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Friedrichsen, Joseph J. Adamski, Lisa
Ruffolo, Ellen Monk, Joy L. Starks
Philip J. Pratt Mary Z. Last
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Module 01 - Introduction to Database Management
Test Bank for Concepts of Database Management, 10th

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True / False
1. Redundancy refers to the duplication of data, or the storing of the same data in more than one place.
a. True
b. False
ANSWER: True
POINTS: 1
DIFFICULTY: Easy
REFERENCES: JC Consulting Company Background
QUESTION TYPE: True / False
LEARNING OBJECTIVES: CDBM.PRAT.21.01.01 - Examine JC Consulting (JCC), the company used for
many of the examples throughout the text
KEYWORDS: Bloom’s: Remember
2. Redundancy makes changing data more cumbersome and time-consuming.

a. True
b. False
ANSWER: True
POINTS: 1
DIFFICULTY: Easy
KEYWORDS: Bloom’s: Understand
3. An entity is a person, place, event, item, or other transaction for which you want to store and process data.
a. True
b. False
ANSWER: True
POINTS: 1
DIFFICULTY: Easy
REFERENCES: Selecting a Database Solution
LEARNING OBJECTIVES: CDBM.PRAT.21.01.02 - Define basic database terminology
Copyright Cengage Learning. Powered by Cognero. Page 1
4. An employee’s last name is an example of an attribute.

a. True
b. False
ANSWER: False
POINTS: 1
DIFFICULTY: Easy
5. An attribute is known as a row in most databases.

a. True
b. False
ANSWER: False
POINTS: 1
DIFFICULTY: Easy
Multiple Choice
6. A(n) _____ can store information about multiple types of entities and the relationships among the entities.
a. flat file
b. attribute
c. relational database
d. spreadsheet
ANSWER: c
POINTS: 1
DIFFICULTY: Easy
REFERENCES: Storing Data
QUESTION TYPE: Multiple Choice
7. Which of the following is a visual way to represent and analyze a database?

a. entity-relationship (E-R) diagram
b. algorithm
c. encryption diagram
d. metadata
ANSWER: a
POINTS: 1
DIFFICULTY: Easy
8. What do two tables use to link related records from each table?
a. a form
b. an orphan record
c. a unique value
d. a common field
ANSWER: d
POINTS: 1
DIFFICULTY: Moderate
9. In an organization, who is usually responsible for improving databases to provide efficient and effective access to their
information?
a. business owner
b. database administrator (DBA)
c. database supporter (DBS)
d. data-entry clerks
ANSWER: b
POINTS: 1
DIFFICULTY: Easy
REFERENCES: Preparing for a Career in Database Administration
LEARNING OBJECTIVES: CDBM.PRAT.21.01.05 - Prepare for a career in database administration
10. Microsoft Access is well-suited to which of the following cases?

a. A few trusted users work with the database at the same time.
b. The database is very large, containing dozens of tables and thousands of records.
c. Many users work with the database in separate geographical locations.
d. The database has strict security requirements because it is available on the Internet.
ANSWER: a
POINTS: 1
DIFFICULTY: Easy
REFERENCES: Identifying Database Management Systems

LEARNING OBJECTIVES: CDBM.PRAT.21.01.03 - Describe database management systems (DBMSs)

11. Which of the following is a screen object used to maintain and view data from a database?
a. spreadsheet
b. macro
c. report
d. form
ANSWER: d
POINTS: 1
DIFFICULTY: Easy
12. Which of the following is a drawback of flat files?

a. Several users can access the same information at the same time.
b. Flat files ensure that users enter data in a consistent format.
c. Data is organized to meet all integrity constraints.
d. Data partitioned into several separate files can be difficult to summarize.
ANSWER: d
POINTS: 1
REFERENCES: Advantages of a Properly Designed Relational Database
LEARNING OBJECTIVES: CDBM.PRAT.21.01.04 - Explain the advantages and key factors for a healthy
relational database system
13. In the Sports Physical Therapy database, you determine the description of the therapy a patient is receiving by finding
the TherapyCode for the patient in the Session table, and then _____.
a. looking up the TherapyCode in the Patient table
b. looking up the TherapyCode in the Therapies table
c. looking up the SessionNum in the Session table
d. looking up the TherapyCode in the Therapist table
ANSWER: b
POINTS: 1
REFERENCES: Introduction to the Sports Physical Therapy Database Case
LEARNING OBJECTIVES: CDBM.PRAT.21.01.07 - Review Sports Physical Therapy, a company used in
another case that appears at the end of each module

14. A database that enforces _____ prevents users from creating orphan records.
a. primary key creation
b. referential integrity
c. data redundancy
d. data security
ANSWER: b
POINTS: 1
DIFFICULTY: Easy
15. According to the Bureau of Labor Statistics, what is the job growth outlook for database administrators?
a. faster than average
b. slower than average
c. about average
d. No growth is expected.
ANSWER: a
POINTS: 1
DIFFICULTY: Easy
16. Which term can be described as the duplication of data and storing data in multiple locations?
a. data independence
b. redundancy
c. data integrity
d. security
ANSWER: b
POINTS: 1
DIFFICULTY: Easy
17. What is the term for a collection of data organized in a manner that allows access, retrieval, and use of the data?
a. database
b. entity
c. code file
d. flat file
ANSWER: a
POINTS: 1
DIFFICULTY: Easy
18. Which of the following is a reason to store business data in a database rather than a spreadsheet?
a. Spreadsheets have limited text-formatting features.
b. Spreadsheets cannot be backed up.
c. Spreadsheets have limited data sharing and security features.
d. Spreadsheets have strict rules about data consistency.
ANSWER: c
POINTS: 1
19. Which of the following is a problem that data redundancy causes?

a. removal of orphan records
b. increased data independence
c. increased data errors and inconsistencies
d. removal of primary key fields
ANSWER: c
POINTS: 1
20. Which of the following tasks is a data analyst likely to perform?

a. apply an algorithm to find sales trends
b. install software to work with a database
c. design a new database
d. maintain the company database
ANSWER: a
POINTS: 1
21. How are entities represented in a relational database?

a. Each entity is stored as a row.
b. Each entity is stored as an attribute.
c. Each entity is stored as a table.
d. Each entity is stored as a column.
ANSWER: c
POINTS: 1
DIFFICULTY: Easy
22. Which of the following is a popular software stack?

