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EXIT AND VOICE
THE PARADOX OF CROSS-BORDER
POLITICS IN MEXICO
LAUREN DUQUETTE-RURY
 Luminos is the Open Access monograph publishing program
from UC Press. Luminos provides a framework for preserving and
­reinvigorating monograph publishing for the future and ­increases
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Exit and Voice
 Exit and Voice
The Paradox of Cross-Border Politics in Mexico

Lauren Duquette-Rury

UNIVERSIT Y OF CALIFORNIA PRESS

University of California Press
Oakland, California

© 2020 by Lauren Duquette-Rury

This work is licensed under a Creative Commons CC-BY-NC-ND license.

To view a copy of the license, visit http://creativecommons.org/licenses.

Suggested citation: Duquette-Rury, L. Exit and Voice: The Paradox of Cross-

Border Politics in Mexico. Oakland: ­University of ­California Press, 2020.
DOI: https://doi.org/10.1525/luminos.84

Cataloging-in-Publication Data is on file at the Library of Congress.

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Names: Duquette-Rury, Lauren, author.

Title: Exit and voice : the paradox of cross-border politics in Mexico /
Lauren Duquette-Rury.
Description: Oakland, California : University of California Press, [2020] |
Includes bibliographical references and index.
Identifiers: LCCN 2019024344 (print) | LCCN 2019024345 (ebook) | ISBN
9780520321960 (paperback) | ISBN 9780520974203 (epub)
Subjects: LCSH: Transnationalism—Political aspects—Mexico. | Mexican
Americans—Political activity. | Immigrants—Political activity.
Classification: LCC JV7402 .D86 2020 (print) | LCC JV7402 (ebook) | DDC
304.80972—dc23
LC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2019024344
LC ebook record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2019024345

29 28 27 26 25 24 23 22 21 20
10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1
For Aaron, Maxwell, and baby Finn with love
 C onte nts

List of Illustrations ix
Acknowledgments xi

Introduction 1
1. Local Democratic Governance and Transnational Migrant Participation 29
2. Decentralization, Democratization, and the Feedback Effects of
Sending State Outreach 47
3. Micro-Politics of Substitutive and Synergetic Partnerships 70
4. Effects of Violence and Economic Crisis on Hybrid Transnational
Partnerships 101
5. Synergy and Corporatism in El Mirador and Atitlan, Comarga 130
6. Systematic Effects of Transnational Partnerships on Local Governance 160
Conclusion: The Paradox of Cross-Border Politics 191

Data Appendix A: Comparative Fieldwork in Mexico 209

Data Appendix B: Transnational Matched Survey Data Instrument 215
Data Appendix C: Principal Component and Cluster Analysis Using
Survey Data 218
viii    Contents

Data Appendix D: Mexican Panel Data, Mexican Family Life Survey,

and Statistical Analyses 224
Notes 241
Bibliography 257
Index 275
 Illustrati ons

F IG U R E S

1. 3x1 Program sign, Guanajuato 2

2. Structural organization of transnational coproduction 42
3. 3x1 Program project groundbreaking ceremony, Ahuacatl 120
4. 3x1 Program concrete vehicle bridge project, Atitlan 136
5. Marginal effect of cumulative 3x1 participation on voter turnout
and government responsiveness 182
6. Marginal effect of cumulative 3x1 participation and civic
engagement on voter turnout and government responsiveness 184
7. Distribution of cases by transnational partnership type 210
8. Elbow method displaying four stable clusters 221
9. Voter turnout trend by treatment and control 229

MAP

1. Location of field research sites 25

ix
 Ack nowle d gme n ts

A theme that runs through this book is changing conceptualizations of commu-

nity, collective action, and the transcendence of physical space where social rela-
tionships take root, grow, and blossom into something else entirely. I owe a debt
of gratitude to my mentors, advisors, friends, family, and migrant confidants in
the United States and Mexico who showed me a new meaning of community and
working together while I researched and wrote this book.
I appreciate the unwavering support of Steven Wilkinson (Yale University) and
John Padgett (University of Chicago) for empowering me to follow my intuition.
Although neither of them studied international migration, they cared about me
and my ideas and encouraged me to find my own path. Forging my own path
ultimately led me to sociology, but the unparalleled training I received in political
science at Chicago continues to ground my research and pushes me to require my
advisees to immerse themselves in literatures across the artificial disciplinary walls
that separate the social sciences. Before leaving for Princeton and Yale, Carles Boix
and Sue Stokes inspired me a great deal. I thank Carles for showing me how to
question everything and ingraining in me the benefits of a comparative approach.
I thank Sue for modeling how to be critical and generous simultaneously when
offering feedback and for being a visionary leader in comparative politics. And
while I have never met Peter Evans or Judith Tendler and will never meet Elinor
Ostrom or Albert O. Hirschman, they are my academic heroes and muses. Insights
from their canonical works have made a deep impression on this research.
Most people say it in jest, but it is true: the University of Chicago is an odd
bird, or a unicorn, or something else unique and hard to describe. It is an institu-
tion whose inhabitants celebrate intensity, rigor, unflagging curiosity, and critical

