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JOHN KARLSRUD
“As the world becomes smaller, flatter, and more complex, the challenges to the
UN’s role in maintaining international peace and security have multiplied. In this
impressive new work, John Karlsrud brings a scholar-practitioner’s perspective to
bear on these problems. The deceptively simple heart of his solution lies in the
opening word of the UN Charter: ‘We, the peoples.’ Too often, he argues, the UN
has seen its mandate as protecting governments, rather than the people they are
meant to serve.”
—Simon Chesterman, Professor and Dean, Faculty of Law,
National University of Singapore
“The international community and the next United Nations Secretary-General
will have a chance to initiate meaningful, transformative reforms in the way the
United Nations addresses twenty-first-century social, political, and security chal-
lenges; the road map is provided by John Karlsrud in his new seminal treatise The
UN at War, highly recommended to all international peace and security academics
and practitioners.”
—José Ramos-Horta, Chair of the High-level Independent
Panel on UN Peace Operations, Special Representative
of the UN Secretary-General for Guinea-Bissau, Nobel Peace
Prize laureate, and former President and Prime Minister
of Timor Leste
“John Karlsrud’s book is a true state of the art on contemporary UN peace opera-
tions. Among its many strengths, it addresses two critical challenges head on: how
peacekeepers can protect civilians in places where terrorism is a threat; and how to
engage more directly with the local populations they are meant to serve. Informed
by a deep knowledge of the political and practical obstacles, this excellent volume
invites serious reflection on how peace operations must adapt to an increasingly
complex security environment.”
—Dr. Ian Johnstone, Professor of International Law,
Fletcher School of Law and Diplomacy, Tufts University
“The UN at War face a range of urgent challenges with no easy answers. John
Karlsrud, an author with first-hand experience working in UN Peace Operations,
looks over the horizon at these challenges and possible responses. His book is
timely, accessible and marshals a convincing argument about how the UN has to
change to remain relevant, but how it must withstand calls for it to become a war-
fighting organisation. This is a must-read book for those interested in the future of
the UN and peacekeeping.”
—Roger Mac Ginty, Professor of Peace and Conflict Studies,
University of Manchester
John Karlsrud
The UN at War
Peace Operations in a New Era
John Karlsrud
NUPI
Oslo, Norway
vii
viii PREFACE AND ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
Introduction 1
Outline of the Book 5
References 8
xi
xii Contents
References 171
Index 199
About the Author
xv
Acronyms and Abbreviations
xvii
xviii Acronyms and Abbreviations
xxi
List of Tables
xxiii
Introduction
civilians after the outbreak of civil war at the end of 2013. During the last
three years, the UN camps have been converted to protection of civilians
(PoC) sites, and the mission has been hard pressed to protect even those
residing within its camps, much less the millions of people living in fear
outside its camps. As a result, the UNSC in August 2016 authorized a
regional protection force that should deal preventively and robustly with
any actor threatening civilians (UN 2016b).
Each of these challenges, changes, and turns would in itself have been
a reason to take pause, and several have resulted in reviews and inquiries.
But together, they show that there is a fundamental mismatch between the
tasks given to UN peacekeeping operations, and what they are able to do
on the ground. It is clear that UN peacekeeping operations are struggling
with increasing gaps between its foundational principles and the mandates
given by the UNSC. The gaps are both principled and practical—should
the UN go beyond the core principles of impartiality, consent, and the
minimum use of force except in self-defense, and in defense of the man-
date to fight actively against strategic actors? Should the UN Secretariat
resist deployment to conflicts when there is no peace on the ground and
where a mission may face violent extremists and terrorist without suffi-
cient means to defend itself? How should the UN, and the international
community at large, deal with conflicts where no peace operation will be
able to offer sufficient protection to civilians, as is the case in South Sudan?