a. SQL Server
b. Oracle
c. LAMP
d. DAMP
ANSWER: c
POINTS: 1
DIFFICULTY: Easy
23. What type of software programs are Access, Oracle, DB2, MySQL, and SQL Server?
a. E-R diagrams
b. DBAs
c. data files
d. DBMSs
ANSWER: d
POINTS: 1
DIFFICULTY: Easy
24. During which phase does a database developer create the entities, attributes, and relationships between the tables of
data?
a. data security
b. database integrity
c. database design
d. database selection
ANSWER: c
POINTS: 1
25. Which of the following are screen objects used to maintain, view, and print data from a database?
a. fields
b. forms
c. data files
d. entities
ANSWER: b
POINTS: 1
DIFFICULTY: Easy
26. Which of the following statements is correct?

a. In a flat-file environment, data is partitioned into several disjointed systems, lists, and files.
b. User data cannot be combined and shared among authorized users.
c. Database users should each work on their own copy of the database.
d. Controlling redundancy is easier in a flat file than in a database.
ANSWER: a
POINTS: 1
27. Which type of rule prevents the creation of orphan records?

a. redundancy constraint
b. integrity constraint
c. conflict requirement
d. security requirement
ANSWER: b
POINTS: 1
28. Which of the following is a responsibility of a database administrator?

a. improving the efficiency of a database
b. creating projections of future sales
c. supervising an organization’s external communications
d. coordinating marketing presentations
ANSWER: a
POINTS: 1
DIFFICULTY: Easy
29. In a large business, who mines a database for information, trends, and insights?
a. data analyst
b. database administrator
c. data entry manager
d. data security expert
ANSWER: a
POINTS: 1
30. In the Pitt Fitness database, which attribute uniquely identifies each class?
a. ClassName
b. ClassLocation
c. ClassType
d. ClassID
ANSWER: d
POINTS: 1

DIFFICULTY: Easy
REFERENCES: Introduction to the Pitt Fitness Database Case
LEARNING OBJECTIVES: CDBM.PRAT.21.01.06 - Review Pitt Fitness, a company used in a case that
appears at the end of each module
31. In the Pitt Fitness database, which of the following attributes belongs in the Customers table?
a. ClassName
b. ReservationID
c. BirthDate
d. InstructorID
ANSWER: c
POINTS: 1
32. In the Pitt Fitness database, which table relates classes and instructors?
a. Reservations
b. Customers
c. CustomerReservations
d. ClassInstructors
ANSWER: d
POINTS: 1
33. In the Sports Physical Therapy database, which table stores the date of an interaction between a patient and a
therapist?
a. Patient
b. Billings
c. Session
d. PatientBillings
ANSWER: c
POINTS: 1

34. In the Sports Physical Therapy database, which attribute uniquely identifies each therapy session?
a. TherapyCode
b. SessionNum
c. SessionType
d. PatientNum
ANSWER: b
POINTS: 1
DIFFICULTY: Easy
35. In the Sports Physical Therapy database, which table determines which therapist provided a service to a patient?
a. Patients
b. Session
c. Therapist
d. Therapies
ANSWER: b
POINTS: 1
36. Which of the following will be an entity in the JC Consulting database?

a. Client name
b. Estimate
c. Clients
d. Project description
ANSWER: c
POINTS: 1
KEYWORDS: Bloom’s: Apply
37. Which of the following is a popular relational database management system?

a. Apache
b. SQL Server
c. Rails
d. PHP
ANSWER: b
POINTS: 1
DIFFICULTY: Easy
38. In the Sports Physical Therapy database, how can you determine which therapist provided the longest amount of time
to complete a particular service?
a. In the Therapies table, find the highest value in the UnitOfTime column.
b. In the Session table, find the highest value in the LengthOfSession column.
c. In the Therapies table, find the highest value in the TherapyCode column.
d. In the Session table, find the highest value in the SessionNum column.
ANSWER: b
POINTS: 1
DIFFICULTY: Easy
39. In the Sports Physical Therapy database, how can you determine the number of sessions completed by therapist
Steven Wilder?
a. In the Therapist table, count the number of values in the SessionNum column for Steven Wilder.
b. In the Session table, count the number of times Steven Wilder appears in the TherapistName column.
c. In the Therapies table, count the number of values in the SessionTherapist column for Steven Wilder.
d. In the Therapist table, find the TherapistID for Steven Wilder, and then count the number of times his
TherapistID appears in the Session table.
ANSWER: d
POINTS: 1
40. _________________________ describes the large volume of data produced by every digital process, system, sensor,
mobile device, and even social media exchange.
a. Metadata
b. Database management system
c. Software stack
d. Big data
ANSWER: d
POINTS: 1
DIFFICULTY: Easy
REFERENCES: Big Data
41. A(n) _________________________ is a set of rules, calculations, and assumptions used to solve a problem.
a. attribute
b. algorithm
c. integrity constraint
d. form
ANSWER: b
POINTS: 1
42. In the Pitt Fitness database, which of the following is an attribute in the Instructors entity?
a. InstructorRoom
b. InstructorDescription
c. InstructorCity
d. InstructorFee
ANSWER: c
POINTS: 1
REFERENCES: Review Pitt Fitness, a company used in a case that appears at the end of each
module
43. In the Pitt Fitness database, what can you learn by examining the ClassInstructors data?
a. Some classes use more than one instructor.

b. Each class has only one instructor.
c. Each instructor teaches only one class.
d. All the instructors live in Pittsburgh.
ANSWER: a
POINTS: 1
module
44. In the Pitt Fitness database, how can you determine the number of classes offered on Tuesday?
a. In the Classes table, count the occurrences of Tuesday in the Time column.
b. In the ClassInstructors table, count the occurrences of Tuesday in the DayOfWeek column.
c. In the Classes table, count the entries in the Tuesday column.
d. In the Classes table, count the occurrences of Tuesday in the Day column.
ANSWER: d
POINTS: 1
module
45. In the Pitt Fitness database, you can determine which instructor is assigned a particular class by looking in the
____________________ table.
a. ClassInstructors
b. Classes
c. Reservations
d. Instructors
ANSWER: a
POINTS: 1
module

Essay
46. List nine advantages of a properly designed relational database.