xi
xii    Acknowledgments

dialogue, but it is also a place where big ideas are given the light, food, and space
they need to be cultivated from root to fruit. I am certain that luck went into my
matriculation there, but I am a better scholar for having attended it and a better
person because of the people I befriended while there. My graduate cohort became
very close thanks to Cathy Cohen’s data analysis course and many sherry hours.
Loren Goldman, Zac Callen, Marissa Guerrero, Jon Caverley, Negeen Pegahi, John
Dobard, Sevag Kechichian, and the rest of our crew treaded water together and
(eventually) started to swim. Deva Woodly-Davis, Anthony Davis, Sina Kramer,
Andrew Dilts, Joe Fischel, Igor De Souza, Jenna Jordan, Emily Nacol, Bethany
Albertson, Jon Rogowski, Mara Marin, Mona Mehta, Sondra Furcajg, and my aca-
demic “siblings” Jon Obert and Sarah Parkinson helped turn the need for work and
parties into many memorable work-parties and provided laughter and guidance
along the way. Patchen Markell, Dan Slater, and Iris Marion Young also provided
support at critical moments. While in Chicago, I also found my bar, the Map Room,
and there I met my husband. The owners, Mark and Laura, created a space for great
conversation and fun. When I think of Chicago I think of many happy times at
the Map Room and the friendships I built with Amanda Keleman Stump and Billy
Stump, Jessica Kenney, Sara Elder, may she rest in peace, and Dave Neville.
Receiving a University of California President’s Postdoctoral Fellowship
changed the course of my academic life. With this postdoc, I was able to transition
into the UCLA Sociology Department and was afforded the luxury of time to pub-
lish articles and remap my overly ambitious and clunky dissertation into this book.
It also cemented the friendships I hold dear with Annie Ro and Renee Luthra, two
women who I immensely admire and with whom I shared the experience of learn-
ing how to be an academic mama for the first time.
The postdoc came about because in spite of my anxiety, I closed my eyes and
hit Send on an email to Roger Waldinger, asking him for coffee when he came to
give a talk at Chicago. He responded and said yes despite my conviction that this
request would be ignored. Over the last eight years, our relationship has bloomed.
Roger became a generous mentor, valued colleague, creative collaborator, but most
importantly a treasured friend. Over many meals and coffees, backyard picnics,
office and faculty meetings, sharing and critiquing of each other’s work, phone
calls, and emails, Roger has showed me what it means to give of one’s time and
attention in the pursuit of someone else’s goals. His mind is sharp, his words hon-
est and direct, his heart and actions humane and sincere. I am so thankful he saw
my potential to make a mark and buoyed me along the way. For any graduate stu-
dents reading this, I implore you to push through your worries of being a burden
and ask your senior colleagues and those you admire in academia to meet up and
talk about your ideas. “Make the ask!” as the influential Kerry Ann Roquemore
would say.
The UCLA Sociology Department was my home while writing this book and for
that I am forever grateful. My colleagues there are the finest in the discipline and I
 Acknowledgments    xiii

learned so much from each of them. I thank Roger Waldinger, Rubén Hernández-
León, Gail Kligman, Stefan Timmermans, Judy Seltzer, Steve Clayman, Rob Mare,
Marcus Hunter, Abigail Saguy, Ka-Yuet Liu, Cesar Ayala, Hannah Landecker,
Rebecca Emigh, Bill Roy, David Lopez, Patrick Heuveline, Darnell Hunt, C.K. Lee,
Tanya Stivers, Lynne Zucker, Gabriel Rossman, Ed Walker, Jennie Brand, Stephen
Bargheer, Megan Sweeney, Jacob Foster, Karida Brown, Vilma Ortiz, Jeffrey
Prager, Rogers Brubaker, Min Zhou, Aliza Luft, and Jeff Guhin for their warmth
and collegiality. Gail, Abigail, Roger, Rubén, and Karida deserve special thanks
for reading all or parts of the manuscript and providing constructive, thoughtful
comments. Roger, Rubén, Gail, Vilma, Darnell, Steve, Megan, Marcus, and Stefan
were sources of inspiration and wise counsel while at UCLA and I am so grateful
to have had their support during our institutional transition.
Several others at UCLA deserve special thanks for giving me feedback on this
project, providing encouragement, and helping me become a better instructor. I
thank graduate students Peter Catron, Molly Fee, Zhenxiang Chen (Zeke), Joel
Herrera, Ana Oaxaca, Mirian Martinez-Aranda, Carla Salazar Gonzalez, Jesse
Acevedo, Deisy Del Real, Leydy Diossa-Jimenez, and Diana Morales for their sup-
port. Zeke provided outstanding research assistance when I decided to expand
parts of the quantitative analysis. He was willing to learn new methodological
approaches alongside me and taught me new STATA coding too. His good nature
and conviviality made the additional data hurdles all the more rewarding in the
end. Ana Oaxaca, sharp and talented graduate student in political science, is also
an incredible artist. Together we conceived the cover art for this book and Ana
expertly made our vision come to life. Every time I look at it, I will think of the
immense value that DACAmented and undocumented students bring to our
universities, communities, and personal lives. The staff in the UCLA Sociology
Department is the absolute best and helped lighten my load in so many ways.
I thank Michael ONeill, Julie Huning, Simbi Mahlanza, Herumi Baylon, Irina
Tauber, Wendy Fujinami, Hahan Rahardjo, Allan Hill, and Michelle Fielder for
their magnanimity and kind dispositions.
While at UCLA, the Provost, Division of Social Sciences, and Sociology
Department graciously organized a book manuscript workshop for me. Esteemed
scholars Peggy Levitt, Emilio Parrado, and Devesh Kapur read and provided con-
structive feedback on the entire manuscript along with UCLA colleagues Roger
Waldinger, Matt Barreto, Rubén Hernández-León; from Colef, Rafael Alarcón;
and from UCSD, Abigail Andrews. The event was incredibly rewarding and the
comments and suggestions I received helped improve the quality of the manu-
script. Thank you all for your time and generosity. I also appreciate insightful com-
ments from David FitzGerald and Filiz Garip, migration scholars whose books are
required reading across the discipline and beyond. At UC Press I thank Naomi
Schneider for believing in this book from the first day we met and Benjy Malings
for helping it all come together.
xiv    Acknowledgments

