at Regensburg from 1516-1520. 4

1
See John Heigerlin, “Vienna Testimony,” cited in Balthasar Hubmaier: Theologian of Anabaptism, ed.
and trans. H. Wayne Pipkin and John H. Yoder (Scottdale, PA: Herald Press, 1989), 563-64.
2
See William R. Estep, The Anabaptist Story: An Introduction to Sixteenth-Century Anabaptism, 3d ed.
(Grand Rapids, MI: William B. Eerdmans Publishing Company, 1996), 77.
3
Cf. Balthasar Hübmaier, “A Brief Apologia,” in Pipkin and Yoder, 296-313; Hübmaier comments, “I
know nothing of any new teaching; I preach Christ crucified.”
4
Torsten Bergsten, Balthasar Hubmaier: Anabaptist Theologian and Martyr, ed. William R. Estep (Valley
Forge, PA: Judson Press, 1978), 48-52, 74.

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 Hübmaier’s vigorous preaching against the Regensburg Jews caught the attention of the

Habsburg family in Austria, who charged Hübmaier with insurrection in 1518. By 1519, the

Jews were expelled from the city and Hübmaier became Chaplain of the Shöne Maria church

built over the former Jewish synagogue. Hübmaier eventually departed Regensburg in 1520 due

to the plague and a conflict over the Madonna cult that inspired a mass pilgrimage movement. 5

He left for Waldshut and became priest of the upper parish from 1521-1522. In 1522, Hübmaier

traveled back to Regensburg and became the officiating priest at the Shöne Maria. Hübmaier left

again in 1523 and started the Protestant Reformation in Waldshut. The Austrian government

once more attempted to arrest Hübmaier for joining an illegal Lutheran sect. At this point,

Hübmaier developed a close friendship with Reformer Ulrich Zwingli and attended his

disputations in Zürich. Zwingli later opposed all forms of Anabaptism. 6

William Estep documents Hübmaier’s marriage to Elizabeth Hügline in 1524 and his

Anabaptist tendencies regarding baptism. In 1525, Anabaptist Wilhelm Reublin baptized

Hübmaier at Waldshut. Later that year, the Austrian military invaded the city and forced

Hübmaier to flee to Zürich. There, Zwingli imprisoned Hübmaier and eventually tortured him for

his views. After making several recantations, Hübmaier traveled to Nikolsburg in 1526. He

established an Anabaptist congregation and began publishing theological works in defense of

Anabaptism. The next year, in 1527, the Austrian government outlawed all Anabaptist activity

and arrested Hübmaier. Taken to Vienna, Hübmaier was imprisoned until 1528, charged with

insurrection, and burned at the stake. 7

5
Ibid., 57-66.
6
Ibid., 68-96.
7
Estep, 80-101.

2
 Life in Catholicism (1503-1523)

Henry Vedder documents the earliest record of Hübmaier’s life at his enrollment in the

University of Freiburg on May 1, 1503. After completing his Master’s degree in 1511 and

receiving the title baccalaureus biblicus, Hübmaier left for the University of Ingolstadt on

February 13, 1512. He studied under the tutelage of Dr. Johann Eck at both universities and

received his Doctorate in Theology on September 29, 1512. He continued to climb as the Vicar

of the largest parish in Ingolstadt and eventually became the Prorector of the University from

1515-1516. After almost three and one-half years, Hübmaier resigned his position as Vicar and

moved to Regensburg on January 25, 1516. Hübmaier’s pattern of repeatedly relocating to

different cities early in his Catholic career reveals an important feature about his character. As

Vedder suggests, Hübmaier displayed a pattern of ambition for rapid promotion. The University

of Ingolstadt was considered more prestigious than the University of Freiburg. Likewise, the city

of Regensburg was more admired than Ingolstadt. In both cases, the change in location offered

Hübmaier an opportunity to increase in stature. Each change facilitated Hübmaier’s elevation

from being a mere priest to other prestigious appointments, such as professor, Vicar, and

Prorector. 8

Another important character trait developed as Hübmaier separated from Eck and the city

of Ingolstadt. Hübmaier became increasingly defiant toward any attempt to hinder his preaching.

This is most evident in his campaign against the Jewish citizens of Regensburg. Though the town

was already steeped in anti-Jewish sentiments, Hübmaier’s participation led to the expulsion of

the Jewish people and the destruction of their synagogue. Hübmaier began preaching against the

Jews in 1517 in adherence to a Papal bull renouncing Jewish usury. Imperial Austria declared the

8
Henry C. Vedder, Balthasar Hübmaier: The Leader of the Anabaptists (New York: G. P. Putnam’s Sons,
1905), 27-37. See also, Estep, 78 and Bergsten, 50, 135.