ANSWER: Better information is provided.
Data and information are shared.
Multiple business information requirements are addressed.
Data redundancy is minimized.
Data consistency is applied.
Referential integrity is enforced.
Security is increased.
Productivity is increased.
Data is freed from individual applications.
POINTS: 1
RUBRIC: 10 0
Criteria
Pts Your Score
The answer includes nine 1
advantages, including the following
or similar advantages:
Better information is provided. 1
Data and information are shared. 1
Multiple business information 1
requirements are addressed.
Data redundancy is minimized. 1
Data consistency is applied. 1
Referential integrity is enforced. 1
Security is increased. 1
Productivity is increased. 1
Data is freed from individual 1
applications.
DIFFICULTY: Difficult
QUESTION TYPE: Essay
47. Explain when Access is an appropriate choice as a DBMS and when an enterprise-level DBMS system would be more
appropriate.
ANSWER: Access is an appropriate choice as a DBMS when only a handful of trusted users are
simultaneously using the database and they are all located in the same building. Choose an
enterprise-level DBMS such as Oracle when you have many users and a large amount of
data, you require sophisticated security and application development features, and you
want to use the DBMS across wide area intranets or the Internet.
POINTS: 1
RUBRIC: 10 0
Criteria
Pts Your Score
Access is an appropriate choice as 2
a DBMS when only a handful of

trusted users are simultaneously

using the database.
Access is an appropriate choice 2
when all users are all located in
the same building.
An enterprise-level DBMS is more 2
appropriate than Access when the
database has many users and a
very large amount of data.
appropriate when the organization
requires sophisticated security and
application development features.
appropriate when the organization
wants to use the DBMS across
wide area intranets or the Internet.
48. Discuss why using a relational DBMS provides better information than data stored in multiple flat files.
ANSWER: A fundamental goal of a DBMS is to turn data (recorded facts) into information (the
knowledge gained by processing those facts). A flat file partitions data into several
disjointed systems, lists, and files. Any request for information that involves accessing data
from more than one of these areas can be difficult to fulfill, especially summarized data
that helps confirm assumptions, analyze trends, and spot exceptions. In contrast, a DBMS
stores data in a single file and uses related tables to make information easy to access and
retrieve.
POINTS: 1
RUBRIC: 15 0
Criteria
Pts Your Score
The answer explains that a flat file 5
partitions data into several
disjointed systems, lists, and files.
The answer also explains that with 5
a flat file, it is difficult to fulfill
requests for information that
involve accessing data from more
than one file, especially
summarized data.
In contrast, a relational DBMS 5
stores data in a single system that
uses related tables to make
information easy to access and
retrieve.

49. Explain the key differences between the job description and responsibilities of a database administrator and a data
analyst.
ANSWER: A database administrator manages database management systems and software.
Responsibilities include installing, maintaining, and testing database hardware and
software as well as designing and improving the database to provide efficient and effective
access to the information. A data analyst uses tools and algorithms to mine a database for
answers, information, trends, and insights. Responsibilities include analyzing data to find
answers to business questions.
POINTS: 1
RUBRIC: 10 0
Criteria
Pts Your Score
A database administrator (DBA) is 2
defined as someone who manages
database management systems
and software.
Responsibilities of a DBA are 2
identified as installing, maintaining,
and testing database hardware
and software.
Other DBA responsibilities include 2
designing and improving the
database to provide efficient and
effective access to the information.
A data analyst is defined as 2
someone who uses tools and
algorithms to mine a database for
answers, information, trends, and
insights.
Responsibilities of a data analyst 2
are identified as analyzing data to
find answers to business
questions.
50. Describe the types of big data Sports Physical Therapy could collect to improve its services and financial
performance.
ANSWER: Sports Physical Therapy could collect blog postings that mention its services or therapists;
website analytics to find details about its website usage; photos showing therapists and
facilities; and social media posts mentioning the business and its services.
POINTS: 1
RUBRIC: 5 0
Criteria
Failure Below Expectations
The answer includes at least two 2
types of big data.
The answer mentions blog 3
postings, web analytics, photos,
social media posts, and other
types of unstructured data.