I am fortunate to have a robust network of scholars and friends who have been
willing to engage my work and cheer me on. I thank Clarisa Pérez-Armendáriz,
Sophia Wallace, Dana Moss, and Abigail Andrews for being in my corner and
Cecilia Menjívar, Leisy Abrego, Hiroshi Motomura, Rocío Rosales, Annie Ro,
Patricia Morton, Renee Luthra, Shirin Montazer, Krista Brumley, Covadonga
Meseguer, Katrina Burgess, Filiz Garip, Natasha Iskander, Irene Vega, Xochitl
Bada, Sylvia Zamora, Adrìan Felix, and David Meyer for their support.
A lot of life happened in the years I was writing and finishing up this book
that gave new direction to my career and reinforced the importance of nurtur-
ing friendships and family. Three of our parents received cancer diagnoses and
we lost two dear friends. Additionally, my mother and mother-in-law had organ
transplants. I had surgery to remove a tumor a week before I sent the complete
manuscript to readers. We found out later it was benign. And Aaron and I made
the difficult decision to move our family across the country from LA to Detroit to
solve the tricky challenge of dual academic careers. While it is not customary in
many professions to share these kinds of intimate life details, I hope that some who
are reading these words feel a little less alone if they experience challenging cir-
cumstances while trying to produce great work. I have been fortunate that I genu-
inely love my job and found that research and writing sustained me and provided
a respite of sorts when the going got tough. I thank my friends, family, and the
NCFDD for reminding me that making time for pleasure and enjoying rewards to
punctuate achievements is necessary to restore our energy wells and feel human.
Marissa Guerrero, my best girlfriend and titi to my boys, has been a loyal,
trusted friend, intellectual companion, dance partner, thrift store mate, dispenser
of advice, and reservoir of joy and humanity for the entirety of this project from
seed idea to dissertation to book. I am a better person because she is my friend.
I hope everyone has a friend like her in their lives to make the days sunnier and
storms more navigable. Iljie Fitzgerald was a true gem to me in my last two years
in LA. We played hooky together and went to the spa, ate delicious Korean food,
plotted, laughed endlessly, and worked together to make the Fernald daycare a
better place for all of UCLA’s faculty and staff children. I would also like to thank
Betty and Miguel at the UCLA faculty club for making me smile every morn-
ing while I wrote. Our daily conversations and sharing memories of Mexico were
truly delightful.
My academic mamas group is a daily source of inspiration, reciprocity, and
accountability. I am so grateful to the National Council of Faculty Development
and Diversity for bringing us together though the Faculty Success Program (aka
Faculty Bootcamp). Abigail Andrews, Mary Doyno, Maria Alejandra Perez, and
Rachel Haywood-Ferreira have been my rocks over the last three years and I trea-
sure the camaraderie and safety net we have created for each other. Together we
are becoming better parents, partners, and colleagues and we push each other to
 Acknowledgments    xv

take leaps. Abigail has become a cherished friend and book buddy. She is a careful
researcher, devoted mama, and fabulous person all around. I am so lucky to have
her in my professional and personal life. Sweet Mary is my cross-country bestie.
She has shown me that personal tragedy can help willing people grow into the best
versions of themselves. She has offered me grace, love, and light at every turn and
for that I feel blessed.
Wayne State University wisely recruited Aaron and I am grateful they were
willing to create a position for me too. I thank Jeff Kentor, Wayne Raskind, and
Ratna Naik for bringing us on board and our lovely colleagues in Sociology and
Chemistry for welcoming us with open arms.
This research would not have been possible without the generous financial
support from the Ford Foundation and the National Academies, the Tinker
Foundation, the National Science Foundation Dissertation Improvement Grant
(SES-0819245​​), and a UC President’s Postdoctoral Fellowship that gave me funds
to travel to Mexico and conduct fieldwork, design and disseminate the original
survey, and grant me leave from teaching to revise my dissertation into a book
manuscript. I was also fortunate to receive a research grant from the Department
of Political Science, the Center for Latin American Studies, and a Harper/
Visiting Committee Fellowship while at the University of Chicago. At UCLA, a
Hellman Fellowship, Early Career Faculty Grant from the Center at the Study of
International Migration, and an Academic Senate Faculty Grant provided funding
for a research assistant to complete additional empirical analysis and also released
me from teaching obligations to finish the book.
I have tremendous gratitude for my parents who have always believed in me
and encouraged me to follow my bliss even if it meant moving far away from them.
They made huge sacrifices for my education. I am the first in my mother’s family
to attend college and I am so thankful for this privilege. I hope I have made them
proud. My love for my sister is borderless and effortless. She brings so much joy
and laughter into my life. Thank you, Kelly, for always being you and being my
beacon. You are what is right and good in the world.
My husband, Aaron, is my partner in life, my best friend, my champion, my
co-parent. Together we have built something truly magical that sustains me and
gives me room to grow and evolve. He assumed more of the household and par-
enting responsibilities when I needed time to write and helped me believe I could
succeed even when my confidence waned from time to time. I am so thankful
for his love and support of my career. Our son, Maxwell, arrived my first year at
UCLA and made writing this book more meaningful. He is such a curious, joyful,
and goofy child. Being his mommy and playing with him is a beautiful release.
And my baby Finn, who coos on my chest while I write these words, you, our
sweet boy, are the next chapter. Thank you for coming into our lives at exactly the
right time and completing our family.
xvi    Acknowledgments

