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Burnout, Fatigue, Exhaustion
Sighard Neckel • Anna Katharina Schaffner • Greta Wagner
Editors
Burnout, Fatigue,
Exhaustion
An Interdisciplinary Perspectives
on a Modern Affliction
Editors
Sighard Neckel Anna Katharina Schaffner
Institute of Sociology School of European Culture and Languages
University of Hamburg University of Kent
Hamburg, Germany Canterbury, United Kingdom
Greta Wagner
Institute of Sociology
Goethe University Frankfurt
Frankfurt, Germany
1 Introduction 1
Sighard Neckel, Anna Katharina Schaffner
and Greta Wagner
14 Conclusion 305
Sighard Neckel, Anna Katharina Schaffner
and Greta Wagner
Index 311
List of Tables
ix
1
Introduction
Sighard Neckel, Anna Katharina Schaffner
and Greta Wagner
S. Neckel (*)
University of Hamburg, Hamburg, Germany
e-mail: Sighard.Neckel@wiso.uni-hamburg.de
A.K. Schaffner
University of Kent, Canterbury, UK
e-mail: a.k.schaffner@kent.ac.uk
G. Wagner
Goethe University Frankfurt, Frankfurt, Germany
e-mail: Greta.Wagner@soz.uni-frankfurt.de
1
Alain Ehrenberg, The Weariness of the Self: Diagnosing the History of Depression in the
Contemporary Age, trans. David Homel et al. (Montreal: McGill-Queens’s University Press,
2010a).
2
See Steffen Mau, Inequality, Marketization and the Majority Class: Why Did the European Middle
Classes Accept Neo-Liberalism? (New York: Palgrave Pivot, 2015).
3
Meinhard Miegel, Stefanie Wahl, and Martin Schulte with the collaboration of Elias Butzmann,
Altering Attitudes: From a Culture of Consumerism to a Culture of Prosperity (Bonn: Denkwerk
Zukunft – Stiftung kulturelle Erneuerung, 2011).
1 Introduction 3
4
See, for example, Peter Conrad, The Medicalization of Society: On the Transformation of Human
Conditions into Treatable Disorders (Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 2007).
4 S. Neckel et al.
5
See Axel Honneth, ‘Organized Self-Realization: Some Paradoxes of Indivdualization’, European
Journal of Social Theory 7: 4 (2004), 463–78; Harmut Rosa, ‘Wettbewerb als Interaktionsmodus:
Kulturelle und sozialstrukturelle Konsequenzen der Konkurrenzgesellschaft’, Leviathan 34:
1 (2006), 82–104; and Leistung und Erschöpfung: Burnout in der Wettbewerbsgesellschaft, ed.
Sighard Neckel and Greta Wagner (Berlin: Suhrkamp, 2013).
6
Anna Katharina Schaffner, Exhaustion: A History (New York: Columbia University Press, 2016).
7
Max Weber, ‘“Objectivity” in Social Science and Social Policy’, in The Methodology of the Social
Sciences, trans. Edward A. Schils and Henry A. Finch (Glencoe, IL: Free Press 1949), pp. 49–112
(p. 90).
1 Introduction 5
8
Emil Kraepelin, Psychiatrie. Ein Lehrbuch für Studierende und Ärzte. Band 1 (Leipzig: Barth
Verlag, 1900), p. 196.
9
Wilhelm Erb, Über die wachsende Nervosität unserer Zeit (Heidelberg: Hörning, 1894), p. 20.
1 Introduction 7
Exhaustion Discourses
Even though diagnoses of exhaustion are on the increase in most countries
throughout the world, there are nevertheless striking variations in national
discourses about exhaustion. Even today in China, for example, neurasthe-
nia is still frequently diagnosed because it is considered to have a physical
cause and those affected are therefore less stigmatised than, for example,
those diagnosed with depression; hence, neurasthenia represents a kind of
somatic cover diagnosis for the psychological symptoms of exhaustion.
Given that exhaustion can be manifest as both a predominantly
mental experience and a bodily feeling, the relationship between body
and mind often becomes the subject of discursive negotiation in the
case of the symptoms of exhaustion. The tension between somatic and
psychological explanations is a focus of continuing debates. The inter-
pretive conflicts over the relationship between body and mind when
exhaustion is diagnosed are especially apparent in the case of CFS.
10
See Patrick Kury, ‘Von der Neurasthenie zum Burnout – eine kurze Geschichte von Belastung
und Anpassung’, in Leistung und Erschöpfung, ed. Sighard Neckel and Greta Wagner (Berlin:
Suhrkamp Verlag, 2013), pp. 107–28 (p. 109).