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bull nullified, however, and made it illegal to preach against the city Jews. This led to political

pressure to expel Hübmaier from the town. Yet, Hübmaier demonstrated his defiant nature by

specifically promising the city council that he would continue to fight against the Jews and

would refuse to obey the Imperial government. 9

Hübmaier’s life in Catholicism also characterized a gradual change away from dogmatic

theology and a greater dependence on independent scholarship. Hübmaier admitted that he never

studied the New Testament despite having learned Hebrew and Greek. He described his

previously held Catholic beliefs,

I still well remember that I have said many useless things about infant baptism, vigils,
anniversary masses, purgatory, masses, idols, bells, ringing, organs, piping, indulgences,
pilgrimages, brotherhoods, sacrifices, singing, and mumbling. Nevertheless, if I may be
allowed to boast with Paul in the truth, I did so unknowingly. The red whore of Babylon,
with her schoolteachings [sic], laws, and fables deceived me. 10

Hübmaier’s veneration of Mary demonstrates his loyalty to Catholicism, which solidified large

pilgrimages to the Shöne Maria when he listed fifty-four miracles attributed to the Madonna

shrine. 11 Hübmaier’s adoration of Mary continued into his Anabaptist days when he affirmed the

perpetual virginity of Mary. His later view of her, however, was greatly deemphasized. He

simply writes, “We should obviously believe [Mary] to have been an eternally chaste virgin

before, in, and after the birth [of Christ].” 12 As Vedder notes, his independence from Eck at

Regensburg set the stage for future independence and personal study of the Bible. 13

9
Bergsten, 52-60. See also, Vedder, 40-43.
10
Hübmaier, “Summa of the Entire Christian Life,” cited in Pipkin and Yoder, 83. See also, Estep, 96-97
and Bergsten, 51-52.
11
Estep, 79. See also, Bergsten, 55, 60-62.
12
Hübmaier, “Apologia,” 9-10, cited in Pipkin and Yoder, 537-38.
13
Vedder, 37.

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 Hübmaier’s Study of the New Testament

When Hübmaier first left Regensburg in 1521, there were no signs that he developed any

Reformed tendencies. Instead, Hübmaier remained dedicated to Catholicism from 1521-1522

while preaching in Waldshut. 14 His transformation began when he studied the New Testament,

which led Hübmaier to conclude that Scripture was the only true authority for Christian doctrine

and practice. By the end of 1522, Hübmaier began to view the Catholic Church as heavily

departed from scriptural dictates. As his understanding of the gospel message increased, he

sought a personal faith in Christ and became acquainted with Lutheran literature. Hübmaier was

now tending toward Reformed theology. 15

His enthusiasm for studying the New Testament is evident in his later writings. Peder

Liland provides statistics concerning Hübmaier’s use of Scripture. On average, Hübmaier

referenced the Bible six times per page of writing. In some instances, there were as many as

twenty-eight references with three hundred citations in a single book. Total, he cited Scripture

2,561 times in all his extant writings. 16 As the basis of his faith, Hübmaier’s reliance on

Scripture marked a new era in his theology. When he was called to preach at the Madonna shrine

once again from 1522-1523, his short tenure indicates that his views were no longer compatible

with Catholic practice. He returned to Waldshut on March 1, 1523 after serving in Regensburg

for less than a year. Hübmaier’s return marks the end of his career in Catholicism. From there, he

initiated the Reformation in Southern Germany. 17

14
Vedder, 50-56.
15
Ibid., 179-81. See also, Bergsten, 71-72 and Estep, 80.
16
Peder M. I. Liland, “Anabaptism Separatism: A Historical and Theological Study of the Contribution of
Balthasar Hubmaier (ca. 1485-1528)” (PhD diss., Boston College: Department of Theology, 1983), Appendix II.
17
Vedder, 56. See also, Bergsten, 68-78.