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In his general relations with the subject populations and vassal
kingdoms, the Persian seems to have followed a policy of
forbearance and liberality which is extraordinary at that period. The
language, customs, religion, and local laws of the various peoples
were respected; even their rulers were in many cases allowed to
remain in power, provided always that their rule was in conformity
with Persian interests. The Greek cities of Asia are an instance in
point. They were allowed to retain such local self-government as
they had possessed under their Lydian suzerain, with the exception
that, for any democracies which had existed in them, either an
aristocracy, or a Greek tyrant ruling in the Persian interest, was
substituted. Such was the case, at any rate, before the Ionian revolt
Motives of self-interest obviously contributed to this policy. The
maintenance of local institutions in the empire, and the avoidance of
complete unification, were eminently calculated to keep the various
populations separate, and to prevent the spread of any rebellion over
a wide area. To use a modern simile, the provinces were converted,
in so far as possible, into compartments fireproof against the flame
of insurrection.
There can be no question that, throughout the vast area of the
empire as a whole, the condition of the population generally was
greatly ameliorated in comparison with its life in the past.
Precautions were taken to safeguard the subject from oppression by
high officials. Apart from the check which the triple division of direct
responsibility placed on the arbitrary exercise of power, a special
body of officers, known to the Greeks as the king’s “eyes” or “ears,”
went on annual circuits through the empire, and reported any case of
abuse in the administration. The intention, at any rate, was good;
though it may be doubted whether the system could guarantee the
provincial from acts of oppression on the part of officials who had a
mind to act in arbitrary fashion.
But there was another most important side to the policy of the
government. The ordinary conditions of daily life within the empire
were certainly made much better than they had been before its
establishment. It was to the interest of the government to preserve
peace, an inestimable blessing to a continent which only knew the
peace of exhaustion. Petty states were no longer allowed to wage
war on one another. Life became more secure. The highways of the
land and sea were rendered safe by the suppression of brigandage
and piracy. The great roads were improved in character, to the
benefit of internal trade. Moreover, to facilitate trade, and for the
convenience of the revenue, Darius instituted a system of currency,
whose coins were notorious for the purity of their metal. The gold
Daric became, indeed, the sovereign of the ancient trading world; for
the Greeks had not command of a sufficient supply of the precious
metal to introduce a gold standard into their coinage system. The
encouragement of agriculture, and the bringing of waste lands into
cultivation, was not merely a part of the policy of the government; it
was actually inculcated by the Persian religion.
The revenue and taxation of the empire was conducted on
business-like principles during the days of Darius; and though the
burdens imposed on the subject populations were not light, yet, on
the whole, they received a fair return for their contributions in the
shape of that prosperity which followed upon the greater security
they enjoyed. The financial levy was either in money or in kind, or in
both, according to the nature and products of a province. The great
defect of the system was, however, that the satraps, after handing
over the provincial quota to the imperial treasury, had thereafter to
raise from the province the expenses of themselves and their
following. Given a strong central government and a good satrap, the
system was probably as free from abuse as such a system could be;
but if, as must too often have been the case, either of these
circumstances were unfavourable, much evil must have resulted to
the subject populations, and many of the outbreaks which took place
must be assigned to such a cause.
In all probability, however, the heaviest burden laid upon the
provincial population was the obligation to furnish contingents for the
army of the empire. Considering the nature of the monarchy, the
actual standing army seems to have been curiously small, little more,
in fact, than what was necessary for the maintenance of peace within
the frontiers. In case, therefore, of external war, unsparing levies of
the subject population were inevitable. The burden seems also to
have been unevenly distributed: it would naturally fall most heavily
on those peoples who made the most effective soldiers. From a
military point of view, this feature of the imperial system was a
mistake. An army formed of heterogeneous elements deficient in
military training cannot under such a system have been welded into
one harmonious whole. Only its multitude could be strikingly
formidable.
But in every other respect the new empire with which the Greeks
had been brought into contact was not a mere aggregation of
barbarism, but a highly organized piece of machinery, controlled by a
people who, in certain sides of their civilization, compared not
unfavourably with the Greeks themselves.
This great scheme of organization was in all probability not
carried out in one piece, though the greater part of it must be
attributed to the years which followed the completion of the re-
conquest.
After securing the empire from disturbance from within, the next
step was to secure it against disturbance from without; and it was in
carrying out this policy that Darius came into conflict with the Greek
in Europe.
An examination of the map will show that
THE GREEKS OF
ASIA.
the weakest part of the whole frontier, with the
exception, perhaps, of that portion immediately
east of the Caspian, lay along the shores of the Ægean and the
Propontis. But whereas on the eastern frontier the races on either
side of the boundary were probably alien and hostile to one another,
on the western border the peoples on either side of the narrow seas
were akin, and in close sympathy. The Thracian races of North-west
Asia Minor were within sight of the lands of their free brethren in
Europe; the Greek of the Ionian coast was within an easy and safe
voyage of twenty-four hours of his mother country. Blood was thicker
than water even towards the close of the sixth century before Christ;
and the sympathy of kindred races so near at hand must have
seemed to Darius and the Persians a standing menace to this
extremity of the empire. The possibility of its taking an active form in
case of a revolt was also an obvious danger.
Had the Greeks of Asia been different from what they were, had,
indeed, they not been Greeks, it is possible that Darius would not
have considered it necessary to take action.
The character of this branch of the Hellenic race at this period of
its history is difficult to realize. The extant evidence on the question,
with the exception of a few fragments of the writings of historians
most of whose works have perished, is demonstrably hostile to the
Ionian Greek, and not merely that, but demonstrably unfair.
Herodotus, as will be shown in dealing with his account of the Ionian
revolt, is largely responsible for the mistaken impression of the
nature of this people which has been handed down to after-time. His
whole view of the Ionian Greek was coloured by the belief that he
was originally responsible for all the trouble which fell upon
European Hellas in the years succeeding the revolt; that he
imperilled the very existence of that Hellenic liberty which was
destined to produce the greatness of that after-time under whose
influence he wrote. He looked upon the revolt as having been from
beginning to end a colossal mistake. Begun in culpable ignorance, it
was carried out with contemptible pusillanimity,—so he thought. Its
authors were a people of whom the Hellenic race was ashamed.
Even their nearest relations among the Greeks were loth to claim
relationship with them.
Apart from the facts which Herodotus himself gives tending to an
opposite conclusion, the previous history of this branch of the Greek
race, and especially of the Ionian section of it, tends in every way to
deductions which are irreconcilable with the views of the historian.