8 S. Neckel et al.
First named and defined in the 1980s, CFS, which is also known as
myalgic encephalomyelitis (ME) and post-viral fatigue syndrome, holds
a special place among the exhaustion syndromes discussed in this essay
collection.11 Post-exertion malaise, severe mental and physical fatigue, a
sense of effort that renders many everyday activities impossible, and
difficulties with concentrating, cognitive tasks, and short-term memory
are among its cardinal symptoms.12 The search for empirical diagnostic
markers and the biomedical origins of the illness is still ongoing, and
future findings may well demonstrate that the illness is predominantly
caused by physical rather than social or psychological forces. Yet, at
present, ME/CFS remains a controversial diagnosis subjected to widely
divergent interpretations, and has in recent decades prompted fierce
debate among medical practitioners and patients.13
At the centre of the ME/CFS controversy is the question of whether
or not psychiatric and psycho-social factors contribute to, or even cause,
the development of the condition. Some researchers and the majority of
patients suffering from ME/CFS argue strongly for the purely somatic
origins of the condition. Most commonly, viral infections, immune
dysfunctions, and central nervous system or metabolic disorders are
thought to trigger the illness.14 Other researchers believe that ME/CFS
has a microbiological trigger (such as Epstein-Barr virus), but that social,
11
Gary Holmes at the Centres for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC) coined the term CFS
in 1988.
12
See the CDC’s web information on CFS, online at: http://www.cdc.gov/cfs/causes/risk-groups.
html (accessed January 2015).
13
For an analysis of the debates concerning the symptoms, epidemiology, and therapeutics of the
condition, see Simon Wessely, Matthew Hotopf, and Michael Sharpe, Chronic Fatigue and Its
Symptoms, rev. ed. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1999); and Michael Sharpe, ‘Chronic
Fatigue Syndrome’, The Psychiatric Clinics of North America, 19: 3 (1996), 549–73.
14
See, for example, M. M. Zeineh, J. Kang, S. W. Atlas, M. M. Raman, A. L. Reiss, J. L. Norris,
I. Valencia, and J. G. Montoya, ‘Right Arcuate Fasciculus Abnormality in Chronic Fatigue
Syndrome’, Radiology 274: 2 (2015), 517–26; A. L. Landay, C. Jessop, E. T. Lennettee, and
J. A. Levy, ‘Chronic Fatigue Syndrome: Clinical Conditions Associated with Immune Activation’,
Lancet 338 (1991), 707–12; A. M. Lerner, C. Lawrie, and H. S. Dworkin, ‘Repetitively Negative
Changing T Waves at 24-H Electrocardiographic Monitors in Patients with Chronic Fatigue
Syndrome’, Chest 104 (1993), 1417–21; and R. Freeman and A. L. Komaroff, ‘Does the Chronic
Fatigue Syndrome Involve the Autonomic Nervous System?’, American Journal of Medicine
102 (1997), 357–64.
1 Introduction 9
15
Stephen T. Holgate, Anthony L. Komaroff, Dennis Mangan, and Simon Wessely, ‘Chronic
Fatigue Syndrome: Understanding a Complex Illness,’ Nature 12 (2011), 539–44.
16
See, for example, Edward Shorter, From Paralysis to Fatigue: A History of Psychosomatic Illness in
the Modern Era (New York: The Free Press, 1992); Elaine Showalter, Hystories: Hysterical
Epidemics and Modern Media (New York: Columbia University Press, 1998); and Richard L.
Kradin, Pathologies of the Mind/Body Interface: Exploring the Curious Domain of the Psychosomatic
Disorders (New York: Routledge, 2013).
17
See, for example, S. E. Abbey and P. E. Garfinkel, ‘Neurasthenia and Chronic Fatigue
Syndrome: The Role of Culture in the Making of a Diagnosis’, American Journal of
Psychotherapy 148 (1991), 1638–46; and N.C. Ware and A. Kleinman, ‘Culture and Somatic
Experience: The Social Cause of Illness in Neurasthenia and Chronic Fatigue Syndrome’,
Psychosomatic Medicine 54 (1992), 546–60.
18
J. A. Richman and L. A. Jason, ‘Gender Biases Underlying the Social Construction of Illness
States: The Case of Chronic Fatigue Syndrome’, Current Sociology 49 (2001), 15–29.
19
For a summary of recent criticism of the PACE trial, see, for example, David Tuller,
‘Re-Examining Chronic Fatigue Syndrome: Research and Treatment Policy’, online at:
10 S. Neckel et al.
their condition, and blame the government and the medical establish-
ment for failing to direct more funds to ME/CFS research. Scientists and
scholars who propose that psychogenic factors may play a role in the
illness are often targeted by radical activists, who sometimes even resort
to threats to dissuade them from their research. The sufferers accuse
these researchers of creating the impression that CFS is merely a figment
of the imagination of those who have been diagnosed with it.20 These
activists see the claim that psychological factors may play a role in CFS as
a failure to recognise and show respect for their suffering. They regard
‘psychological’ causes as synonymous with ‘self-incurred’ or ‘not real’.