Finally, to the migrants and families who opened up their homes to me in

Mexico and the U.S., thank you for sharing your stories and showing me what true
sacrifice looks like. You gave me a place to stay, fed me, danced with me, and told
me stories about your experiences, culture, and communities. Learning from all of
you has been one of the greatest gifts of my life. Thank you.
 Introduction

On a clear day in the winter of 2009, I boarded a bus leaving Guadalajara, the
second-largest city in Mexico, and headed toward the municipality of Comarga
nestled high in the northern mountains of Jalisco. The bus hugged the shoulder of
the two-lane highway and zigzagged its way through switchbacks along Route 23.
Agave fields, old Catholic churches, and rural villages punctuated the rural coun-
tryside. Every so often the bus stopped to collect and drop off travelers. I welcomed
these little pauses in the journey, precious moments to recover from vertigo, take in
the local scenery, and buy fruits and veggies soaked in lime and chilies from sellers
who hopped on the idling bus. Each town we passed had its own history and feel—
San Cristóbal de la Barranca, Teul, Tlatenango, and Momax. Rows of tomatoes,
beans, greens, and livestock farms lined the road leading into the municipal town
center where local residents congregated in plazas with round pavilions and mar-
ket stalls.1 Chickens, goats, and lambs milled about the courtyards of adobe and
concrete flat-roofed houses that lined the roads. I saw cars and trucks with license
plates from California, Texas, and Illinois. And peppered throughout the towns,
alongside more modest dwellings, sat renovated houses with grand new additions,
gable roofs, circle driveways, and buffed wooden garage doors. Many of these
improvements were funded with remittances earned in the United States and sent
home to migrant families in Mexico. In each town we passed, signs of northern
migration to the U.S. commingled with familiar features of the rural countryside.
Along the bus route I also saw big placards that noted sites of new public infra-
structure. In connection with the Mexican government, migrants also financed
public goods and services with remittances. They pooled resources in the U.S. and
built schools, bridges, and health clinics in their hometowns. They paved roads

1
2    Introduction

Figure 1. Road pavement project completed through 3x1 Program in Guanajuato.

Photo by author.

and sidewalks; supplied school buses and ambulances; constructed parks; and
extended public electricity, water, and drainage for residents left behind. Between
2002 and 2016, migrants implemented more than 26,000 public works projects
in half of all Mexican municipalities, many in localities classified as “poor” and
“very poor” by the Mexican government. Some migrants in the United States
from a common place of origin have formed voluntary associations where they
express shared ties to the people and places they leave behind and invest collective
resources back home. These hometown associations (HTAs) (clubes de oriundo)
exist around the globe—from Ghana to Germany, Japan to Cuba—and go by dif-
ferent names—sons and daughters of the soil, landmanshaftn, kenjinkai, cabildos
de naciones.2 But Mexican HTAs are different in one important way. In response
to their collective, grassroots mobilization, these migrant groups and the Mexican
government developed a federal social spending program that matches migrants’
collective resources to coproduce local public goods and services. The program is
called the 3x1 Program for Migrants (Programa 3x1 para Migrantes) (hereafter “the
3x1 Program”).
While scores of studies have documented migrant hometown groups and their
role in development,3 little is known about how partnerships with the sending state
 Introduction    3

affect local democratic governance. What are the political consequences that result
from migrant transnational partnerships with the sending state? Who is involved
in these transnational partnerships and how do they differ from place to place and
over time? What can migrant participation in public goods provision tell us about
who makes decisions in local governance and how those decisions are made? This
is why I came to study in Mexico.
The answers to these questions lie in the underlying social and political condi-
tions in which transnational partnerships are situated because they contribute to
partnerships being organized differently. Some migrants remain socially embed-
ded in the hometown by maintaining diverse social ties and constructing new
social relationships with important stakeholders. Migrants who are more socially
embedded also practice meaningful cultural repertoires that confer their commu-
nity membership even while living abroad. In the political sphere, the bureau-
cratic capacity and electoral considerations of local governments also affect the
organization of transnational partnerships. Together, these social and political
factors determine how involved local residents and political officials are in the
provision of transnational public goods and yield different political consequences.
For example, when broadly inclusive of the local citizenry and when local govern-
ment is also engaged, partnerships induce a form of transnational participatory
governance in which both territorial and extraterritorial citizens articulate inter-
ests, exercise rights, meet obligations, and mediate conflicts4 through deliberation
and cooperative decision-making. This kind of synergetic partnership entwines
migrants, local citizens, and government representatives in a network of demo-
cratic decision-making, which leads to more socially accountable and responsive
government authorities. Participatory governance also expands the array of non-
state actors who are involved in democratic decision-making and empowers many
local citizens to participate in local civic and political processes for the first time.
By contrast, different combinations of community inclusion and government
engagement reflect more corporatist, substitutive, and fragmented types of trans-
national partnership and are associated with different political outcomes such
as outright corruption and partnership failure. For example, in many cases of
corporatist and fragmented coproduction, political clientelism results.5 Broadly
conceived, clientelism refers to the exchange of goods for political support and
involves an asymmetric power relation between patrons and clients in which cli-
ents receive targeted, nonprogrammatic spending (e.g., bags of rice, gift cards,
cash) in exchange for their political support come election time. In more sub-
stitutive cases of coproduction, local political officials offload responsibility for
public goods provision entirely onto migrant groups. And in cases of corruption,
resources that migrants commit to cofinancing public goods “disappear” from
state coffers, which often leads to project and partnership failure.
Over the last eight years, I examined when, why, and how people who left their
countries of origin collaborated with state actors to provide public goods back
4    Introduction

