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Edited by
Søren Askegaard · Jacob Östberg
Nordic
Consumer Culture
State, Market
and Consumers
Nordic Consumer Culture
Søren Askegaard • Jacob Östberg
Editors
Nordic Consumer
Culture
State, Market and Consumers
Editors
Søren Askegaard Jacob Östberg
University of Southern Denmark Stockholm Business School
Odense, Denmark Stockholm University
Stockholm, Sweden
This Palgrave Macmillan imprint is published by the registered company Springer Nature Switzerland AG
The registered company address is: Gewerbestrasse 11, 6330 Cham, Switzerland
This book is dedicated
to the memory
of our friend and colleague
Per Østergaard
(1958–2016)
Pioneer of Nordic consumer culture investigations
from Svalbard to the Baltic Sea
Contents
vii
viii Contents
Index329
Notes on Contributors
xi
xii Notes on Contributors
her interests lie with building bridges between sociocultural theory and interna-
tional marketing practice.
Emma Salminen is a Doctoral Candidate in the Marketing Department at
Aalto University School of Business. Her research focuses on nature experienced
through consumer culture, changes in social practices, and sustainable con-
sumption from both macro and micro perspectives.
Pamela Schultz Nybacka holds a PhD and MSc in Business Studies and a BSc
in Literature from Stockholm University. Her 2011 thesis “Bookonomy” dealt
with book reading as a consumption practice, contributing to a rapprochement
between the humanities and economies of excess. Schultz Nybacka is a Senior
Lecturer at Södertörn University, where she is Head of the BSc in Cultural
Management program and of Publishing Studies at the Department of History,
Stockholm University. Her research deals with brands and popular literature in
consumer culture, critique and new economic criticism, and the organization of
libraries and of art.
Jack S. Tillotson is a Lecturer of Marketing at Liverpool Business School,
Liverpool John Moores University. He is a Doctoral Candidate at the Marketing
Department at Aalto University School of Business in Helsinki. His research
investigates various culturally oriented theoretical contexts, including embodi-
ment, myth, identity, and medicalization.
Sofia Ulver earned her PhD in 2008 and is Associate Professor at the School of
Economics and Management, Lund University. She defended her PhD thesis on
the status and globalization of taste in 2008, and her theoretical domain is criti-
cal marketing and consumer culture theory. Her research interest is the intersec-
tion between the global market, local society, and consumer culture, how this
intersection transforms according to shifts in ideologies, and how the transfor-
mations change the way we live, consume, produce, and vote. Her empirical
domains have involved ethical and sustainable consumption, political consump-
tion, food consumption, the “home,” beauty norms, and market discourses on
multiculturalism. She has presented her research at several international aca-
demic and public conferences and events. Her work has appeared in Journal of
Consumer Culture, European Journal of Marketing, Journal of Marketing
Management, Advances in Consumer Research, and Research in Consumer Behavior,
in various book chapters, and in public media.
Henri A. Weijo is Assistant Professor in Marketing at Aalto University School
of Business. He is back in Finland after three years in the USA, during which he
xvi Notes on Contributors
gained a great deal of appreciation for life in the North. As a result, his ongoing
research projects foreground the Nordic context in a more explicit fashion.
Weijo focuses his research efforts on ethnographic investigations of consumer
collectives, experiential and ludic consumption, nature consumption, friend-
ship, digital consumer culture, value co-creation, and consumer creativity. He
does not mind the cold.