These Ionians were the descendants of men who had been
conspicuous for ages as the boldest navigators of their time; who
had planted colonies in almost every part of the Mediterranean,
making voyages to lands previously unknown to the Greek,
undeterred by the partly fabulous, partly real, perils of such
enterprises. The Ionian Greek had been accustomed for centuries to
take his life in his hands, facing all the manifold dangers incident to
early navigation, to intercourse with barbarous tribes and life among
them. And though by the end of the sixth century custom and
experience must have diminished the perils attached to such
adventurous existence, yet even then the Ionian had only one rival,
the Phœnician, in the boldness of his seamanship. The dangerous
trade route with Egypt across the expanse of the Levant was in his
hands; the corn trade with the stormy Euxine was still for the most
part under his control.
Such a mode of life, in which a large portion of the population of
the Asiatic Greek towns must have shared, was not calculated to
produce a people lacking in courage or, indeed, in perseverance. It is
true that by the time that Darius’ organization of the empire had been
brought to something like completion, the race had been for more
than half a century under a foreign yoke. Judged by the standard of
those days, the yoke had been a light one; it could hardly have been
accounted heavy at any period of history. It might easily have been
much heavier. It would have been to the advantage of the conqueror
to have made it so, had the subject cities displayed the temper of
passive submission.
Little is known of the history of these cities
THE ASIATIC
GREEKS.
during the half century which intervened
between the fall of Crœsus and the outbreak of
the revolt. If they tamely submitted to their fate during this period, the
revolt itself becomes incomprehensible. There is absolutely no
adequate immediate cause for it; and Herodotus’ own account of its
beginning shows by certain significant phrases which he uses that,
though the actual outbreak was premature, the design had existed
before ever Aristagoras made his failure at Naxos. There is no
record of an actual change of attitude on the part of Persia towards
the towns during the years which immediately preceded it, which
could lead to the supposition that the relations between them had
become suddenly embittered.
The cause which lay behind the whole of the history of Darius’
dealings with the West is the feeling with which the Greek regarded
the very idea of subjection. He must have been at the period the
most restless subject that ever empire had. Darius seems to have
recognized from the very first that the presence of this wayward,
bold, intriguing race on the western fringe of his dominions
constituted an ever-present danger. The intensity of the political
feeling within the cities themselves with regard to their internal
affairs, which is known to have existed within them at this time,
indicates the intensity of the feeling with which they regarded the
foreign yoke. Democrat, aristocrat, and tyrant did not fight their fierce
battles with one another to win the prize of pre-eminence in
servitude. The opponents would seek, too, for external support; and
the satraps of the West must have been continually worried by
appeals for assistance from whatever side assumed for the time
being the philo-Persian rôle; and must have known, too, that the
opposite side would seek for help elsewhere. And what was
“elsewhere” likely to mean, save beyond the narrow seas, in
European Greece? Nor can the intense desire for freedom in the
mass of the populations of the Greek cities have remained in any
way a secret from the Persian governors. There were plenty of
people in every city whose interest it would be to tell tales of their
neighbours, and it is perhaps the blackest blot on the character of
the Greek that he was but too ready to betray his fellow-countrymen.
The problem which presented itself to Darius in the sixth century
before Christ on the west coast of Asia must have been very similar
to that which presented itself to Cæsar five and a half centuries later
in North-west Gaul. Just as the Gaul of that period was likely to
remain a restless subject of Rome so long as kinsmen beyond the
Channel remained free, and so long as he might look to them for
support in case of revolt, so was the Greek of Asia likely to be
restive, even under the lightest yoke, so long as his kin beyond the
Ægean remained unsubdued, and so long as their aid might be
hoped for whenever he made up his mind to strike a blow for
freedom.
The policy thus, in a way, forced upon Darius, was carried out in
three steps, of which the second came near to being a retrograde
one, and formed no part of the original programme, while the third
was certainly not one of advance.
These are:⁠—
(1) The Scythian Expedition;
(2) The Suppression of the Ionian Revolt;
(3) The Expeditions of 492 and 490.
It may seem strange to include the so-called Scythian Expedition
in any design for the settlement of affairs in Western Asia. The name
commonly attributed to it, for which Herodotus is mainly responsible,
is, however, misleading. Neither he nor, in all probability, those
Greeks who were contemporary with it, or even took part in it, were
likely to understand its object. The Persian Government had the
most overwhelming interest in concealing that object from the
Greeks.
Greek imagination, however, could not resist the attractions of a
subject so unknown and so vast and absolutely ran riot in dealing
with it. Herodotus reproduces in detail the fantastic legend. It is not
necessary to reproduce it here. The first aim must be to try and
discover any solid facts in the story of the expedition. The next, in
view of the mass of modern literature which
THE PERSIAN
ARMY.
has sprung up with regard to it, must be to
show what the expedition was not. Lastly, it will
be necessary to point out the most reasonable hypothesis as to what
it was, and to show its connection with such designs as Darius had
upon Greece.
The very date of the expedition is a matter of extreme uncertainty.
Dates ranging from 515 to 508 before Christ have been suggested
4
by various authorities. On the whole, it is most probable that it took
place in 512.
A twofold tête-du-pont had already been acquired in Europe by
the reduction of Byzantion and of the Thracian Chersonese, over the
latter of which Miltiades, son of Kimon, who was destined to become
famous at Marathon, bore rule.
The standing army of the Empire seems to have been singularly
small, little more, indeed, than what was requisite for police duties at
home and in the provinces. It was therefore necessary, when any
great expedition was contemplated, to call for levies from the subject
races. There were several reasons for this peculiar policy in military
matters. It was manifestly an economy in time of peace. It made it
unnecessary to entrust large bodies of troops, save under
exceptional circumstances, to commanders in the remote provinces.
The levy system was also an effective one when dealing with such
enemies, within and without, as the Empire would have to meet in
Asia, and this had been satisfactorily proved in many years of
campaigning. It never really failed until brought face to face with an
infinitely better armed foe, the Greek of Europe.
In the present instance, the force collected is reported by tradition
5
to have amounted to seven hundred thousand men. Here let it be
said, as will frequently have to be said in the course of the history of
these wars, that the numbers which the Greeks attributed to the
Persian armies in various campaigns are, without doubt, invariably
exaggerated. There is no fixed ratio in the exaggeration. Sometimes
it is manifold; sometimes it is not. The real meaning of the Greek
estimate of numbers is that the forces which Persia could put into the
field when occasion demanded were of infinitely greater magnitude
than any of which the Greek had experience. Even the myriad stood
with him for a countless number.
In the present instance the force must indeed have been a large
one, for the undertaking was great; and the Persian, unless he is
much misrepresented in history, preferred on all occasions to have a
large numerical margin of safety. Possibly he thought Ahura-mazda
was “on the side of the big battalions.”
H. iv. 87. The crossing into Europe was affected by throwing

