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Brian Lund
HOUSING IN THE
UNITED KINGDOM
Whose Crisis?
Housing in the United Kingdom
Brian Lund
Housing in the
United Kingdom
Whose Crisis?
Brian Lund
Manchester Metropolitan University
Manchester, UK
This Palgrave Macmillan imprint is published by the registered company Springer Nature Switzerland AG
The registered company address is: Gewerbestrasse 11, 6330 Cham, Switzerland
Preface
v
vi Preface
vii
Contents
ix
x Contents
Housing Associations 54
Stigmatising ‘Social’ Housing 59
Investment in the Existing Housing Stock 61
Demographic Change 62
Planning 65
Conclusion 70
References 71
3 Housing Crises 81
Owner-Occupation: Acquiring; Managing; Using and
Transferring 81
Class 90
Land 103
Ethnic Minorities 108
Conclusion 111
References 112
References 293
Index 351
List of Figures
xiii
List of Tables
xv
xvi List of Tables
The media, think tanks, political debate and academia are replete with
‘housing crisis’ accounts. Press headlines proclaim ‘UK facing its big-
gest housing shortfall on record’ (Independent 2018) and ‘The Tories are
failing to fix Britain’s housing crisis’ (Sun 2018). ‘Think tanks’ declare
that a ‘Capitalist revolution in housebuilding is necessary’ (Adam Smith
Institute 2018) and analyse issues such as ‘How the broken land market
drives our housing crisis’ (New Economics Foundation 2018) and ‘The
future fiscal cost of ‘Generation Rent’’ (Resolution Foundation 2018).
Academics offer ‘Radical Solutions to the UK Housing Crisis’ (Bowie
2017) and Dorling (2014) has proclaimed a ‘Great Housing Disaster’.
An examination of housing crisis references by MPs revealed a nine-
fold increase between 2006 and 2015 (Hudson 2015). Prime Minister,
Theresa May, backed the crisis account declaring ‘Our broken housing
market is one of the greatest barriers to progress in Britain today’ (May
2017).
Fatalism has accompanied these narratives. Pundits claim that hous-
ing is now the ‘classic wicked problem’; deeply entrenched, complex and
It will continue as it has done for decades. I agree, and that will show
itself primarily in affordability and, in some places, in homelessness. I am
simply being honest with you. (Dawes 2017)
Homeownership
The press focuses on homeownership decline as the main housing crisis
dimension. The Daily Mirror (2016) stated that the ‘UK housing crisis
was now a ‘‘national emergency’’ as number of homeowners plummets
to a 30-year low’ and the Daily Mail (2018) announced ‘The end of
the home-owning dream’. The homeownership rate in England fell from
68.7% in 2004 to 65.2% in 2010. This trend persuaded post-2010
Conservative-led governments to introduce measures to try to stim-
ulate owner-occupation such as Help to Buy loans, a 3% extra Land
Stamp Duty Tax levy on second homes and a reduction in tax conces-
sions for private landlords. Nonetheless, the owner-occupier propor-
tion in England continued to decline, reaching 62.6% in 2016/2017
(MHCLG 2018a).
In a new attempt to boost owner-occupation, Teresa May’s govern-
ment exempted homes costing less than £300,000 from Land Stamp
Duty Tax (LSDT) if bought by first-time buyers, thereby giving them
a further advantage over private landlords in the housing market. This
measure, combined with the long-term impact of earlier initiatives,
may increase the homeowner rate but, as Corlett and Judge (2017, p. 6)
claim: ‘Even in a best-case scenario millennials will not achieve the same
homeownership levels the baby boomers enjoy’. Indeed, some com-
mentators allege that homeownership is now a ‘fetish’ or a ‘cult’ (Posen
2013). It is an idealistic aspiration and ‘generation rent’ must be satis-
fied with renting. The Guardian (2016) announced ‘Home ownership
is unrealistic’ and Sean O’Grady (2016), writing in the Independent,
declared, ‘Newsflash, young people: owning your own home isn’t a
human right — your sense of entitlement won’t solve this’. In the New
Statesman, Julia Rampen (2016) said ‘The property-owning democracy
is dead, so build one for renters instead’.
The overall owner-occupation figure masks marked changes in home-
ownership rates according to age, with owner-occupation increasing
in retired households but falling amongst working households (see
Fig. 1.1).
4
B. Lund
90
80
70
60
50
2003/4
40
2015/6
30
20
10
0
16-24 25-34 35-44 45-54 55-64 65+
Hypothetically, it would currently take a 27-30 year old first time buyer
around 18 years to save for a deposit if they relied solely on savings from
their own disposable income. This is up from 3 years two decades ago.