List of Figures
xvii
xviii List of Figures
xix
1
Introduction: The Institution
and the Imaginary in a Nordic Light
Søren Askegaard and Jacob Östberg
S. Askegaard (*)
University of Southern Denmark, Odense, Denmark
e-mail: aske@sam.sdu.dk
J. Östberg
Stockholm Business School, Stockholm University, Stockholm, Sweden
e-mail: jacob.ostberg@sbs.su.se
The media obviously both picked up and nurtured the popular senti-
ment of loss and grief. The commentaries evoked all kinds of explanatory
frameworks. They ranged from the expression of a different (more origi-
nal) sense of Danishness than the isolationist version promoted by con-
temporary political populism; the proof of community and sense of
belonging in a world of transitory relations, as expressed in a song cata-
logue that can be used for almost any occasion; the authenticity of a rebel
“working-class” hero, complete with deep flaws, conservatism and oddity,
and an insistence on supporting the weak and marginalized. This was not
just a matter of siding with leftist forces in the political spectrum, since it
also included resistance against perceived excess welfare state tyrannies
intruding into the personal sphere, such as Larsen’s central role in an
anti-anti-smoking campaign. To these more concrete examples can be
added the power of shared emotions as a carrier of an ephemeral sense of
community that in and of itself represents an ideal in the Nordic
context.
In short, the legacy of this particular artist may be said to summarize
many of the complex and multifaceted elements that constitute the mul-
tifaceted and paradoxical formation of Danish and Nordic societies.
Social indignation and a tendency to side with the weak co-exist with an
expectation that everyone will do their utmost to fulfill the social con-
tract. Celebration of the “popular” co-exists with an appreciation for the
value of rebelliousness. Petit-bourgeois, provincial romantic nostalgia for
localness co-exists with a sense of responsible inclusion. Fundamental
respect for the public institutional set-up that guarantees “good life con-
ditions” and an ensuing trust in government as a positive force simultane-
ously co-exist with a tacit belief in the positive sides of the Law of Jante,
including disrespect for nominal authorities and non-tolerance of brag-
ging bullshit. Emphasis on quality of life and enjoyment pairs with a
deep respect for honorable work efforts. A love of the social safety net
pairs with a disdain for patronizing coddling. As one journalist pointed
out, we all can name both an absolute favorite Larsen anthem (or several)
and at least one but oftentimes several absolutely loathed tunes. Although
the generalization is obviously over-stated, it may be fair to say that the
taste for Larsen as a cultural phenomenon (more than for his personality)
4 S. Askegaard and J. Östberg
is orthodox, whereas the taste for his work is distinctly heterodox (Wilk
1997).
Why this fuss about a popular culture figure in a serious book concern-
ing Nordicness and the relations between state and market? Isn’t this just
nonsensical epiphenomena on top of the historical and institutional
forces shaping the “real” character of “the Nordic”? French sociologist
Edgar Morin provides us with a response to this criticism when, in his
two classics on the cinematographic world (Morin 1956, 2005 [1957]),
he underlines the relationship between the products of mass cultural con-
sumption and the fundamental constitution of the human being as living
in a world that is simultaneously real and imaginary. The commercial
nonsense of mass culture offers pop and plastic, pleasure and repugnance,
sense and nonsense. It is not only an object for the study of capitalist
exploitation, but also a window to that which is most constitutive of
humanity. As Morin writes about the study of mass culture: “Nonsense,
no doubt! [but…] Nonsense is also what is most profound in man.
Behind the star system is not only the ‘stupidity’ of fanatics, the lack of
invention of screen-writers, the commercial chicanery of producers.
There is the world’s heart and there is love, another kind of nonsense,
another profound humanity” (Morin 2005 [1957], p. 87).
What we can learn from this whole story is the importance of the
imaginary! Maybe the unspeakable linkage that Larsen seemingly forged
with a large part of Danish society was his ability to express the social
imaginary which glues together Danish institutional and practical reality.
Without really understanding exactly why and how, this artist may have
touched on and in a sense “spoken to” central elements of the “Danish
imaginary,” if we assume and accept that there is such a phenomenon.
Consequently, and moving from the Danish to the somewhat larger but
not altogether very different Nordic reality, we can ask: What is the
Nordic? In order to answer this question, we should of course look at
institutional settings, practices, and discourses, but possibly also under-
stand how all these manifestations of a particular social organization
might rest on a foundation of the imaginary.