home through transnational partnerships. During my fieldwork, I visited munici-

palities across Mexico and studied the interactions between government officials,
migrant groups, and residents as they unfolded over time. I listened to residents,
current and former migrants, priests, business owners, mayors, political party offi-
cials, civic leaders, state and federal political officials, and learned that migrants’
involvement in public goods provision had unintentional, yet profound political
effects. I found that migrant actors, when more socially embedded, facilitated
new modes of inclusive, democratic engagement that made local government
more responsive to the citizenry. A focus on how migrants organize transnational
partnerships reveals not only the conditions under which public service delivery
increases and democratic participation and government performance improves
in high-migration locales, but also how the process of coproducing public goods
across national borders changes relations between state and society.

M O T I VAT I N G E M P I R IC A L P U Z Z L E S

Although official Mexican statistics classified the municipality of Comarga as

middle-income, like many of the 196,000 localities in Mexico with less than
2,500 inhabitants, the village of Atitlan was much poorer and greatly in need of
public goods, especially when compared to the more densely populated county
seat.6 Atitlan is one of Comarga’s five main localities and home to 340 residents.
Despite democratization and decentralization reforms over the last 30 years, resi-
dents could not recall a single public works project in Atitlan since the late 1970s.
As soon as I got off the bus this was evident—little improvement could be seen.
Unlike the county seat where streets and sidewalks were paved, most streets in
Atitlan were compacted dirt that flooded during the rainy season and swelled
with garbage and sewage. Since the public drainage system reached just half of the
households, those without access either purchased piping with their own money
or disposed of sanitation in the old stone latrine that snaked its way through the
back part of town. There were also few light posts in the village. Residents gave me
a flashlight to navigate the streets at night. I had never experienced such darkness
before my first night in Atitlan. But for the stars in the sky, it was pitch black. It was
hard to tell where one’s body ended and blackness began.
In 2004, the mayor (presidente municipal) of Comarga traveled to U.S. cities
to meet paisanos, fellow countrymen and women, who had emigrated abroad.7
During dinners and meet and greets, the mayor asked migrants to form clubs, raise
money, and help the municipal government provide public works through the 3x1
Program. Four clubs formed after the mayor’s trek across U.S. cities. Emilio and
Esme, migrants from Atitlan, agreed to form a club and worked with the mayor
on his proposed project: a concrete vehicle bridge. The mayor proposed the bridge
project because the town was separated by a river. The only way for residents on
the west side to access the main route into town was to cross a rickety, wooden
 Introduction    5

footbridge or wade through the river on horseback or donkey and in small boats,
which often capsized. After they recruited other paisanos, Club Atitlan planned
the bridge project with the mayor’s administration.
When the bridge was finished, club members in the United States were proud
and felt like they contributed something important in their absence that locals
appreciated. I was a bit taken aback, then, when residents told me they resented
migrants’ involvement. Many locals were initially confused—who were these
migrants? Why had the paisanos not discussed their plans with leaders of the
town’s most important civic association, the Patronato, the patron saint festival
group? Why did locals not have the same privileges, the ability to access political
officials and get them to deliver goods and services they needed in their town?
Residents felt slighted. After all, they lived there, they had voted for this mayor,
and they had their own ideas about what the village needed. Relations further
deteriorated when residents who were left out of discussions about 3x1 projects
became increasingly suspicious of migrants’ intentions. At the height of tensions,
residents of Atitlan prohibited the club from participation in local public affairs
and mobilized to vote against the incumbent mayor’s political party to punish the
administration for their alliance with the migrant club.
The turmoil unleashed by Club Atitlan’s cross-border participation in public
goods provision had several unanticipated impacts on political participation and
relations between local government and Atitlan society. Residents mobilized a col-
lective effort and punished the incumbent’s party for privileging migrants’ voices
over that of local citizens. Their social exclusion from project governance moti-
vated short-term political activism. Atitlan voters banded together and cast ballots
for the opposition in the 2010 election, which likely played some role in the defeat
of the incumbent in a close race. But the initial wave of political activity petered
out and turned into political disenchantment. Frustrated with members of the
migrant club who residents perceived as allies of the local government, residents
turned away from politics and refocused their energy on the social and religious
activities of the community.
The case of Atitlan and its paisanos in the U.S. raises important questions
about how international migration reconfigures local democratic engagement in
origin countries. Migrants who use material resources collected abroad mobilize
new mechanisms of voice and make political decisions in their places of origin
that affect migrant and nonmigrant households alike. The cross-border partici-
pation of migrants and migrant groups upends traditional modes of local gover-
nance because although migrants have exited, some never really leave. Migrant
loyalty and social connectivity to the hometown catalyzes the collection of new-
found resources acquired abroad, which they use to participate in public affairs
back home.
A 30-minute drive along a potholed road took you from Atitlan to El Mirador,
another locality in Comarga. Because a bus could not safely navigate the high
6    Introduction