5
 Life in Protestantism (1523-1525)

Though dramatically shorter than his days in Catholicism, Hübmaier’s contribution to the

Protestant Reformation in Southern Germany is unmistakable. His conversion was quiet and

gradual, yet he was bold enough to publicly condemn Catholicism and join his contemporaries in

establishing Reformed townships. 18 He called Scripture “the plumb line” for proper doctrine and

renounced papal law, councils, church fathers, and scholasticism. Specifically addressing his

former tutor Eck, Hübmaier warned the people against false prophets and stressed the importance

of faith over ritual. 19

Within months of returning to Waldshut, Hübmaier wrote to the Swiss Reformers on a

continual basis. Soon, Hübmaier met with Zwingli, who had already planted the Reformation in

Zürich, to discuss proper doctrine. During one of those meetings, Zwingli agreed with Hübmaier

in renouncing infant baptism. Later, Zwingli condemned Hübmaier for holding these same

beliefs. 20 Until that time, however, Hübmaier became close friends with Zwingli and even

attended the second disputation in Zürich as an honored guest. The primary focus of these early

disputations concerned icons, church services, and the Lord’s Supper. Thus, Hübmaier was not

concerned with rebaptizing congregants just yet. 21

It was at this disputation that the Anabaptist movement first began in October of 1523

under the leadership of Conrad Grebel. The primary difference was not an issue of theology but

an issue of implementation. Grebel insisted that changes to the church take place immediately.

Zwingli and Hübmaier advocated for a gradual change. For Hübmaier, the role of the magistrate

18
Bergsten, 74-77.
19
See Hübmaier, “Theses Against Eck,” cited in Pipkin and Yoder, 49-57.
20
Vedder, 57.
21
Bergsten, 78-85.

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was not central to the discussion like it had been for Grebel. 22 Hübmaier’s insistence on a slow

change reflects his own gradual transformation in theology. Instead of embracing Protestant

doctrines all at once, Hübmaier eased into his new belief system and, at times, even conducted

both Catholic and Protestant practices. He stated during the disputation, “We have to look

carefully how to deal with [images] correctly, so that no one will be scandalized and so that

brotherly Christian peace may not be troubled.” 23 Rather than being brash and impulsive in his

preaching, as he was in Regensburg against the Jews, Hübmaier insisted on pastoral care for the

congregation and gentle admonitions that preserved unity and peace. Even as an Anabaptist,

Hübmaier continued to avoid factionalism within the church.

It is clear that the Reformation invoked a spiritual change in Hübmaier. Estep quotes

Hübmaier’s response to the Regensburg citizens in 1524 who asked him to return to preach. He

writes, “I openly confess before God and all men, that I then became a Doctor and preached

some years among you and elsewhere, and yet had not known the way unto eternal life. Within

two years has Christ for the first time come into my heart to thrive.” 24 Similarly, Hübmaier

demonstrated considerable humility when he stated in multiple writings, “Please correct me in a

brotherly and Christian way with Scripture; for I may err, I am a human being; but a heretic I

cannot be. I want – and desire from the heart – to be instructed.” 25 Hübmaier even recognized the

failings of his past treatment of the Jews, “Yes, in fact I should show friendship toward Jews and

heathen….so that they might be drawn by a Christian example to Christian faith.” 26 Estep

22
Bergsten, 85-96.
23
Hübmaier, “Statements at the Second Zurich Disputation,” cited in Pipkin and Yoder, 26.
24
Cited in Estep, 83.
25
Hübmaier, “Statements at the Second Zurich Disputation,” cited in Pipkin and Yoder, 28-29.
26
Hübmaier, “On the Christian Ban,” cited in Pipkin and Yoder, 419.

7
comments on Hübmaier’s spiritual rebirth, “Such a change in attitude toward the Jews is

reflected elsewhere in his writings and can only be explained by the transformation of life

Hubmaier experienced in his own personal conversion, to which he alludes repeatedly in his

writings.” 27 Thus, Hübmaier was eager to share the rebirth that he found in Reformed theology.

Though Hübmaier warned against dramatic changes to the church, he had completely

eradicated images from Waldshut, preached in the vernacular, and issued the Lord’s Supper as a

memorial to Christ’s death within the first few months of 1524. He abrogated most of the

Catholic feast days, celibacy for the clergy, and even wedded Elizabeth Hügline. 28 Hübmaier’s

outspoken endorsement for Reformed practices once again caught the attention of the Austrian

government. Just like before, the Habsburg family insisted on Hübmaier’s expulsion from

Waldshut. The Austrians threatened military intervention, which forced Hübmaier into exile for a

month. Upon his return to Waldshut, Hübmaier demonstrated his magisterial tendencies by

cooperating with the city council to guard against an Austrian invasion. Hübmaier, modeling

after Zwingli’s Reformation in Zürich, utilized the defensive sword of the civil government to

aid the cause of the church in Waldshut. 29

Hübmaier’s association with Zwingli, as opposed to Luther, demonstrates his focus on

Scripture rather than to ideologies or personalities. In the end, his dedication to the Word of God

would prove to be the dividing line that forced his reproach of the Reformation. While Hübmaier

continued his pattern of standing against the Austrian government, he was not in opposition to

magisterial assistance. Instead, Hübmaier’s eventual involvement with the Anabaptists

highlighted his dedication and conviction to biblical truth.