a bridge over the Bosphorus in the neighbourhood of
6
Kalchedon.
After crossing into Europe, Darius
THE ADVANCE TO
THE ISTER.
commanded the Ionians, Æolians, and
Hellospontines, who conducted the fleet, to sail
H. iv. 89. to the Ister, and while waiting for him there, to build a
bridge over the river. They went two days’ sail up the
7
stream, and constructed one at or near the head of the Delta. The
first point indicated in the route taken by the army is the source or
sources of the Tearos. This was a subtributary of the Agrianes (the
8
modern Ergene), which was itself a tributary of the Hebrus. The
Arteskos river, which is the next point mentioned, is not capable of
certain identification at the present day.
H. iv. 93.
The tribes of the coast of the modern East Rumelia
or South Bulgaria yielded without a blow. The Getæ,
between the Hæmus (Balkans) and the Ister, were the first to offer
any resistance; but they were subdued. So far the tale is
comprehensible. The army must have passed near to the Greek
colonies, Salmydessos, Apollonia, and Mesembria, which are indeed
mentioned in relation to the tribes south of the Hæmus. From these,
probably, vague tales of this part of the expedition arrived in Greece.
From this point onwards the story is full of inconsistencies and
improbabilities.
Arrived at the Ister, Darius, a commander of great and manifold
experience, is represented as having ordered the Ionian Greeks to
break down the bridge over the river after he had passed it, and to
follow him into the unknown north. No reason is either given or is
conceivable for such a suicidal plan. The ships, moreover, are to
remain in the Ister. He was dissuaded from this by the advice of
Koës, the Greek tyrant of Mytilene. He then gave orders that the
Greeks should remain at the river sixty days, and if he did not return
in that time, should loose the bridge and sail away.
No advantage can possibly be gained by treating this as serious
history. It is inconceivable that any general of experience should
either propose to deliberately cut his own line of communications
when about to enter an unknown region, or even that he should have
appointed a set limit of time, and that not very long, after which it
might be cut.
The story is in all probability merely a peg whereon to hang an
indictment of the Greek tyrants of the Asian coast, and is designed
for the glorification of the part played by Miltiades in the subsequent
debate on the advisability of leaving Darius to his fate.
The truth it contains may amount to no more than that the fleet did
not go farther than the Ister, and that Darius did not intend to remain
north of the river for any length of time.
The tale of the actual campaigning in Scythia is more
extraordinary still. The Persians are represented as having
penetrated beyond the river Tanais (Don) to the Oarus, (probably the
Volga), on which they built a series of forts. They then returned to the
Ister by a circuitous route, and, as might indeed be expected, the
sixty days had elapsed before their arrival. Such is Herodotus’ story.
Strabo vii.
A reference to this campaign in the works of the
305. geographer Strabo shows that Herodotus’ version of
its history was not the only one current among the
Greeks. He says that the king and his army, when between the Ister
and the Tyras (Dniester), were compelled to turn back under stress
of thirst.
Ktesias, a Greek who spent a large part of his life at the Persian
Court, and who, though unreliable, is not likely to understate Persian
Ktes. Pers.
exploits, says that the king only penetrated fifteen
17. days’ march beyond the Ister.
The impossibilities of Herodotus’ story are
CREDIBILITY OF so manifest that it is hardly necessary to point
THE NARRATIVE.
them out. How could the commissariat of a
large force have been provided for on a march of that length through
a hostile country where the natives, according to the historian’s own
account, destroyed all local food supplies in advance of the army?
How could the army and the transport required for it have been
carried across such rivers as would have to be passed ere the Volga
was reached,—the Sereth, the Pruth, the Dniester, Dnieper, Boug,
and Don, not to mention numerous minor unfordable streams? If this
long march was undertaken, why did not Darius employ the fleet for
commissariat purposes, as was the custom in Persian campaigns of
this age, where the fleet could possibly be employed?
If the fleet did remain at the Ister, which seems to be one of the
few absolutely reliable statements in the story, the fact itself is strong
presumptive evidence that Darius did not intend to go far beyond
that river. Ktesias says he only proceeded fifteen days’ march.
Strabo implies that he never reached the Dniester.
Inasmuch as the reliability of Herodotus as an historian is in
question, it is important to make an attempt to surmise, in so far as
possible, what was the source or sources of this extraordinary tale
which he has preserved.
It must be remembered, in the first place, that at the time at which
he wrote, anything of the nature of reliable information with regard to
events before the war of 480 must have been very difficult to obtain.
The palpable gaps in the story of the Ionian Revolt, the confusion in
the account of the relations between Athens and Ægina, the
meagreness of the story of Marathon, are striking proofs that such
was the case; and if he experienced such manifest difficulty in
arriving at a detailed knowledge of the great events of the beginning
of the fifth century, in which Greeks played a foremost part, how
much greater difficulty must he have experienced in gaining
information as to the events of the later years of the sixth century, in
which the part played by the Greeks was but secondary?
It seems probable that his sources of information in the present
instance were two in number:⁠—
(1) A tale current in the Athens of his own day, which had come
thither by way of the principality of Miltiades in the Thracian
Chersonese.
(2) Reports collected by the historian himself, either in the course
of a journey to the Greek colonies on the north coast of the Euxine,
or from persons who were natives of those parts, or had visited
them.
To the first of these must be attributed the account which he gives
of the events on the Danube, and especially the celebrated tale of
the proposal of Miltiades to break down the bridge and leave Darius
to his fate.
The story is one of the most famous in Greek History. Twice, it is
said, did the Scythians, while Darius with his army was still far north
of the river, ride down to the Ister and call upon the Greeks to break
H. iv. 133,
down the bridge. On the first occasion the Ionians
136. promised to do so. The tale seems to imply that the
promise was merely made with a view to getting rid of
the Scythians. On the second occasion the Scythians made much
the same appeal, calling on the Ionians to strike one grand, effective
blow for their freedom.
It is unnecessary to dwell on the minor difficulties of the tale, how,
for instance, it came about that the Scythians knew of Darius’ orders
that the bridge should be loosed after the expiration of sixty days.
H. iv. 137.
After this second appeal the Ionians held a
consultation.
“It was the opinion of Miltiades—the Athenian who
commanded, and was tyrant of the Hellespontine
Chersonesites—that they should listen to the advice of the
Scythians and give liberty to Ionia. His views were
opposed by Histiæus the Milesian. The argument of the
latter was that the tyrants individually owed their position
to Darius, and that, if Darius’ power were destroyed,
neither would he himself be able to rule in Miletus, nor any
of the rest to rule elsewhere, for all the states would prefer
a democracy to a tyranny. After this statement of opinion
by Histiæus, all of them forthwith went over to it, though
they had previously assented to that of Miltiades.”
A list, intended doubtless as a black list, of these tyrants is given.
To prevent the Scythians seizing the bridge,
TALE OF THE ISTER
BRIDGE.
and to give them the impression that they were
going to follow their advice, the northern end of
the bridge was removed for the space of a bow shot. The Scythians
accordingly withdrew. Some time afterwards Darius and his army
returned, and were alarmed to find the bridge apparently removed.
H. iv. 141,
They soon discovered their mistake. The bridge was
142. restored by Histiæus. “Thus the Persians escaped.”
The Scythians’ judgment of the Ionians, as reported
by Herodotus, is not without its significance in the story: “Their
H. iv. 142.
cowardice as free men was only equalled by their
fidelity as slaves.”
Herodotus himself would be naturally inclined to seize upon a tale
which so strikingly confirmed his own estimate of the Ionians.
But is the story true?
The historian Thirlwall suggested that, in its existing form, it is an
excerpt from the defence made by Miltiades in answering the charge
of “tyranny” brought against him at Athens about the year 493. Such
stories are, however, very rarely pure fabrications from beginning to
end; and, in accordance with general probability, it is more likely than