mountain road, El Mirador was only accessible by all-terrain vehicles such as trucks
or jeeps, or on horseback. It was also a poor village with a substantial portion of its
population living abroad, mostly in Chicago and southern Indiana. I hitched a ride
to El Mirador with a local crew going up to finish the most recent transnational
project between Club El Mirador and the municipal government; the last bits of
corrugated metal roofing were being installed on a new recreation court (cancha).
More geographically remote and higher up in the Sierras, I thought El Mirador
would be worse off than Atitlan because the town’s geographic isolation meant the
provision of public goods was more difficult to implement up in the mountains.
But after entering through the tall gates of the long paved road into town, I saw
this was not the case at all. Every street in El Mirador was newly paved with a
hydraulic drainage system underneath. Almost every house was connected to the
electricity grid. A new kindergarten school room was recently constructed. And
while only half the town had use of the public water system every other day, a well
had recently been installed to meet local needs. In addition to the new recreation
area, a new rodeo ring (lienzo charro) was built for neighbors to enjoy horseback
competitions and festivals. All of the new infrastructure was provided through the
collaboration between migrants from El Mirador and the local government with
matching funds from state and federal 3x1 Program partners.
Yet, none of the tension or political turmoil between residents, migrants, and
political officials in Atitlan was present in El Mirador. Residents spoke highly of
HTA members—as friends, paisanos, and community members—and said their
relationship with the club was copacetic. Local residents of El Mirador were
actively engaged in the selection and implementation of projects and visited the
municipal government building (ayuntamiento) in Comarga. There they discussed
project budgets, timelines, materials, and labor contracts with political officials.
Local residents even fundraised and donated resources to a few projects. The first
year into the transnational partnership, residents formed their own public works
committee in El Mirador, the first of its kind in recent memory. The contrast in
number of public services between Atitlan and El Mirador was stark. The nature
of the interactions between key social and political actors was also qualitatively
different. The Atitlan partnership was mired in conflict and cleavages that divided
residents, migrants, and municipal officials. After a short burst of political interest
and activity, citizens recoiled from politics and from involvement with “outsiders”
(dubbed fuereños). In contrast, citizens of El Mirador formed a civic association,
solved local problems through deliberation, and became more politically aware
and active through the process of providing public goods.
Why were transnational partnerships between organized migrants and local
government in the two communities within the same municipality so differ-
ent? The same mayor organized and worked with the clubs. Both villages were
similar in terms of population size and level of economic development. Both vil-
lages had high rates of out-migration. And both villages were “strongholds” of
Another random document with
no related content on Scribd:
 16 4404 51 3·1 1·59 12·3
14 4349 66 2·3 1·52 9·85
12 4296 80 1·9 1·52 8·12
10 4245 110 1·4 1·54 5·91
8 4197 154 1·0 1·54 4·22
6 4151 204 ·75 1·54 3·18
4 4106 307 ·5 1·54 2·11
2 4063 513 ·3 1·54 1·26
0 4020 770 ·2 1·54 ·84

From 38 to 64 the extinction is the same as with the central part

of the eye.

B
Table VIII.—P.’s Curves (see Fig. 31).

I. II. III. IV. V. VI. VII.

Mean
Absolute
reading of Adopted
luminosity
extinction reading in Persistency
Scale Wave- P.’s luminosity of
in millionths curve (680 /
number. length. curve. extinction.
millionths of original ad. reading).
(IV. × VI.)
of original luminosity.
/ 14
luminosity.
52 5996 68 68 10 7 34
50 5850 35 35 19·4 19 47·5
48 5720 17 17 40 39 47·3
46 5596 10·2 10 68 65 46·4
45 5538 9·3 9·0 76 76 48·8
44 5481 8·0 8·1 84 90 52·8
42 5373 7·2 7·2 94·5 98 50·3
40 5270 6·7 6·8 100 99 48·1
38 5172 7·2 7·0 97 97·5 48·7
36 5085 8·05 7·7 90 90 49·5
34 5002 8·05 8·4 81 80 47·9
32 4924 9·9 9·8 69 65 45·5
 30 4848 13·2 12·5 54 50 44·6
28 4776 13·9 15·0 45·3 36 38·6
27 4742 16·8 17·0 40 31·5 38·2
26 4707 21·6 20·5 32 26·5 38·8
24 4639 30 27 25 19·5 37·6
22 4578 36 35 19 14 35
20 4517 42 45 15·5 10 32·2
16 4404 79 79 8·5 5·5 31·2
10 4245 180 190 3·6 2·5 32·2
6 4151 270 270 2·7

B
In this and the next two Tables the intensity of the
illumination of the D ray before reduction is equal to that of
an amyl-acetate lamp at one foot from a screen. The figures
in Col. VII. are in millionths of the illumination of an amyl-
acetate lamp at one foot distant, every ray being made of
that intensity.

Table IX.—H. R.’s Curves (see Fig. 32).