27
Estep, 96.
28
Vedder, 72-76.
29
Bergsten, 91-97. See also, Estep, 81, 99-100.

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 Hübmaier’s Dispute with Infant Baptism

Had it not been for the issue of infant baptism, Hübmaier would have remained loyal to

the Reformation. However, Hübmaier’s continued study of the New Testament led him to insist

on believer’s baptism, clarifying that the baptism of a child was not legitimate for entrance into

the church body. Liland explains that Hübmaier never intended to protest the Reformers. Instead,

he simply wanted ecumenical consistency by maintaining the significance and importance of

baptism for the believing community. 30 While still an evangelical Reformer in 1525, Hübmaier

wrote about baptism, “It is not possible that this significance should fit the very young; so infant

baptism is a kind of vessel without wine.” 31

Leonard Verduin recounts the incident between Zwingli and Hübmaier. Zwingli refused

to advocate for believer’s baptism in public because of his belief that society was not ready to

change its paedobaptistic practices. Because the civil rulers at Zürich were entrenched in the

christening process of infants, Zwingli feared losing the support of the magistrate for his

Reformed theology. While he admitted that he did not agree with infant baptism, Zwingli

recanted these views and argued that people like Hübmaier misunderstood him. 32 Zwingli was

right to foresee a division within society over the issue of baptism. It was, in fact, the dividing

issue that ended his friendship with Hübmaier. Later, both Zwingli and the council at Zürich

enforced the death penalty for rebaptizing congregants. 33

30
Liland, 176-80.
31
Hübmaier, “A Letter to Oecolampad,” cited in Pipkin and Yoder, 70.
32
Leonard Verduin, The Reformers and Their Stepchildren, The Dissent and Nonconformity Series 14
(Grand Rapids, MI: William B. Eerdmans Publishing Company, 1964), 198-203.
33
Cf. Hübmaier’s “Dialogue with Zwingli’s Baptism Book,” which recounts Zürich’s punishment for
Anabaptists as starvation, drowning, and beheading.

9
 Hübmaier’s beliefs concerning infant baptism were firmly indebted to Scripture, and he

refused to compromise his convictions for the sake of peace with the civil government.

Hübmaier remarked, “For I know for sure that God has preserved himself at least seven thousand

men who have not bent their knee to the childish infant baptism nor have they recognized it as

right.” 34 He continued to argue that the initial “baptism” conducted on him was not valid. To call

the radical movement “Anabaptists” was illegitimate because they never received baptism in the

first place. “It would still not be a rebaptism, because infant baptism is no baptism and is

unworthy of being called baptism. For the infant knows neither good nor evil and cannot consent

or vow either to the church or to God.” 35 Because of these views, Hübmaier received baptism in

1525 from Wilhelm Reublin. Zwingli and other Reformers viewed this as a rebaptism and

launched vehement attacks again him and his theology. 36

Liland demonstrates that Hübmaier’s views on baptism required an ecclesiology that

separated the individual from the world but not the church from society. Baptism was the central

means for distinguishing a person as a Christian, who chose allegiance to Christ without coercion

from the government. Thus, Hübmaier rejected infant baptism because of its unbiblical warrant,

its association with coerced faith, and its rejection of freely choosing discipleship. 37 Yet,

Hübmaier never truly gave up hope for the Reformation. He desired to see all Reformers agree

with his views and accept this important change. The issue of infant baptism, he believed, was

too essential for restoring the Christian church and should not be ignored. 38

34
Hübmaier, “A Christian Catechism,” cited in Pipkin and Yoder, 350.
35
Hübmaier, “On the Christian Baptism of Believers,” cited in Pipkin and Yoder, 98.
36
Estep, 88-91.
37
Liland, 175.
38
Bergsten, 333.