Yet suffering as a result of exhaustion is not only situated at the
interface between body and mind – it also connects individual suffering
with the social sphere. This is particularly clear in the case of the burnout
syndrome. Burnout is an affliction that has acquired astounding popu-
larity in therapeutic and public discourses in some Western countries
over the past decade. In Germany, for example, so many people began to
suffer from burnout by the end of the last century that it triggered a
veritable flood of stories on the topic in the media. There was scarcely a
single magazine that did not have burnout as a lead story, or a TV
programme that did not report on it. Clearly, in Germany, a mood of
discontent with the pressure to perform in contemporary working life,
http://healthaffairs.org/blog/2016/02/04/reexamining-chronic-fatigue-syndrome-research-and-
treatment-policy/ (accessed September 2016).
In October 2015, Francis Collins, the director of the National Institutes of Health (NIH),
announced a major new funding initiative. See https://www.nih.gov/news-events/news-releases/
nih-takes-action-bolster-research-myalgic-encephalomyelitis/chronic-fatigue-syndrome (accessed
September 2016).
In February 2015, the Institute of Medicine published a comprehensive report on ME/CFS, in
which a refinement of the diagnostic criteria of the condition as well as a new name is proposed.
Systemic exertion intolerance disease, the committee argues, emphasises more clearly the central
characteristic of the disease, namely, ‘the fact that exertion of any sort – physical, cognitive, or
emotional – can adversely affect patients in many organ systems and in many aspects of their lives’.
The report entitled ‘Beyond Myalgic Encephalomyelitis/Chronic Fatigue Syndrome: Redefining
an Illness’, released in February 2015, is available online at: http://www.nationalacademies.org/
hmd/Reports/2015/ME-CFS.aspx (accessed 16 September 2016).
20
Robin McKie, ‘Chronic Fatigue Syndrome Researchers Face Death Threats from Militants’,
The Observer (August 2011), online at: http://www.theguardian.com/society/2011/aug/21/
chronic-fatigue-syndrome-myalgic-encephalomyelitis (accessed March 2016).
1 Introduction 11
21
See BKK Gesundheitsreport, Gesundheit fördern – Krankheit versorgen – mit Krankheit leben,
2012 (www.bkk.de/fileadmin/user_upload/PDF/Arbeitgeber/gesundheitsreport/
Gesundheitsreport_2012/Gesundheitsreport_2012.pdf) (accessed January 2013), p. 43.
22
Wolfgang Schmidbauer, ‘Mehr Hofnarr als Hofrat. Über die Krisen der Psychotherapie’, in
Kursbuch 170 ‘Krisen lieben’ (Hamburg: Murmann, 2012), pp. 150–73 (p. 159).
12 S. Neckel et al.
23
Alain Ehrenberg, ‘Depression: Unbehagen in der Kultur oder neue Formen der Sozialität’, in
Kreation und Depression: Freiheit im gegenwärtigen Kapitalismus, ed. Christoph Menke and Juliane
Rebentisch (Berlin: Kadmos, 2010b) pp. 52–62 (p. 54).
1 Introduction 13
24
Herbert J. Freudenberger and Geraldine Richelson, Burnout: The High Cost of High Achievement
(New York: Anchor, 1983), p. 16.
14 S. Neckel et al.
interests into play have become part of the everyday reality of more and
more companies. However, this transformation did not only encourage
the quest for self-fulfilment but it also increased the scope for corporate
action. As Luc Boltanski and Ève Chiapello have shown, ‘new capital-
ism’ has endogenised the criticism that was aimed at it already in the
1970s.25 Thus, the objections against hierarchy, bureaucracy, and alie-
nation, whose spokespeople used to be left-wing activists and the new
social movements, presided over the introduction of flexible working
conditions in companies.
Today employees are required to be entrepreneurs selling their
own labour power, and to optimise it continually. Like the idealis-
tic social worker of the 1970s and 1980s, the present-day entre-
preneurial self is compelled to contribute its subjectivity and is
concerned to efface once again the boundaries between work and
private life. The aim of the self-realisation that was supposed to
have been fulfilled in the past by breaking up encrusted structures
has now been transformed into a requirement, into ‘institutiona-
lized expectations inherent in social reproduction’ whose intrinsic
purpose has been lost.26 It is now a long-established practice to
understand one’s work as an expression of intrinsic interests and
to show that one does not work because one has to, but because
one wants to. In this way, the concept of alienation acquires a new
meaning: to perform alienated work, to be alienated from one’s
work, is no longer a social condition that is vulnerable to the
critique of capitalism, because the expectation to become one
with one’s own work is one of the impositions of the present.