I. II. III. IV. V. VI. VII.

Mean
reading of Adopted
Absolute
extinction reading in Persistency
Scale Wave- Luminosity luminosity of
in millionths curve (590 /
number. length. curve. extinction
millionths of original ad. reading).
(IV. × VI.) / 48
of original luminosity.
luminosity.
57 6423 1200 1200 ·49 5 125
56 6330 900 850 ·69 7 124
55 6242 500 550 1·07 10 115
54 6152 250 250 2·36 17 88
53 6074 .. 150 3·93 25 78
52 5996 90 90 6·56 35 66
51 5919 60 45 13·1 47 44
50 5850 27 27 21·8 57 32
48 5720 18 15 39·3 66 21
46 5596 10 10 59 69 14
44 5481 9·3 8 73·8 64 11
42 5373 6·5 6·2 95·1 56·5 7
40 5270 5·9 5·9 100 45 5·5
38 5172 6 6 98·3 32 4
36 5085 .. 6·6 89·4 20 2·7
35 5043 7 7·2 81·9 16 2·4
34 5002 .. 8 73·8 12·5 2·1
32 4924 10 9·6 61·5 8 1·6
30 4848 11·5 12 49·2 6 1·5
28 4776 14·5 14·5 40·7 5 1·5
26 4707 20 17·5 33·7 4 1·5
24 4639 20 22 26·8 3 1·4
22 4578 .. 30 19·7 2·4 1·5
18 4459 55 57 10·4 1·3 1·5
14 4349 115 115 5·1 ·7 1·7
10 4245 .. 160 3·7 ·5 1·7
6 4151 200 200 2·9 ·4 1·7

Table X.—V. H.’s Curves (see Fig. 33).

I. II. III. IV. V. VI. VII.

Mean
Absolute
reading of Adopted
luminosity
extinction reading in Persistency
Scale Wave- Luminosity of
in millionths curve (530 /
number. length. curve. extinction
millionths of original ad. reading).
(IV. × VI.)
of original luminosity.
/ 75.
luminosity.
57 6423 500 500 1·1 31 206
56 6330 350 350 1·5 43 200
54 6152 200 180 2·9 61 146·4
52 5996 100 100 5·3 70 93·3
50 5850 40 40 13·3 73 38·9
48 5720 .. 25 21·2 69 23
46 5596 10 10 53·0 63 8·4
45 5538 6·5 6·5 81·6 58 5·0
44 5481 6·0 5·7 93 54 4·1
42 5373 5·5 5·3 100 46 3·3
40 5270 5·5 5·4 98·2 36 2·6
38 5172 5·7 5·7 93 24 1·8
36 5085 6·7 6·5 81·6 15 1·3
34 5002 7·0 7·0 75·7 9·5 ·89
32 4924 8·5 8·5 62·3 7·0 ·79
30 4848 10·7 10·5 50·5 5·0 ·70
28 4776 16 16 33·1 3·7 ·79
26 4707 .. 22·5 23·5 2·7 ·81
24 4639 30 31 17·1 1·82 ·75
22 4578 42·5 42 12·6 1·4 ·78
20 4517 55 55 9·6 1·0 ·73
16 4404 105 100 5·3 ·7 ·93
12 4296 175 170 3·1 ·45 1·02
10 4245 200 200 2·7 ·34 ·91

Table XI.—B. C.’s Curves (see Fig. 34).

I. II. III. IV. V. VI.

Persistency
Adopted Absolute
curve Luminosity
Scale Wave- reading in luminosity of
12,500 of original
Number. length. hundred extinction III.
readings in beam.
thousandths. and V.
V.
61 6839 7500 1·6
60 6728 5500 2·3 ·5 27·5
59 6622 4000 3·1 1 40
58 6520 2800 4·5 2 56
57 6423 2000 6·2 4 80
56 6330 1500 8·3 6 90
55 6242 1150 10·8 8 92
54 6152 950 13·1 11·5 109·2
53 6074 750 16·6 16 120
52 5996 580 21·6 21·5 125
51 5919 430 29 28·5 122·5
50 5850 350 36 37 129·5
49 5783 275 45·5 47 129·2
48 5720 215 58 60 129
47 5658 170 73·4 76 129·2
46 5596 140 89·3 92 129
45 5538 125 100 98 122·5
44 5481 125 100 100 125
43 5427 130 96·1 97 126
42 5373 150 83 85 127·5
41 5321 180 69·4 65 117
40 5270 215 59 45 96·7
39 5221 250 50 30 75
38 5172 290 43 1·5 723·2
37 5128 335 37 16 53·6
36 5055 380 33 11·5 43·7
34 5002 500 25 7 35
32 4994 650 19 4 26
30 4848 850 14 2·5 23·3
28 4776 1100 11·4 2 22
26 4707 1500 8·3 1·5 22
24 4639 2000 6·2 1 20
22 4578 2700 4·6 5 13·5
18 4459 4750
14 4349 7500
10 4245 11000
Table XII.—M.’s Luminosity Curve compared with the Normal
(see Fig. 30).