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 Life in Anabaptism (1525-1528)

Hübmaier officially became an Anabaptist in 1525 when Reublin, a companion of

Grebel, sought refuge from Zwingli in Waldshut. There, he rebaptized Hübmaier on Easter

Saturday, April 15, along with sixty others. Hübmaier then rebaptized over three hundred people

on Easter Sunday. This marked the Anabaptist revolution in Waldshut, which became the center

for the Anabaptist movement for nearly eight months. Both the city council and the majority of

citizens accepted Hübmaier’s views on baptism. In July of 1525, Hübmaier made repeated

attempts to meet with Zwingli to discuss believer’s baptism and to mend their friendship. 39

Within the first week of December, the Austrian military occupied Waldshut. Their

invasion was due to the repeated peasant uprisings throughout Southern Germany that were also

attributed to the Anabaptist movement. The Austrian government and the Reformers both

considered Anabaptism anarchy. Thus, Hübmaier’s opposition came from multiple directions

with the intention of isolating the Waldshut revolution. Unable to find refuge elsewhere,

Hübmaier fled to Zürich for help. He would never see Waldshut again. In Zürich, Zwingli

imprisoned Hübmaier the month after he imprisoned Grebel and other Anabaptists for their

beliefs concerning baptism. After making several “recantations” of his views, Hübmaier refused

to deny his beliefs any longer. This led to Zwingli torturing Hübmaier and forcing a final

recantation. Hübmaier, weary and disgraced, left Zürich for Nikolsburg. In July of 1526,

Hübmaier helped establish an Anabaptist congregation and met with other evangelical clergy to

discuss baptism. Here, the city authorities and congregants supported the Anabaptist movement

and insisted that Hübmaier lead their people. 40

39
Liland, 55-71. See also, Estep, 88 and Bergsten, 230, 248, 253.
40
Bergsten, 256-65, 312, 320-21. See also, Estep, 91-94.

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 Compared to his time in Waldshut, much less is known about Hübmaier’s life in

Nikolsburg. It is clear that Hübmaier became the theologian of the Anabaptists while there, and

his supporters freed him from pastoral duties in order to write Anabaptist literature. Hübmaier

had an apparent change in focus from his earlier emphasis on baptism. His concentration shifted

to discipline and excommunication within the church, indicating that the city had internal

problems relating to church order. Hübmaier published seventeen pamphlets from 1526-1527;

eleven of which are concerned with church ordinances, four are concerned with the defense of

Anabaptism against other traditions, and two are systematic theologies. The Anabaptist

movement in Nikolsburg revolved around Hübmaier, who reportedly baptized upwards of two to

six thousand people in a single year. 41

Hübmaier’s Anabaptist Theology

Emir Caner provides an overview of Hübmaier’s Anabaptist theology. Beginning with his

views on Scripture, Caner reports Hübmaier’s hermeneutical practices as being consistent with

current evangelical understandings. He advocates for interpreting Scripture from the plain sense

of the text. Where obscure passages exist, clearer passages should illuminate their meaning.

Only Scripture can interpret Scripture. Caner comments, “Although Hübmaier was influenced by

the thoughts of others, he only incorporated or affirmed those ideas that were complimentary to

his interpretation of Scripture.” 42 God’s Word became the foundation for Hübmaier’s entire

system of beliefs. He appealed only to Scripture and asked the same of others.

In 1525, Hübmaier declared, “Whence I think, indeed I know, that a return to true

Christianity will never be effected unless baptism and the Lord’s Supper are brought back to

41
Ibid., 322-29. See also, Vedder, 154-55 and Estep, 95.
42
Emir Caner, “Balthasar Hubmaier and His Theological Participation in the Reformation: Ecclesiology
and Soteriology,” Faith and Mission 21, no. 1 (Fall 2003): 34. See his entire discussion, 32-34.

12
their nature and genuine purity.” 43 Hübmaier’s primary motivation was to restore proper church

practices involving baptism, the Lord’s Supper, and church discipline. Hübmaier believed that

there was no legitimate church without these practices. 44 Concerning the first ordinance, Caner

demonstrates that Hübmaier was the most prolific defender of believer’s baptism. According to

Hübmaier, a person must receive the Holy Spirit through faith in Christ prior to being baptized.

This precludes infant baptism. Similarly, baptism is a symbol of one’s allegiance to Christ and

does not impart grace. Baptism takes precedence over the Lord’s Supper because of the

command to preach and to baptize. Finally, baptism replaces Old Testament circumcision; it

does not continue it. For Hübmaier, baptism was a person’s entrance into the church body, an

acknowledgment of sin and the need for grace, a confession of orthodox doctrines (e.g. the

Trinity), and submission to the authority and discipline of the local church. 45

Regarding the Lord’s Supper, Hübmaier advocated for a memorial tribute to Christ’s

sacrifice on the cross. The Lord’s Supper proclaims Christ’s death, resurrection, and eventual

return. However, Hübmaier also held to a fraternal nature of the Lord’s Supper, and related its

practice to church discipline. By taking the Lord’s Supper, the participant joined in a covenant

with other believers to pursue love, peace, unity, and correction within the body of Christ. The

self-examination that took place prior to partaking of the Supper also involved examining one’s

willingness to act in love toward other Christians. 46

Especially in Nikolsburg, Hübmaier’s theology on baptism and the Lord’s Supper set the

stage for his discussion on church discipline. Baptism was a public declaration of one’s

43
Hübmaier, “A Letter to Oecolampad,” cited in Pipkin and Yoder, 70.
44
Bergsten, 326.
45
Caner, 38-41.
46
Ibid., 44-46.