unlikely that it contains a considerable element of truth. There are,
furthermore, certain considerations deducible from evidence outside
the story itself which tend to support the view.
Herodotus regards the expedition as the one great disaster of
Darius’ career. Regarded as evidence, this is not of itself very
important. The story as he told it was intended to point the great
moral which runs throughout his history,—that special phase of the
great Hellenic idea of the “tragedy” of life in which he most firmly
believed. The career of Darius, without this great disaster, would
have formed too startling an exception to that divine and natural law
of the incontinuity of human fortune which he had so consciously and
conspicuously illustrated in his account of the lives of Cambyses,
Crœsus, and Polykrates of Samos.
But there are other reasons for supposing that the expedition was
not without disaster, rumours of which,—probably, too, emanating
from the Greeks at the Ister,—reached the cities of the Propontis.
Ktes. Pers.
Ktesias states Darius’ losses to have been 80,000
men. Even if the actual number stated be
16 (Justin, ii.
5). untrustworthy, it shows that this historian, who would
be naturally inclined to minimize them, had reason to
regard them as serious.
But, furthermore, it is evident that during Darius’ absence north of
Cf. H. v. 26.
the Danube, a large number of the Hellespontine cities
had seized the opportunity for revolt. Byzantion,
Kalchedon, Antandros, and Lamponion were among the number.
This caused Darius to return to Asia by way of Sestos. It is
inconceivable that these towns should have chosen this time of all
others, when a large portion of the levy of the Empire was actually
under arms, for insurrection, had they not some reason to believe
that it had gone whence it could never return their way. They must
have received, either from the Greek colonies on the North Euxine,
or, more probably, from the Greeks on the Ister, some tidings of a
great disaster.
Even if the Greeks on the Ister were not the authors of such
tidings, it is unlikely that reports which came to the towns of the
Propontis failed to reach them.
May it not then be that the fictitious element in the report of the
discussion on the desertion of Darius, in so far as the general details
of the lines which the discussion itself followed are concerned, is
confined to the part which Miltiades is alleged to have played in it? It
is not necessary on this assumption to further assume the veracity of
the tale of the orders given by Darius to the guardians of the bridge.
That tale simply served to heighten the colouring of the picture of the
treason of those Asiatic Hellenes to Hellenic freedom, in that it
robbed them of the excuse of fidelity to a trust imposed upon them.
It is quite possible, then, that some report of disaster did lead to
the formation of a plot in which all the tyrants were more or less
implicated, but which for some unknown reason never came to a
head. If it had been a one-man plot, in which Miltiades had played a
solo part, surely his design must have become known to Darius. And
yet on return to Asia Darius passed through
ORIGIN OF THE
LEGEND.
Miltiades’ dominions, the only part, apparently,
of the Hellespontine region to which the
infection of rebellion had not spread. If Miltiades had taken part in
the plot, and if any judgment can be formed from the general
practice of Persian kings, it can hardly be supposed that he would
have lived to fight at Marathon.
It now remains to consider briefly how the extraordinary story of
the march beyond the Ister can possibly have originated.
Doubtless the Greeks in the cities on the north coast had many a
tale brought to them by the native traders from the interior of the
commotion caused by the sudden appearance of this strange army
within the Scythian borders.
These tales, probably wild exaggerations even in their original
form, would not, it may be certain, lose aught in the course of their
evolution. An element common to all of them would be that
somewhere in the Hinterland this army had appeared; and it may
well be that within a comparatively short period the most easterly of
the Greek cities came to regard their own Hinterland as the scene of
its operations. This would bring the imaginary march of the army to
the neighbourhood of the Don and the Volga.
In actual fact, however, it is impossible to suppose that the most
extreme point ever reached by Darius was far north of the Ister. It is
in the highest degree improbable that he ever passed the well-
defined boundaries set by the Carpathians and the Pruth.
With regard to the motives of the expedition, Herodotus declares
that it was intended as a retaliation for the Scythian invasion of
Western Asia, which spread desolation through part of the continent,
and was about synchronous with, and largely the cause of, the fall of
the Assyrian Empire. Apart from the improbability of Darius
cherishing resentment for occurrences of such ancient date, or for
injuries of which he was in no real sense heir, he was probably
aware, though Herodotus was not, that the people who lived to the
north of the Euxine were wholly distinct from the Sakæ, whom
Herodotus calls Scyths, who had troubled the continent more than a
century before this time.
The unreliability and vagueness of the story of the campaign have
led to the formation in modern times of many conjectures as to the
object with which it was undertaken.
It has been represented as an attempt to make the Euxine a
Persian lake. Such a theory must assume that Darius carried his
operations far beyond the Ister. On this point sufficient has been
said. But apart from this the theory is met by two other difficulties.
What object could be gained by success in so bald a design? And if
such a design existed, why was the fleet left at the Ister?
Again, it has been ascribed to mere lust of conquest. That is,
indeed, not an uncommon characteristic with Eastern rulers. But
Darius was not an Eastern ruler of the ordinary type. His wars, in so
far as their history is known, are not waged from mere irrational land-
hunger, but in obedience to rational policy, whose main lines are
even now distinguishable. That he intended in this campaign to
conquer something is obvious. But did he intend to make conquests
in Scythia? Had he, too, no other conceivable motive than mere
land-hunger behind the intention of conquest?
A more attractive theory which has been put forward in
explanation of the object of the expedition is that, in accordance with
his commercial policy, he attempted to open up, possibly to acquire,
the rich region north of the Euxine. In that case it would certainly
have been expected that he would have made one of the Greek
harbours on the north coast of that sea the base of his operations,
and have transferred his fleet thither. He could have got plenty of
information on the subject from his Asiatic Greek vassals.
A theory which has been recently put forward is that his real
object was to get hold of that gold region in the land of the Agathyrsi,
a tribe mentioned in Herodotus’ account of the campaign. This gold-
bearing region must be identified with that on
THE INTENT OF THE
CAMPAIGN.
the western border of the modern province of
Transylvania, which was included in the
Roman province of Dacia. It is, however, impossible to say that there
is even presumptive evidence of such an intention on Darius’ part.
It must be confessed that the evidence is not of such a nature that
any theory as to the object of the campaign can be put forward with
confidence. There are, however, two questions which must be taken
into account in any theory on the subject which is to have the merit
of plausibility:⁠—
(1) What were the net results of the campaign?
(2) Did the acts of Darius in any way declare his intentions?
The net results of the campaign were the submission of the
Thracian tribes on the Euxine coast south of Hæmus, and the
conquest and apparent submission of the Getæ between Hæmus
and the Ister.
The intention of Darius to cross the Ister existed apparently from
the beginning of the campaign. He sent the fleet thither with orders
to prepare a bridge; but the intention not to proceed far beyond that
river is almost equally clearly shown by his leaving his fleet at the
point of crossing. Whether this second intention was part of the
original design is another question. The tale of the countermanding
of the orders given to the Greeks at the river, absurd though it is,
may rest on a remote foundation of fact; and the fact may have been
that Darius did actually modify his original plans on his arrival at the
Ister.
The expedition north of that point seems to have been either of
the nature of a reconnaissance in force, on the results of which the
king decided against further advance and attempt at conquest, or a
display intended to strike awe into the tribes beyond the newly won
territory. Whether any attempt at conquest in these northern regions
formed part of the original programme may be doubted: one thing is
certain, that the expedition in the form it was made was not anything
of the kind.