I. II. III. IV. V. VI. VII.

Normal
Mean luminosity Difference
Scale Wave- Mean Difference
reading curve, of last two
number. length. reading. × 5·15.
× 1·8. centre of columns.
eye.
61 6839 2 3·6 4 ·4 2·57
59 6621 7 12·6 12·5 -·1 ·51
57 6423 18 32·4 33 +·6 3·09
55 6242 36 64·8 65 ·2 1·03
53 6074 49 88·2 89·5 1·3 6·71
52 5996 52 95·4 96·5 1·1 5·66
51 5919 54 97·2 99·5 2·3 11·8
50 5850 54 97·2 100 2·8 14·4
49 5782 52·5 94·5 99·5 5·0 25·7
48 5720 50 90 97 7·0 36·0
47 5658 46 82·8 92·5 9·7 49·9
46 5596 41 73·8 87 13·2 68·0
44 5481 32 57·6 75 17·4 89
42 5373 23 43·2 62.5 19·3 99
40 5270 17 30·6 50 19·4 100
38 5172 10 17·5 35·5 18 93
36 5085 4 7·2 24 16·8 86·5
34 5002 1·0 1·8 14·5 12·7 65·5
31 4885 ·5 ·7 6·5 5·8 37·7
28 4776 0 0 4 4 20·6

Table XIII.—Miss W.’s Curves (see Fig. 39).

Scale Wave- Extinction in Persistency

Readings.
number. length. 1/100000. curve.
63 7082 0
62 6957 1
60 6728 7
58 6520 18
57 6423 28
56 6330 43
54 6152 76 900 2
52 5996 90 250 7
50 5850 95 130 13·5
48 5720 93 60 29
46 5596 83 34 51
44 5481 71 22 80
42 5321 58 18·5 92
40 5270 46 17·5 100
38 5172 32 18 94
36 5085 21 19·5 90
34 5002 12·5 22 79
32 4924 7 27 65
30 4848 4·5 34 51
28 4776 3·0 40 38·5
25 4675 1·5 60 29
20 4518 0·4 250 7
19 4488 0·0 350 5
16 4404 — 600
 INDEX
PAGE
Absorption by the Yellow Spot 90
Artificial Spectrum 33

Cases of Defective Colour Vision unrecognised 67

Clerk Maxwell’s Colour-Box 42
Clerk Maxwell’s Colour Curves 47
Colour, and the Sensations required to produce it 50
Colour Blindness due to Disease 137
Colour-Blind Persons see a Grey in the Spectrum 65
Colour Discs 32
Colour Fields 13
Colour Matches made by the Colour Blind 70
Colour Patch Apparatus 18
Colour Patch Apparatus, Original Form of 19
Comparison of the Young and Hering Theory 189
Complex Colours matched by Simple Colours 22
Contrast Colours 187
Curious Case of Congenital Colour Blindness, A 164

Dalton Colour Blindness 58

Daltonism, or Colour Blindness 57
Defective Form Vision connected with Colour Deficiency
due to Disease 138
Definition at different parts of the Retina 11

Enfeebled Spectrum Luminosity 98

Exhibiting Colour Blindness by Colour Discs 74
Extinction and Persistency Curves of Green-Blind 127
 Persons
Extinction and Persistency Curves of Monochromatic
Vision 125
Extinction and Persistency Curves of Red-Blind
Persons 127
Extinction of Colour 105
Extinction of Light by the Centre and Periphery of the
Eye 114
Extinction of Colour of equal Luminosity 110
Extinction of Light in the Spectrum 109
Eye: Explanation of its Functions 3

Fatigue of the Retina 6, 30

Field of View 10
Fovea Centralis 4
Fundamental Light 34

Green-Blind Person’s Description of the Spectrum, A 64

Green Monochromatic Vision 131

Helmholtz Diagram of Sensations 38

Heredity in Colour Blindness 58
Hering’s Colour Vision Theory 52
Hering’s Theory not tri-chromic 57
Holmgren’s Colour Tests 169

Kœnig’s Colour Sensation Curves 49

Lissajou’s Figures 37
Luminosity of the Spectrum to the Centre of the Eye,
the Fovea Centralis, and outside the Yellow Spot 88
Luminosity of the Spectrum to partially Colour Blind 86
Luminosity of the Spectrum to the Colour Blind 81
Luminosity of the Spectrum to the Normal Eyed 78

Malingerers, Detection of 185

Matching Colours by Mixtures of Simple Colours 26
Maxwell’s Colour Equations 202
Maxwell’s Curves for Red Blindness 69
Measurement of Colour Fields 207
Monochromatic Vision and the Spectrum 66

Number of Cones in the Eye 8

Optograms 9

Pellet Tests 146

Pendulum Experiments 36
Persistency Curves 119
Primary Colours 25
Primary Pigment Colours 27
Progressive Atrophy of the Optic Nerve 153
Purkinje’s Figures 7
Purples 24

Red and Green matched 72

Red-Blind Person’s Description of the Spectrum, A 63
Retina, Structure of 6
Retinal Fatigue 6, 30
Rods and Cones 8

Seat of Visual Sensation 7

Sensation Curves in Terms of Luminosity 93
Sensitiveness of the Eye 121
Simple Colours 17
Simulation of Red and Green Blindness 175
Spectrum described by the Tobacco Blind, The 143
Spectrum Test for Colour Blindness 181

Table of Wave-Lengths 17
Tables 211
Tobacco Ambyopia 140
Tobacco Blindness, Examples of 148

Violet Blindness 73
Visibility of an Object in light of different Colours 123
Visual Purple 9

White Monochromatic Vision 158

Wool Test, The 170

Yellow Spot 4
Yellow Spot and Colour Mixtures, The 28
Young’s Theory, Modification of 196
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