The concept of the imaginary, while marginalized in most social
research, is a central concept in much psychoanalytic thinking. Most
notably, it represents one of Lacan’s three ontological orders, the i maginary
Introduction: The Institution and the Imaginary in a Nordic Light 5
account for time as ontological creation. He argues for the limits of the
functionalist approach to social institutions, but also that the symbolic
realm is insufficient for understanding a social institution. “Institutions
cannot be reduced to the symbolic but they can exist only in the sym-
bolic” (1987, p. 117), he asserts. Institutions are thus reducible neither to
functionalist nor to symbolic entities. There is something at stake behind
these levels of reality, he argues. For Castoriadis, this is not to fall into
complete idealism or solipsism. Paraphrasing Marx, he says, “Society
does constitute its symbolism but not in total freedom” (1987, p. 125).
There is obviously what he calls a “natural stratum,” the givens of the
material and physical world, but there is also history and rationality that
co-condition the social institution. He uses the metaphor of a “magma of
social significations” to illustrate how the social flows on “something,”
but this “something” is for Castoriadis of a double nature: it is both of the
primary natural stratum, but also of the imaginary.
Essentially, the notion of the imaginary is necessary in order to account
for society’s instituting process without institutional—functional and/or
symbolic—determinism, leaving free space for emergence, the singular
event, the ontologically different, Castoriadis’ particular ontology of cre-
ation ex nihilo (Adams 2011). This ability to create ex nihilo Castoriadis
terms the radical imaginary, and his point is that while it only shows itself
in symbolic forms, social history is unthinkable without it. It is, meta-
phorically speaking, the dark matter of social theory, which we cannot
observe, but which must be there in order to make the observations fit.
The imaginary, therefore, is a kind of a priori forming of what we can
think, say, and do, a frame for possible social valorization, but also some-
thing that can change in order to alter the conditions for what we can say,
think, and do—without this alteration being reducible to a historical
trajectory, the change being already inherent in or given from what was
before. Perhaps it is the visual, plastic, and musical arts that most directly
channel and reproduce the imaginary (even the art of a Kim Larsen), as
the arts are reducible to neither discourse nor symbol. For example,
Castoriadis opens his discussion of ontology and the imaginary with the
simple question: Why do philosophers never begin their interrogation of
a paradigm of being with a reflection on Mozart’s Requiem, what it can
reveal to us about Being (1986a, p. 222)?
Introduction: The Institution and the Imaginary in a Nordic Light 7
cohesion (and social change) that one fundamental issue of the imagi-
nary—almost by necessity—is the relationship between individual and
society. In order to situate the Nordic imaginary, we could take as a start-
ing point a central axis in the Old Norse cosmology, namely inclusion–
exclusion (Hastrup 1992). The axis is not just a separation in terms of
space between order and chaos, sociality and wilderness, warmth and
cold, light and darkness. It is also a classification of humans. The old
Norse word útlagen—outlaw—designates someone who has been rejected
from the community. An outlaw is not someone who puts himself out-
side the law through his actions. It is someone who has been put outside
the law, meaning outside the social order. Being inside or outside becomes
the decisive matter. On the smallest of scales, one can think of this inclu-
sion and exclusion as expressed in situations of hygge underscored by the
necessary hyggebelysning (Danish for “lights for hygge”). Hyggebelysning
almost by necessity involves dimmed lights (fires) so as not to illuminate
(warm) all the space. Hygge confirms community and its togetherness
through the excluded presence of (cold) darkness, of an outside.