It is noticeable that at this period the great river formed a very
marked and striking ethnographical boundary between the tribes of
Thracian stock and the Scyths of Europe. It has already been
pointed out that Darius had within his dominions in Asia Minor—
mainly in the region of Bithynia—people of Thracian origin. May he
not have undertaken the expedition with intent to minimize the
chances of disturbance on the weak imperial frontier formed by the
Propontis and its two straits by subduing the free kinsmen of his
Thracian subjects? It is a precaution such as the rulers of empires at
every time in history and in every part of the world have frequently
had to take. It may be, then, that Darius was in search of an ethnic
frontier, and when he had found it on the Ister he sought not for
further conquest, but confined himself to measures intended to
secure what he had won.
The Ethnic Frontier.
It is perhaps unnecessary to insist on the importance of an ethnic
frontier. It is, of course, frequently coincident with a physical frontier.
Where such a coincidence exists, a “scientific” frontier is attained.
But in cases where the two are not coincident, history has shown
again and again that the ethnic is the more “scientific” of the two.
Regarding the question from another point of view,—it is infinitely
more dangerous for a state to have on its borders a race who have
kin immediately beyond the border in the enjoyment of a form of
government which assures them their independence, or in which
they are paramount, than to have on its frontier a race alien to their
neighbours beyond the border.
The first of these alternatives is an almost inevitable source of
trouble and danger to the state in which the circumstances exist. The
danger is twofold. It may arise from the desire of those within the
frontier to attain to the position enjoyed by their kinsmen outside it, or
from the sympathy of the latter with those of their race who are in
subjection to aliens.
Such considerations are not the mere abstractions of political
philosophy, but are plain, practical questions which have called for
practical solution from men to whom the very idea of political
philosophy may never have been presented. They appear in actual
history in a concrete form, and are therefore hard to recognize amid
the numerous factors which are involved in the complicity of human
action. The very use of such modern terms as
ETHNIC
FRONTIERS.
“scientific” or “ethnic” frontier in reference to
policies of ancient date has a tendency to
create the idea that the person using them is mistakenly attributing to
the past conceptions which are essentially of modern date. But are
such conceptions of modern date? Is it not rather the form in which
they are expressed which is of recent creation? The very creation of
such a form of expression indicates, indeed, that the conception
itself has become clearer in course of time; it rarely, if ever, indicates
the actual birth of the conception. It is quite possible to grossly
exaggerate the difference between the nature of the problems
presented to the rulers of empire in the sixth century before Christ,
and those which call for solution at the present time.
It is not difficult to illustrate from both ancient and modern
history:⁠—
(1) The dangers of a frontier which is not ethnic;
(2) The appreciation of this practical fact by those who have had
to face the circumstances.
The circumstances present themselves in a complex form,
consequently the traceable motive which induces those in power to
deal with them is never simple. It is necessary therefore for the
student of history to abstract from the complex motive that part with
which he wishes specially to deal; and that must be done in the
present as in every other instance in which human motive is in
question.
The problem of the ethnic frontier was one which presented itself
at every stage of the making of the Roman Empire. It was perhaps
most strikingly illustrated in the relations with the Gauls and
Germans.
The original Gallic province had indeed a marked physical frontier
in that elevated region of Auvergne and the Cevennes, together with
those ranges which come from the Alps to meet the Gallic mountain
system on the middle Rhone. It was, however, bordered on two sides
by the lands of the free Gauls. So long as this continued its history
was a stormy one. The Gauls of the province were ever restive
under the Roman yoke. Every commotion outside the province was
echoed within it. The haphazard provincial policy of the last century
of the Republic ignored, in so far as possible, discomforts which it
had not the energy to remedy. It was not until Cæsar became
governor that the work was undertaken by the conquest of the Gauls
who remained free.
But while solving one ethnic problem, Cæsar found himself face
to face with another. Germans had made their way into Gaul, and
showed every disposition to go farther. He invented a new solution.
He converted the German settlements along the river into a military
frontier, allowing the immigrants to retain their lands on condition that
they prevented their kinsmen from crossing the Rhine. He sought to
create an antipathy of interests where there existed no antipathy of
race. The plan was but partially successful, and in the end the
Roman legionary had to do the work that the German provincial was
intended to do. Cæsar evidently aimed in his Gallic wars at the
establishment of a physical frontier in the shape of the Rhine. The
same policy has been tried again and again since his day. It has
invariably been unsuccessful in modern times, simply because the
Rhine is not an ethnic boundary. Cæsar left the problem unsolved,
and his successors had to take it up where he left it. Under Augustus
the policy of advance was first tried. Its failure was due to various
causes,—some of them, perhaps, preventible; but one, and perhaps
the major, reason for failure was the impossibility of reaching the far
borders of the Germanic races. The problem presented itself on the
Elbe in a still more difficult form even than on the Rhine, in that the
new-sought frontier was farther from the Roman base.
After the disaster to Varus in a.d. 9, the policy of advance was
given up. The apparently natural, but really artificial, frontier of the
Rhine was definitely decided upon. The maintenance of it, owing to
its artificiality, absorbed for well nigh a century a large part of the
military resources of the empire. But the denationalization and
romanization of the Germans within the border created in course of
time an ethnic boundary where none had previously existed, and
with its creation the problem was for the time being solved. Here, as
elsewhere, Roman Imperial policy created an ethnic boundary where
it found none.
Britain furnishes at least two prominent examples of the problem.
Reference has been already made to the motive underlying the
expedition of Julius Cæsar. Agricola, the greatest and the most
humane of the governors of the province in the early years of its
existence, found himself dragged ever farther northwards by sheer
necessity of conquest. By his time, moreover, the problem had taken
Tac. Germ. 1.
a more or less definite shape in men’s mind. Tacitus,
his biographer, recognized at least one side of it.

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2. Redundancy makes changing data more cumbersome and time-consuming.

KEYWORDS: Bloom’s: Remember

4. An employee’s last name is an example of an attribute.

5. An attribute is known as a row in most databases.

7. Which of the following is a visual way to represent and analyze a database?

10. Microsoft Access is well-suited to which of the following cases?

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LEARNING OBJECTIVES: CDBM.PRAT.21.01.03 - Describe database management systems (DBMSs)

12. Which of the following is a drawback of flat files?

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19. Which of the following is a problem that data redundancy causes?

20. Which of the following tasks is a data analyst likely to perform?

21. How are entities represented in a relational database?

22. Which of the following is a popular software stack?

26. Which of the following statements is correct?

27. Which type of rule prevents the creation of orphan records?

28. Which of the following is a responsibility of a database administrator?

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QUESTION TYPE: Multiple Choice

36. Which of the following will be an entity in the JC Consulting database?

KEYWORDS: Bloom’s: Apply

37. Which of the following is a popular relational database management system?

a. Some classes use more than one instructor.

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46. List nine advantages of a properly designed relational database.

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trusted users are simultaneously

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QUESTION TYPE: Essay

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H. iv. 87. The crossing into Europe was affected by throwing

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