‘Rabbit Hutches’
Less space is being obtained for higher prices. As Williams (2009, p. 1)
states ‘the general currency for housing statistics, planning practice and
house sales is the number of bedrooms’. Although, in England, bed-
room numbers and the house proportion relative to flats in new-build
homes has increased since 2009/2010, the dwellings built post-2005
consist of 44% flats and 54% with two or less bedrooms compared
to 18% flats and 37% with two or less bedrooms for dwellings built
before 2005 (Wilson et al. 2018). UK figures on housing space price
per square metre are sparse but new UK houses are expensive ‘rabbit
hutches’ compared to their continental equivalents. In 2014 the average
size UK new home size was 87 m2 compared to 109.2 (Germany); 137
(Denmark); 112.8 (France); 96 (Austria) and 82.2 (Portugal) (Jones
2017). €200,000 bought 119 m2 in Spain, 94 m2 in Belgium, 97 m2 in
Germany and 39 m2 in the UK (Deloitte 2016).
6
B. Lund
In terms of dwelling size, the UK has the 5th smallest homes in Europe,
87 m2….. However, it has the 4th (joint) highest number of rooms (4.7).
Hence, the UK has, on average, the third smallest average room sizes
(18.5 m2)…. If one compares UK house sizes with countries such as the
USA (average dwelling size 215 m2) and Australia (average dwelling size
227.6 m2) an even more contrasting picture emerges. (Williams 2009,
p. 3, emphasis original)
Homelessness
The homeless ‘headline’ figures—acceptances as homeless by local
authorities and households in temporary accommodation—are gener-
ated through the operations of the 1977 Housing (Homeless Persons)
Act as amended by 1985, 1996, 2002, and 2017 legislation. The statis-
tics reflect how local authorities, influenced by government guidance,
apply the law. Homelessness acceptances and households in tempo-
rary accommodation increased rapidly in the 2000s and New Labour
introduced a prevention strategy involving ‘housing options’ interviews
prior to the formal homeless acceptance process. The result was a rapid
decline in homelessness acceptances in England from 135,590 in 2003
to 41,780 in 2009 (Stephens et al. 2018). The coalition government
intensified the prevention strategy but, in 2018, 79,880 households
containing 123,130 children were living in temporary accommoda-
tion (MHCLG 2018b). According to the official count—almost cer-
tainly a significant undercount—in 2017 there were 4751 rough
sleepers on a given night—up 15% on 2016 and more than double
the 2010 figure (MHCLG 2018b). Although public and media atti-
tudes to homelessness are dominated by the ‘individualism’ model—
‘people see the causes of large-scale social problems such as poverty,
crime and homelessness through a lens that looks at individual charac-
ters and situations’ (Crisis 2018, p. 62)—social economic factors per-
meate homelessness outcomes. Shelter (2018) has revealed that 55%
of families living in temporary accommodation were working and
Fitzpatrick (2017) states:
8
B. Lund
Our research indicates that a mixed-ethnicity lone mother who was poor
as a child, renting at age 26, who has experienced unemployment, has
a predicted probability of homelessness of 71.2% by age 30. Contrast
this with a white male university graduate from a relatively affluent back-
ground in the rural south of England, living with his parents at age 26,
where it is a mere 0.6% by the same age, and you’ll see that we aren’t all
equally vulnerable to homelessness.
Economic Determinism
Economic determinism underpins these housing crisis symptoms and
the tepid policy responses to them. ‘Globalisation’—allegedly beyond
political control by national governments—is often viewed as the con-
trolling variable. Aubrey (2016, p. 1), for example, states:
Over the last 40 years, these regions (with high Brexit votes) have expe-
rienced a dramatic pace of change, driven largely by globalisation. These
changes have disrupted people’s work patterns and livelihoods, sometimes
generating a catastrophic fall in hope for the future…. Wage growth has
been muted, but the cost of housing has continued to rise.
election campaigns. Thatcher won in 1987 when house prices were ris-
ing rapidly. Area variations in house price adjustments helped Major win
in 1992 (Dorling et al. 1999) and New Labour prevailed in the 1997
General Election against a backdrop of house price decline under the
Conservatives. New Labour won in 2001 and 2005 when prices were
rising but lost in 2010 following a price slump. In the 2017 General
Election, the Conservative Party enhanced its lead over Labour amongst
outright owners, the most likely beneficiaries from rising house prices.
A Supply Dearth?
Ryan-Collins (2018) attributed the lion’s share of the blame for rising
house prices to financial institution infatuation with property as an
investment vehicle. In supporting his case he points to the ‘debt shift’
in the 1990s, when the financial institutions moved their lending away
from investment in production to domestic and commercial real estate
purchase. Certainly pumping money into real estate has been a signifi-
cant contributor to house price inflation but, in the 1930s, credit avail-
ability helped to stimulate production. This did not happen in the UK
from the 2000s indicating that supply constraints have had a major role
in escalating house prices. For example, in 2005/2006, new housing
construction was 3.1 per 1000 population in the UK, 13.2 in Ireland,
14 in Spain and 6.8 in the United States (Alderman 2010; Delft
University of Technology 2011). Alistair Darling (2011, p. 114), New
Labour’s Chancellor during the ‘global financial crisis’, said: ‘Ironically,
the spectacular failure of successive British governments to deliver
increased housebuilding proved to be a blessing for the housing market,
which did not fall anywhere near as much as people feared’.
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jealous yearning affection, which gives all and demands all. With his
children far from him, his life had been lonely, and he had known
many desolate hours, when he would have given half his wealth for
sympathy and love.