Because of this historical cosmology, the notion of community and its
borders is foundational to Nordic communities. In addition, Hastrup
and Löfgren (1992) argue, a particular type of moral economy specific to
the Nordic realm characterizes Nordic local communities: an economy of
happiness. From the sagas throughout medieval literature to peasant soci-
eties of the nineteenth century, historians and anthropologists can trace
this idea that happiness is a finite and pre-defined resource. There is only
so much luck given to us as a community, and someone’s luck is by neces-
sity someone else’s misfortune. We can find here both the origin of envy
and the Law of Jante, but, as a mirror image, also the foundation for a
deeply rooted egalitarianism. We should not, Castoriadis (1986b) asserts,
search for the roots of the value of political egality in Christianity—which
would be overlooking more than a thousand years of institutional history
(Render unto Caesar…). It is, rather, a highly improbable, imaginary
social signification of European societies. Nor were old Nordic societies
particularly egalitarian. However, we might assume that once egalitarian-
ism established itself in modern Nordic societies, it was reinforced by this
ancient Nordic economy of happiness—just as it may also contribute to
the understanding of why Nordic welfare states can be seen as based on
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accompanied by his men, got to aku la ke ’lii: “Ua holo e mai nei
the landing and waited for the no ka hoi oe, kakali makehewa
boy until noon, but as he did not ana makou ia oe.” “Ae, noonoo
appear the canoes were ordered iho la au, he waa ukana nui ko
to sail. When Kauai was seen, ke ’lii, he kikoo la, he mau ohua
those with the king saw lemu kaumaha, he mau opeope
something floating ahead of palale, nolaila, holo mai nei au i
them, and when they drew ka po okoa, me kuu manao no a
nearer to the object they saw it loaa mai ia oukou i ka moana
was a canoe with the boy in it. nei.” Kiola ia mai la ke kaula no
The king then called out to the kahi waa o ia nei, hekau ia aku
boy: “I see that you came ahead la mahope, a hiki lakou nei i
of us and we wasted our time Kauai a pae ma Hanalei.
waiting for you.” “Yes, I thought
that the king’s canoes were
already overloaded with bulky
things and with big men and
large packages, so I made up
my mind to come ahead in the
dark with the idea, however, of
being overtaken by you here in
mid-ocean.” A rope was then
thrown to the boy which he made
fast to his canoe and he was
towed on until they landed in
Hanalei, Kauai.
When they arrived at this place Ilaila, elua waa o ke ’lii i komo i
they met two of the king’s ka ia, nonoi aku la ke keiki: “E ke
canoes which had been out ’lii, na’u kekahi ia.” I mai la ke ’lii:
fishing that night, loaded deep “E lawe oe i kekahi waa ia nou.”
down with fish. At seeing this the Lalau iho la keia elua ia, he
boy asked the king: “Oh king, let oililepa he kikakapu, alua ia.
me have some fish.” The king Olelo mai la ke ’lii: “O kau ia iho
answered: “Take one of the la no ia?” “Ae, o ka’u mau ia iho
canoes of fish for you.” The boy, la no ia, he ia hikiwawe o ka
however, reached down and only moa.” Haalele iho la keia ia
took up two fish, one was an Hanalei, hele aku la ma Koolau
oililepa 6 and the other a a hiki i Waiakalua, hoomaha;
kikakapu. 7 The king then asked hele aku la a Anahola a Kealia,
the boy: “Are those the only fish hiki i Wailua; ilaila o Kalanialiiloa
you are going to take?” “These kahi i noho ai. Ilaila ka pa iwi a
are all the fish I am going to take Kalanialiiloa, e ku ana, ua
as they are the kind that will kokoke e puni i ka iwi kanaka.