The increasing gap between the expectations to UN peace operations
and what was happening on the ground was recognized by the then UN
Secretary-General (UNSG) Ban Ki-moon in June 2014 when he announced
the establishment of a High-level Independent panel on Peace Operations
(HIPPO). The same year, the USA took the initiative to organize a
Peacekeeping Summit during the UN General Assembly in September,
chaired by the then US Vice-President Joseph Biden. The release of the
HIPPO Report in 2015, together with releases of the 2015 review of the
UN peacebuilding architecture; the global study of the implementation of
UN Security Council Resolution 1325 on women, peace, and security; and
a second US-led summit on peacekeeping during the 2015 UN General
Assembly chaired by the then President Barack Obama—all these brought
a sense of urgency and new momentum for dealing with these gaps and
challenges. David Cameron and other world leaders cited the threat of ter-
rorism as one of the factors motivating the contributions of troops, equip-
ment, and training (Mason 2015). The picture that is generally presented
is that of an organization that should modernize and be updated
INTRODUCTION 3
to deal more effectively with the arguably new threats of the twenty-first
century—violent extremism and terrorism—in addition to the core and
traditional task of protecting civilians.
In this book, I argue for a more nuanced picture. The gap between
expectations and what UN peace operations are able to deliver is not solely
created by a lack of performance, poor management, and lack of capabili-
ties, but is also the result of the increasing tendency of the UNSC to not
match mandates with means, and to give to UN peace operations tasks
they are not, and will not be, suited to accomplish. UN peace operations
are deployed to more difficult theaters and given more robust mandates,
including stabilization and enforcement tasks, in some instances veering
toward counter-terrorism. In this context, the dissonance between what
these missions are capable of providing, measured against the complex
realities on the ground, is growing painfully clear. To understand the shift
toward more robust mandates for UN peacekeeping operations, we have
to look at four other important trends.
First, the financial crisis in 2008–2009 was expected to precipitate a
drop in UN peacekeeping operations, as cash-strapped governments
wanted to cut costs—particularly those bearing the main burden of the
UN peacekeeping budget, like the USA. However, the earthquake in
Haiti, the new mission in South Sudan, and two missions deployed succes-
sively to Mali and the Central African Republic (CAR) instead resulted in
an increase in the number of troops deployed. At the same time, calls for
the UN to do more with less have been persistent and actually successful.
Since 2010, there has been a general increase in the cost effectiveness of
UN peace operations, with the HIPPO Report noting a 17 % cost reduc-
tion in the period from 2010 to 2015 (UN 2015).1
Third, fatalities caused by terrorism have increased rapidly—from
3329 in 2000 to a spike of 32,685 in 2014 (IEP 2015: 2). Much of the
recent increase is due to the Islamic State (IS) and Boko Haram (ibid.). In
this period, the UN has moved from being seen as an impartial actor to
more often being the target of terrorist attacks—from Baghdad, to Algiers,
Kabul, Mazar-i-Sharif, Abuja, Mogadishu, and Mali.
Concurrent with the enduring pressure of economic austerity, the
increased numbers of UN peacekeepers in the field, and the growing threat
of terrorism comes a fourth and equally important trend. Since the 9/11
attacks, counter-terrorism has been high on the international agenda, but
in recent years, the rhetoric has moved from the “Global War on Terror,”
to less ominous-sounding concepts of “countering violent extremism”
4 INTRODUCTION
during the 2000s until today. What emerges is a potential tension between
the role of the UN as an arena and its role as an actor. For cash-strapped
governments still under the pressure of economic austerity measures, it
might seem like a good idea to offload some conflicts on the lower end of
the conflict intensity and/or interest spectrums to the UN.
Related to this, one of the many improvements in UN peace operations
since the Cold War has been the development of multidimensional peace-
keeping operations, to support peace- and statebuilding efforts while the
military and the police are working to help establish a modicum of secu-
rity. But this multidimensionality in peacekeeping has developed in tan-
dem with the gradual weakening of another central principle—that the
deployment of troops, police, and civilians must take place within the
framework of a longer-term political strategy, rather than replacing it.
Similarly, UN peace operations have developed in terms of the capabili-
ties and equipment they possess, although considerable gaps remain. The
calls for updating UN peace operations to the twenty-first century with
modern capabilities and equipment are well-founded—but, as discussed
in this book, it might be that these calls sometimes want to equip UN
peace operations with the right tools, but for the wrong reasons.
Technological advances in data collection should serve to provide better
protection for civilians, and the implementation of these reforms should
not fuel allegations of intelligence-gathering that could be used by actors
with vested interests.