Today individual resistance seems to reside precisely in the act of
not identifying too strongly with one’s work. In therapy, burnout
patients learn to restore precisely that strangeness that should
loosen the identification with work and to look for other sources
of recognition outside of work.
25
Luc Boltanski and Ève Chiapello. The New Spirit of Capitalism, trans. Gregory Elliott (New
York: Verso, 2005).
26
See Honneth, ‘Organized Self-Realisation’, p. 467.
1 Introduction 15
Interdisciplinary Perspectives
This interdisciplinary essay collection explores the complex connections
between psychological, sociological, and biologic theories of exhaustion.
Examining the status of exhaustion symptoms in medical, psychological,
sociological, historical, and literary accounts, it analyses the interplay
between the processes involved in the production of mental health diag-
noses, socio-cultural transformations, and subjective illness experiences.
The volume is divided into five themed sections. It opens with a
section on historical models of exhaustion. Adopting a cultural-historical
perspective, Anna Katharina Schaffner argues that exhaustion is not at all
a modern preoccupation, nor the specific bane of our age of techno-
capitalism, as many critics argue, but that anxieties about exhaustion and
its psychological, physical, and social effects have always been with us.
She shows that theories of exhaustion and its corrosive effects can be
found in many historical periods, including Greek antiquity and the
Middle Ages. The symptoms of mental and physical exhaustion were
considered to be among the core symptoms of melancholia, theorised in
the broader framework of humoural theory by the physician Galen. An
alternative model of exhaustion emerged in Late Antiquity and blos-
somed in the Middle Ages: the notion of sloth, or acedia. Just like
melancholia, acedia included various symptoms of mental and physical
exhaustion among its core indicators, such as weariness, torpor, apathy,
lethargy, sleepiness, irritability, cognitive impairment, and hopelessness.
Yet, unlike melancholia, which was treated and defined by physicians,
sloth fell under the remit of theologians such as St Thomas Aquinas. It
was understood not as an organic disease, but rather as a spiritual and
moral failing.
The Swiss historian Patrick Kury analyses the emergence of nine-
teenth-century neurasthenia and ‘managerial disease’, a pre-cursor of
burnout associated with stressful jobs, as well as cardiovascular and
psychosomatic lifestyle diseases, and which was frequently diagnosed
in the 1950s and 1960s in Germany. Investigating the cultural-historical
factors that led to the rapid spread of these ‘diseases of civilisation’, Kury
pays close attention to the knowledge transfers between the United
States and Germany that characterise these fatigue and stress discourses.
16 S. Neckel et al.
Manager disease was driven by the anxiety that there was a worryingly
high mortality rate among Germany’s overtaxed (and mainly male)
elites, who were physically and mentally exhausted by the enormous
task of rebuilding the country’s economy after the Second World War,
and often paid the price for driving forward the German ‘economic
miracle’ with their own lives. It was only in the 1970s that the concept of
psycho-social stress took hold in German public and medical debates.
Kury argues that the neurasthenia and managerial disease diagnoses, just
like stress and burnout, ‘are often regarded positively, and appear in
phases of rapid social and economic change’.
The second section of this collection is dedicated to the role of
exhaustion symptoms in specific contemporary syndromes, in particular
burnout, CFS, and depression. Contributions in this section are written
by clinical experts, including psychiatrists and psychologists. Johanna
Doerr und Urs Nater investigate the different ways in which medically
unexplained fatigue-like symptoms have been treated, focussing on
difficulties in differentiating between different conditions. They begin
by relating the development and variations of the neurasthenia diagno-
sis, investigating the overlap of this diagnosis with depression diagnoses.
Following this, a comparison is made with East Asian diagnostic prac-
tices regarding medically unexplained fatigue, and the changes that have
occurred in this context. The focus of the essay then switches to the
second half of the twentieth century, to the developments of diagnoses
of CFS and of ME. Diagnostic criteria for the various conditions are
examined and found seriously to overlap, with arguments made as to
why one diagnosis may be given rather than another. At this point the
previously discussed conditions, and depression, are all considered in the
light of criteria commonly given for burnout. The conclusion is reached
that differential diagnoses for similarly presenting fatigue conditions is at
best an inexact science, and may lack medically stable grounds.
The Dutch work and organisational psychologist Wilmar Schaufeli
explores the historical roots of burnout as well as the specific socio-
cultural factors that led to its emergence. Addressing the question of
whether the major symptoms of burnout are ubiquitous or context-
specific, he analyses how they relate to similar syndromes, such as
neurasthenia and depression. Have burnout-like phenomena been
1 Introduction 17