cook quickly.” Nana aku la keia e ku ana na iwi
o Halepaki, ka makuakane, e
Soon after this the boy left koko ana no, aole i maloo; uwe
Hanalei and proceeded on his iho la keia me ke kulu o na
way, going by way of Koolau waimaka. Hele aku la keia a ka
until he arrived at Waiakalua pahu lepa, kulai iho la keia i ka
where he rested. From this place lepa, kukulu ae la i ka oililepa;
he continued on to Anahola; lalau aku la keia i ka pahu kapu
thence on to Kealia and then on kulai, kukulu ae la keia i ke
to Wailua where Kalanialiiloa kikakapu. Ma keia mau hana a
resided, where was his bone ke keiki, he hoopapa ke ano. Ike
fence, almost completed, built mai la o Kalanialiiloa a me na
from human bones. When he kumu hoopapa i nei mau hana a
arrived at the place he looked ke keiki, maopopo ia lakou he
and saw the bones of Halepaki keiki hoopapa keia; hoouna mai
his father; they were still fresh, la i elele e olelo i ke keiki.
the bones not yet being
bleached. At sight of this the boy
bowed in sorrow and wept. After
his weeping he approached the
flagstaff and pushed it down and
put up the oililepa, one of the fish
brought along by him. He then
next took the kapu stick and
pushed it down and put up in its
place the other fish, the
kikakapu. By this action of the
boy, it was meant as a challenge
to the people that he was come
to meet them in a wrangling
contest. When Kalanialiiloa and
his instructors saw the action of
the boy, they knew at once that
he was challenging them to a
contest of wits, so a messenger
was dispatched to meet the boy
showing the challenge was
accepted.
The men next invited the boy to Olelo mai la na kanaka makua:
join them in reciting and “E ke keiki, e lealea kakou.” “Eia
composing chants. The men ka lealea la he hula, mamua ka
began reciting their verses with hula, mahope ka hoopapa.” Hula
certain of their number sitting in na kanaka makua, he kanaka ko
the rear of the reciters going mua, he kanaka ko hope. Hula
through certain motions. When it ke keiki mamua, he kii mahope e
came to the boy’s turn, he hoopaa ai. I aku na kanaka
placed a wooden image behind makua: “Kupanaha, o kau
him and began his recital. At this hoopaa ka ke kii, he kanaka ka
the men said: “It is indeed makou hoopaa, he leo, he
strange that you should have a walaau, hookahi na hana like
wooden image to make the ana.” I aku ke keiki: “Wahahee; i
motions for you, while we had kaulana nei mea o ka hoopaa i
those who could talk and recite ka paa o hope o ka hula, aohe
with those who chanted.” The leo pane, aohe walaau, hookahi
boy replied: “You are all wrong. waha olelo o ka hula. O ka’u ka
All great and noted chanters hoopaa, he poe hula wale no
while reciting verses are always oukou a pau loa.” [583]
accompanied by those who
make the motions in silence; the
only voice to be heard is from
the one doing the reciting. I
believe I have the true process,
while in your case you were all
reciters.” [582]
“These are all the uses to which “Aia ka makou mea kahuli la e
the word turn can be used, we ke keiki hoopapa o Hawaii; a i
wish you to understand, young loaa ia oe, ola oe; aka, i loaa ole
man from Hawaii, and if you can ia oe make oe.”
find any more uses to the word,
you shall live; but if you fail you
shall surely die.”
The boy then said: “After you Pane aku ke keiki: “A loaa ka hoi
full-grown men have found those kau ka ke kanaka makua, e o hoi
uses, why can’t a boy find more e loaa ka’u ka ke keiki; e loaa
uses to the word also? It is best hoi paha ka’u ka ke keiki i nani
that I find other uses to the word ai. I ola ai hoi au alua, imi hoi
that I may live. I shall therefore paha au a i loaa ole, kau mea
try to find other objects that can kahuli, ola oukou, aka hoi, i loaa
be turned over, and if I shall fail make oukou ia’u.”
you shall live, but in case I find
other uses I will kill you all.”
I will twist your noses, Wili ka pou o ka ihu,
Making the sun to appear as Kaa ka la i Kumakena,
though it is at Kumakena. 18 Oo ia ka maka i ka welelau o ke
I will poke your eyes with the top kahili,
end of the kahili, A poha mai ka wale,
And when the water runs out Omo aku ko’u wahi akua
My god in the profession of hoopapa,
wrangling will suck it up, O Kanepaiki.