13
submission to church correction while the Lord’s Supper reminded believers of their obligation

to uphold accountability and, if needed, excommunication. Thus, Hübmaier’s discussion on the

church ban suggests his desire to not only restore proper ordinances but also to maintain purity

within the church. 47 Hübmaier explained that any member who falls into sin must be gently

corrected. Excommunication was a last resort to encourage a fallen brother or sister to repent of

sin. Caner notes that Hübmaier’s primary focus was discipling less-mature Christians and

preventing an interference with evangelism. As opposed to Luther and Zwingli, Hübmaier

believed church discipline rested solely in the hands of the local church rather than the civil

authority. In the event that a member was banished from fellowship, the church could not utilize

torture or other carnal methods of inflicting discipline. Instead, they must stop all association

with the fallen member while continuing to act graciously and lovingly toward that person. 48

In discussing human free will and God’s sovereignty, Hübmaier did not agree with the

Reformed position of Calvin. As Vedder comments, Hübmaier held to moderate Calvinistic

beliefs. He taught that God has two wills: one that expresses His desire to see everyone saved

and another that permits people to be damned. For Hübmaier, it was blasphemous to attribute

someone’s damnation to God by saying He elected the reprobate for hell. 49 Hübmaier did not

believe original sin prevented people from making the decision to follow Christ. Instead, humans

were fully capable of repenting and turning to God for salvation prior to the Spirit’s regenerating

presence. Thus, Hübmaier was closer to Arminian theology concerning human free will.

Hübmaier believed discipleship would be greatly stunted without acknowledging human

47
Ibid., 48-49.
48
Ibid., 49-51.
49
Vedder, 186-89; cf. Caner, 59, who states Hübmaier did not believe God has two wills but spoke
anthropomorphically to describe the mystery of God’s unified plan.

14
responsibility. For Hübmaier, good works were merely the grateful response to Christ’s sacrifice

and not a prerequisite or subsequent requirement for salvation. 50

Hübmaier’s Dominant Publications

H. Pipkin and John Yoder present thirty-two different sources for reading and

understanding Hübmaier’s life, including twenty-seven personal letters, books, and pamphlets

penned directly from the theologian. Though some of these publications were issued prior to his

Anabaptist conversion in 1525, they nonetheless reflect his Anabaptist views and theology,

which remained consistent throughout his career. His earlier writings discuss Catholic dogmas,

the authority of Scripture, and religious liberty. Hübmaier’s later writings reflect a change

toward church ordinances and discipline, which logically resulted in his baptism in 1525. His

first publication, Eighteen Theses Concerning the Christian Life (1524), was prepared for a

disputation with the clergy of Waldshut. It seeks to condemn Catholic practices involving the

mass, pilgrimages, and the priesthood. In it, he provides a defense of his evangelical theology.

Hübmaier’s Theses Against Eck (1524), sometimes referred to as Axiomata, primarily focuses on

distinguishing a true preacher from a false prophet. The only proper test of faith, doctrine, and

practice rested in the Scriptures and not in tradition, the church fathers, councils, or the scholastic

system. All authority and judgment must pass the test of Scripture. 51

Hübmaier’s most famous publication, On Heretics and Those Who Burn Them (1524),

redefines a heretic as someone who undermines Scripture and interprets the text apart from the

Holy Spirit. The dominant theme is the limitation of magisterial power to coerce faith.

Individuals must be allowed the right to worship as they deem fit according to their personal

50
Caner, 53-61.
51
Bergsten, 98-99, 132-37.

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convictions. The government does not have the right to impede or interfere with someone’s

religious beliefs and practices. Though civil authorities have the right to rule by the sword, they

are limited to overseeing only secular affairs. Finally, Hübmaier’s On the Christian Baptism of

Believers (1525) is considered one of the most thorough and biblical defenses of believer’s

baptism in history. Hübmaier explained that baptism represented someone’s allegiance to Christ

and commitment to discipleship. He used Scripture, logic, humor, and direct attacks to argue the

uselessness of infant baptism. For Hübmaier, baptism was not part of the salvation process but an

outward sign of someone’s dedication to Christ, the church, and other believers. 52