“I shall find both in Octavia,” he thought, his noble face brightening. “I
shall not wrong my children in marrying her. My son will be my heir.
My daughter’s fortune will not be imperilled by my second marriage.
Neva is sixteen, and in two years more will come home. How can I
do better for her than to give her a beautiful mother, young enough to
win her confidence, old enough to be her guide? Octavia would love
my girl, and would be her best chaperon in society, to which Neva
must be by and by introduced. I should find in Octavia then a mother
for my daughter, and a gentle loving wife and companion for myself.
But will she accept me?”
He put the question to the test that very evening. He found the
handsome widow alone in her parlor, the gray companion being for
once absent, and he told her his love with a tremulous ardor and
passion that it would have been the glory of a good woman to have
evoked from a nature so grand as Sir Harold’s.
The fascinating widow blushed and smiled assent, and her black-
tressed head drooped to his shoulder, and Sir Harold clasped her in
his arms as his betrothed wife.
With a lover’s impetuosity he begged her to marry him at an early
day. She hesitated coyly, as if for months she had not been striving
and praying for this hour, and then was won to consent to marry him
a month thence.
“I am alone in the world, and have no one to consult,” she sighed. “I
have an old aunt, a perfect miser, who lives in Bloomsbury Square,
in London. She will permit me to be married from her house, as I was
before. The marriage will have to be very quiet, for she is averse to
display and expense. However, what she saves will come to me
some day, so I need not complain. I shall want to keep Artress with
me, Sir Harold. I can see that you don’t like her, but she has been a
faithful friend to me in all my troubles, and I cannot abandon her
when prosperity smiles so splendidly upon me. I may keep her, may I
not?”
Thus appealed to, Sir Harold smothered his dislike of the gray
companion, and consented that she should become an inmate of his
house.
Mrs. Hathaway proceeded to explain the causes of her
friendlessness. She was an orphan, and had early married the
Honorable Charles Hathaway, the younger son of a Viscount, who
had died five years before. The Honorable Charles had been a
dissipated spendthrift, and had left his wife the meagre income of
some three hundred pounds a year. Her elegant clothing was, for the
most part, relics of better days. As to the expensive style in which
she lived, keeping a companion and maid, no one knew, save herself
and one other, how she managed to support it. Her name and
reputation were unblemished, and the most censorious tongue had
nothing to say against her.
And yet she was none the less an unscrupulous, unprincipled
adventuress.
This was the woman, the noble, gallant baronet proposed to take to
his bosom as his wife, to endow with his name and wealth, to make
the mother and guide of his pure young daughter. Would the
sacrifice of the generous, unsuspected lover be permitted?
It was permitted. A month later their modest bridal train swept
beneath the portals of St. George’s Church, Hanover Square. The
bride, radiant in pearl-colored moire, with point lace overdress, wore
a magnificent parure of diamonds, presented to her by Sir Harold.
The baronet looked the picture of happiness. The miserly aunt of
Mrs. Hathaway, a skinny old lady in a low-necked and short-sleeved
dress of pink silk, that, by its unsuitability, made her seem absolutely
hideous, attended by a male friend, who gave away the bride, was
prominent among the group that surrounded the altar.
Sir Harold’s son and heir was in India, and his daughter had not
been summoned from her boarding-school in Paris. The baronet’s
tender father soul yearned for his daughter’s presence at his second
marriage; but Lady Wynde had urged that Neva’s studies should not
be interrupted, and had begged, as a personal favor, that her
meeting with her young step-daughter might be delayed until her
ladyship had become used to her new position. She professed to be
timid and shrinking in regard to the meeting with Neva, and Sir
Harold, in his passionate love for Octavia, put aside his own wishes,
yielding to her request. But he had written to his daughter,
announcing his intended second marriage, and had received in reply
a tender, loving letter full of earnest prayers for his happiness, and
expressing the kindest feelings toward the expected step-mother.
The words were spoken that made the strangely assorted pair one
flesh. As the bride arose from her knees the wife of a wealthy
baronet, the wearer of a title, the handsome face was lighted by a
triumphant glow, her black eyes emitted a singular, exultant gleam,
and a conscious triumph pervaded her manner.
She had played the first part of a daring game—and she had won!
As she passed into the vestry to sign the marriage register, leaning
proudly upon the arm of her newly made husband, and followed by
her few attending personal friends, a man who had witnessed the
ceremony from behind a clustered pillar in the church, stole out into
the square, his face lighted by a lurid smile, his eyes emitting the
same peculiar, exultant gleam as the bride’s had done.
This man was the tall, fair-haired gentleman, with waxed mustaches,
sinister eyes and cynical smile, who, nearly three months before,
had witnessed from the pier head at Brighton the rescue of Mrs.
Hathaway from the sea by Sir Harold Wynde. And now this man
muttered:
“The game prospers. Octavia is Lady Wynde. The first act is played.
The next act requires more time, deliberation, caution. Every move
must be considered carefully. We are bound to win the entire game.”
CHAPTER II.
A DECISIVE MOVE COMMANDED.