The god Kanepaiki.
The chief replied: “Yes they are Pane mai ke ’lii: “Kahuli paha, pa
indeed turned. When the sun ka la i ka lae o ka ohule, lilelile
strikes the forehead of a bald- ana, mehe puu kauwila ala ka
headed man it will appear shiny hinuhinu; ka makapaa hoi huli ka
like a pile of kauwila wood: while onohi eleele ke nana mai, ka
the blind-eyed man will see oopa lole ka iwi ke hele mai,
nothing but darkness; and the kahuli paha.”
lame man with his ankle turned
will limp as he walks. Yes, they
are objects that indeed turn.”
The men again came back with Pane hou na kanaka makua:
another word, chanting the
following lines:
The men then replied: “You are Olelo mai na kanaka makua:
mistaken, young man. How can “Keiki wahahee; pau no ka waa
a canoe get into a calabash with iloko o ka ipu, e laa me ka iako,
its iako and outrigger?” The boy ke ama?” I aku ke keiki: “Kuku ia
answered: “The kapa cloth made ke kapa a kiwaawaa, hahao
from the kiwaawaa 19 is first iloko o ka ipu, aole ia la he waa?
beaten and then put into the He waa ia. Kuku ia ke kapa a
calabash. The word (waa) canoe iako, hahao ia iloko o ka ipu,
is there, is it not? I think it is. The aole ia la he iako? He iako.
kapa of iako 20 is also beaten and Lawaia ka ia a loaa he ama,
then put into the calabash. Is not hahahao ia iloko o ka ipu, aole ia
the iako then put into the la he ama? He ama ia.”
calabash? I believe it is. The
fisherman goes out and catches
an ama 21 and puts it into the
calabash. Is not that an ama
(outrigger)? I think it is.”
In this both sides were again Pili ae la laua, mau mau ae la.
even and a draw was declared.
The men: “The small yellow- Kanaka makua: “Ka aama iki
backed crab having ten legs is kualenalena, he umi wale ka
an animal that crawls. The crab wawae, ka ino ia e hele nei la, o
is a wise old fellow, for he places hala wale, he akamai nui no ka
all of his bones on the outside, aama, i ka lawe i ka iwi a
keeping his meat on the inside; mawaho, lole i kona io a maloko,
then he crawls away from the pii i uka e kaulai ai la e; kuu ia,
sea and dries himself in the sun. he umi wawae, o ka aama e.”
Let it come. A crab has ten legs;
indeed it has.”
The boy: “The small yellow- Keiki: “Ka ula iki kualenalena.
backed lobster has for its Kaikaina ka ula papa ka inoa ia
younger brother the red rock e hele nei la, halawale; he
lobster. The lobster is also a akamai nui no ka ula, he lawe i
wise fellow, for he too places his kona iwi a mawaho, he lole i
bones on the outside keeping all kona io a maloko, pii i uka e
his meat on the inside; then he kaulai ai la; kuu ia he ula, he
crawls away from the sea and umikumamaha wawae, kuu ia
dries himself in the sun. Let it hoi la.”
come. It has fourteen legs; let it
come.”
“Say, young man, you will surely “Make paha auanei e ke keiki?
die this time for we have taken Lawe ae la makou i na lima a
all the cold places where the pau, aohe lima i koe; make.”
hands are likely to get cold. Yes,
die you must.”
“Say, young man, die you will, for “Make e ke keiki, ua ohi ae nei
we have taken all the rich, round makou i na ia momona a pau,
fish and none is left. Die you will, aohe ia momona i koe, make,
you will not escape us, young aohe wahi e ola ai e ke keiki.”
man.”
“Have I not used the word nalo? “Aole ia la he nalo, he nalo loa
I think I have.” ia.”
“There is the lima for you.” “Alima, he ole lima hoi ia la.”