Hübmaier’s View on the Magistrate

Central to the Anabaptist cause was the complete separation from government and

society. Yet, this was not consistent to Hübmaier’s theology. When Hübmaier initiated reforms

in Waldshut and in Nikolsburg, he utilized the civil authorities to advance his cause. This may be

the reason why Hübmaier favored cooperation with the government while other Anabaptists

detested it. Hübmaier experienced favor with the magistrate; Anabaptists like Grebel experienced

opposition. 53 Liland demonstrates that Hübmaier’s eventual break with the Anabaptists was due

to his view of the church in society. He believed the individual was set apart from the world

through baptism and that the civil government should not interfere with the individual’s religious

liberty. However, Hübmaier also believed that the government and society should not be left

alone to deteriorate. The church is obligated to actively participate and influence the world for

better purposes. Hübmaier never intended to abandon or totally reject society. 54

52
Estep, 85-90.
53
Bergsten, 321-22.
54
Liland, 173-80.

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 Hübmaier’s magisterial theology quickly developed when radical Anabaptist Hans Hut

arrived at Nikolsburg in 1526. Hut insisted that Christians bear arms and wage war against the

state and other religious traditions. When Hübmaier declared the legitimacy of the state and the

need to cooperate with the government, the majority of Anabaptists rejected his theology. Instead

of being an anarchist like Hut, or an extreme pacifist like other Anabaptists, Hübmaier sought a

middle ground of coexistence. 55 He believed Christians should serve in the political arena since

they would logically make the best rulers. Christians were free to join military conflicts so long

as they fought for a just government and a just cause. Likewise, armed insurrection against a

government was never permissible to Hübmaier. A Christian was to either remain submissive or

attempt fleeing a repressive regime. Hübmaier taught that it was acceptable for the government

to act in self-defense but advocated pacifism for the individual Christian. 56

Liland clarifies Hübmaier’s position concerning involvement with the government. While

he believed the civil authorities cannot use the church as a tool for political advancement,

Christians were able to engage the government for the purpose of proclaiming the gospel. Just as

Christ was among the people serving, so the church must continue to serve the world rather than

isolate from it. Only the dictates of Christ superseded a person’s convictions and could prevent a

Christian from engaging in immoral acts with the government. He recommends Christians never

place themselves in a position that would compromise their allegiance to Jesus. Thus, the church

must remain in the world to be “an open testimony about Christ.” 57

55
Estep, 98-99.
56
Ibid., 100-101.
57
Liland, 156-63, 175.

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 Life in Persecution (1518-1528)

By the end of his life, Hübmaier became accustomed to conflict, personal attacks, and

persecution. Each religious tradition had rejected and scorned Hübmaier for his beliefs. From the

Catholics, Hübmaier writes, “I am everywhere decried and denounced as a proclaimer of new

teachings….I am a revolutionary and a seducer of the people….In sum, I am the very worst

Lutheran archheretic that one could find.” 58 From the Reformers, Hübmaier was called the

“faithless renegade” and the “greatest and most insolent of the Antibaptists.” 59 Still other

persecutions came from the clergy. While in Regensburg, Hübmaier’s attempt to mediate the

dispute over the Madonna pilgrimages resulted in grudges against him by the monasteries. When

he began the Reformation in Waldshut, Catholic clergy sided with Austria in opposing Hübmaier

and demanded his expulsion from the town. 60

The Reformers enacted both physical and emotional pain in 1525. His closest friend,

Zwingli, first lied about his views on infant baptism and then imprisoned Hübmaier when he

sought refuge in Zürich. Under duress, Hübmaier wrote a recantation and was forced to make

several public denials of his baptismal beliefs to the city council. When Zwingli demanded that

he publicly recant after one of his sermons, Hübmaier stood at the pulpit and refused to renounce

his beliefs to the congregation. For this, Hübmaier was imprisoned again and physically tortured

until he agreed to make another retraction. He left Zürich as other Anabaptists viewed him with

disgrace and suspicion. 61

58
Hübmaier, “A Brief Apologia,” cited in Pipkin and Yoder, 298.
59
Cited in Bergsten, 330.
60
Vedder, 48, 76.
61
Estep, 92-93.