With this book I issue a challenge to UN member states and peace
operations practitioners to make sure that the calls for reform are anchored
in the desire to improve the lives of people suffering in conflicts on the
ground—not spurred by intra-organizational turf battles or solely the nar-
row self-interests of member states. How can the UN adapt its practices to
become more field- and people-centered, in line with its core, primary
commitments of protecting and serving local people? What is needed is a
move from mandating missions to “extend state authority” to “enhance
state–society relations,” making UN peace operations a tool to support
more inclusive, participatory, and stable states.
I examine one of the most politically charged trends: the gradual slide
toward more robust mandates and peace enforcement. Chapter 1 high-
lights the necessity of crafting tailored responses and maintaining rele-
vance, always aware of the limits of what the UN can and cannot be
expected to do when faced with the widening gap between expectations,
principles, and capabilities.
Chapter 2 examines the evolving politics of UN peace operations and
presents the interests and motivations of key actors who seek to influence
the future of UN peace operations, including the permanent members of
the Security Council, Western countries, major TCCs, and emerging
economies. It highlights the growing consensus among Western countries
to adapt UN peace operations to become a central tool for countering
violent extremism and terrorism, while also illustrating the position of
countries opposed to this move, including Russia and major traditional
peacekeeping TCCs. Here I also note the emerging consensus among
many African and Western member states on moving UN peace opera-
tions in a more robust direction. The division of responsibilities between
member states, regional actors, and the UN must take into consideration
the respective capabilities of these actors, and, in the case of the UN, the
role that the organization is playing in not only keeping the peace, but
also making, mediating, and facilitating peace, humanitarian action, and
development.
Chapter 3 explores the opportunities and potential challenges pre-
sented by technology and new capabilities available to UN peace opera-
tions. On the one hand, the use of intelligence cells, unmanned aerial
vehicles (UAVs,) satellite imagery, and geo-tag software can massively
improve the UN’s situational awareness to protect and serve local popula-
tions and the mission itself. On the other, these tools may also be exploited
to serve national interests and can infringe upon the right to personal
privacy. The All Sources Information Fusion Unit (ASIFU) in MINUSMA,
the first explicit intelligence cell in a UN mission, illustrates the promises
and pitfalls of these current reforms. If the UN is to add these types of
tools to its regular toolkit, both internal and external explanations for how
these capabilities will benefit mission objectives and the people they are
deployed will need to be articulated, coupled with clear guidelines for
their operational use, and protocols and tools for protecting the informa-
tion and analysis developed.
Proceeding to one of the more contentious debates on reform,
Chapter 4 analyzes the ongoing doctrinal discussions on stabilization and
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[9] A piece of timber projecting from the bows, by which the
anchor is hoisted up for security.
DADDY DAVY, THE NEGRO.
“A negro has a soul, an please your honour, said the
corporal, (doubtingly.)
I am not much versed, corporal, said my Uncle Toby, in
things of that kind; but I suppose God would not leave him
without one, any more than thee or me.”
Sterne.
Footnotes
[10] Ivories is a common term among the negroes for teeth.
[11] White man.
[12] The plantain is a fruit which when ripe is very sweet; but
roasted when green, it resembles a chesnut in taste. It is a
general article of food instead of bread in the West Indies.
[13] Daddy is a familiar term of kindness used by the male
negroes to each other, as “Aunty” is used by the females; and it is
nothing uncommon to hear children, as soon as they can talk,
calling one another, “daddy” and “aunty.”
[14] Bunting is the stuff of which flags are made.
[15] The captain thought the vessel was in the service of the
United States, their colours being striped red and white, except
the upper quarter next the staff, which is blue, and bears as many
stars as there are states in the Union.
[16] Werk-en-rust, literally work-and-rest, is the name given to the
burying-ground at Demerara; but here it is meant to apply
generally to all places of sepulture.
END OF VOL. I.
Transcriber’s Note
Punctuation and other obvious typographic inaccuracies were silently
corrected.
Archaic and variable spelling has been preserved.
Variations in hyphenation and compound words have been preserved.
Footnotes moved to the end of their respective chapters.
Correction
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