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 Ultimately, however, it was the pro-Catholic Austrian government that sought his life the

most. When Hübmaier defied Imperial rule at Regensburg and continued to preach against the

Jews, Austria demanded his expulsion. When he started the Reformation in Waldshut, they

threatened military invasion and forced Hübmaier into exile. Austria adamantly desired to stop

Hübmaier at all costs. This included both nullifying Papal bulls to validate their charges of

insurrection and upholding Catholic edicts to seek his arrest. Finally, Imperial Austria grew

alarmed over the Anabaptist movement in their territories and imprisoned Hübmaier and his wife

in August of 1527. He was taken to Vienna and tortured. While Hübmaier did, in fact, recant his

views on several issues of faith, he refused to recant on the essential items of baptism, the Lord’s

Supper, and purgatory. 62 John “Faber” Heigerlin ends his account of Hübmaier’s trial and

execution, “Dr. Balthasar confesses that he thinks nothing of the sacrament of the altar or of

infant baptism.” 63 Hübmaier was burned at the stake on March 10, 1528. His wife was drowned

three days later in the Danube River for supporting her husband. While preparing to burn,

Hübmaier remained noble to his beliefs. He prayed, “O gracious God, forgive my sins in my

great torment….O dear brothers, if I have injured any, in word or deed, may he forgive me for

the sake of my merciful God. I forgive all those that have done me harm.” 64 Hübmaier was

among thousands of Anabaptists that would eventually be persecuted and killed for their beliefs.

Conclusion

Bergsten reports on the myriad of interpretations surrounding Hübmaier’s life and legacy.

By those who oppose him, Hübmaier is described as a confused, arrogant, unstable, and greedy

62
Ibid., 101-3. See also, Bergsten, 58 and Vedder, 42, 80-81.
63
Heigerlin, “Vienna Testimony,” cited in Pipkin and Yoder, 565.
64
Cited in Estep, 103; see his entire discussion, 92-103.

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leader whose sole motivation was personal wealth. Yet, Hübmaier has found vindication in the

last two centuries as all three religious traditions, including Catholic, Protestant, and Anabaptist

authors, have presented Hübmaier in a positive light. Among contemporary Anabaptists,

however, Hübmaier is not ranked among their own. He is considered a Zwinglian Reformer, who

merely opposed infant baptism. His views on the magistrate prevent him from being

acknowledged as an Anabaptist. 65

It is clear from his involvement in all three church traditions that Hübmaier did not fit the

mold of any particular belief system. Yet, Hübmaier continued to hold beliefs consistent with

each form of worship and practice. His study of the New Testament, together with a growing

tendency toward independence and rebellion, swayed Hübmaier closer to biblical truth. In

Catholicism, Hübmaier’s belief in the authority of Scripture led him to renounce Roman dogma.

As an evangelical Protestant, his stance for believer’s baptism forced him to discard the

Reformation. Though condemned and martyred as an Anabaptist, his cooperation and acceptance

of the magistrate persuaded the Radical Reformers to abandon his theology.

In his lifetime, Balthasar Hübmaier never knew absolute acceptance from any particular

group. However, almost a century after his death, another ecclesiastical denomination embraced

Hübmaier as their own. Bergsten comments, “On the basis of Hübmaier’s defense of religious

liberty and of his concept of the church with its positive attitude toward civil authority, Baptist

scholars have frequently regarded him as the forerunner of the Baptists and Free Church

movements of more recent times.” 66 In the end, Hübmaier finds his mold among the Baptists. He

is considered the archetype of the Baptist denomination and hailed as the victor for defending

religious liberty and other doctrines essential to the Free Church movement.

65
Bergsten 26-43.
66
Ibid., 46.

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 Bibliography

Bergsten, Torsten. Balthasar Hubmaier: Anabaptist Theologian and Martyr. Edited by William
R. Estep. Valley Forge, PA: Judson Press, 1978.

Caner, Emir. “Balthasar Hubmaier and His Theological Participation in the Reformation:
Ecclesiology and Soteriology.” Faith and Mission 21, no. 1 (Fall 2003): 32-61.

Estep, William R. The Anabaptist Story: An Introduction to Sixteenth-Century Anabaptism. 3d

ed. Grand Rapids, MI: William B. Eerdmans Publishing Company, 1996.

Liland, Peder M. I. “Anabaptism Separatism: A Historical and Theological Study of the

Contribution of Balthasar Hubmaier (ca. 1485-1528).” PhD diss., Boston College:
Department of Theology, 1983.

Pipkin, H. Wayne, and John H. Yoder, trans. and eds. Balthasar Hubmaier: Theologian of
Anabaptism. Scottdale, PA: Herald Press, 1989.

Vedder, Henry C. Balthasar Hübmaier: The Leader of the Anabaptists. New York: G. P.
Putnam’s Sons, 1905.

Verduin, Leonard. The Reformers and Their Stepchildren. The Dissent and Nonconformity
Series 14. Grand Rapids, MI: William B. Eerdmans Publishing Company, 1964.

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