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Chapter 1
1) Pasteur’s experiments proved that

A) Cells cannot survive in swan necked flasks
B) In order to grow, cells need to be supplied with oxygen
C) Spontaneous generation can only occur if nutrient broth is left open to the environment
D) Sterilizing nutrient broth prevents spontaneous generation
E) Pre-existing cells present in the air can grow in sterilized nutrient broth
Answer: E
Bloom's Taxonomy: Knowledge/Comprehension
2) Recall Pasteur's experiment on spontaneous generation. If he had just warmed the nutrient-
rich broth, rather than boiled it, what would have been the likely outcome of his experiment?
Cells would .
A) not have appeared in either flask
B) have appeared in both flasks
C) have appeared in the swan-neck, but not the straight-neck flask
D) have appeared in the straight-neck, but not the swan-neck flask
Answer: B
Bloom's Taxonomy: Application/Analysis
Section: 1.2
3) Spontaneous generation .
A) was demonstrated to occur under normal laboratory conditions by Pasteur
B) apparently occurred at least once—when life on Earth began
C) occurs every time a new species evolves from a preexisting species
D) addresses the formation of new cells from existing cells
Answer: B
Section: 1.2
4) What is the process component of the theory of chemical evolution?

A) Acid-base reactions resulted in the formation of large, complex organic molecules.
B) Kinetic energy was transformed into chemical energy.
C) During polymerization reactions, hydrolysis was completed with condensation.
D) The process occurred at black smokers, in the atmosphere and oceans, or in outer space.
Answer: B
Section: 1.3
1
Copyright © 2014 Pearson Education, Inc.
5) What is the pattern component of the theory of chemical evolution?
A) Heat and electrical discharges were required for chemical evolution to occur.
B) Most chemical evolution occurred at black smokers.
C) The process occurred at black smokers, in the atmosphere and oceans, or in outer space.
D) Increasingly complex carbon-containing molecules formed early in Earth history.
Answer: D
Section: 1.3
6) Which of these provides evidence of the common ancestry of all life?

A) ubiquitous use of catalysts by living systems
B) near universality of the genetic code
C) structure of the nucleus
D) structure of cilia
E) structure of chloroplasts
Answer: B
Section: 1.3
7) Protists and bacteria are grouped into different domains because .

A) protists eat bacteria
B) bacteria are not made of cells
C) protists have a membrane-bounded nucleus, which bacterial cells lack
D) bacteria decompose protists
E) protists are photosynthetic
Answer: C
Section: 1.3
8) Cells are .
A) only found in pairs, because single cells cannot exist independently
B) limited in size to 200 and 500 micrometers in diameter
C) characteristic of eukaryotic but not prokaryotic organisms
D) characteristic of prokaryotic and eukaryotic organisms
Answer: D
Section: 1.4
9) In comparison to eukaryotes, prokaryotes .

A) are more structurally complex
B) are larger
C) are smaller
D) do not have membranes
Answer: C
Section: 1.4
2
10) Prokaryotes are classified as belonging to two different domains. What are the domains?
A) Bacteria and Eukarya
B) Archaea and Monera
C) Eukarya and Monera
D) Bacteria and Protista
E) Bacteria and Archaea
Answer: E
Section: 1.4
11) A water sample from a hot thermal vent contained a single-celled organism that had a cell
wall but lacked a nucleus. What is its most likely classification?
A) Eukarya
B) Archaea
C) Animalia
D) Protista
E) Fungi
Answer: B
Section: 1.4
12) You have isolated and purified a new species of cells from the rain forest and you want to
place this new species in the appropriate branch of the tree of life. You sequence the ribosomal
RNA genes from these cells and discover that for one particular region of the ribosomal gene
(the rRNA) the RNA sequence is AAUGAAGG.
You have sequences from the same region of the ribosomal genes (the rRNA) from each of these
species: bacteria, eukaryote and archaea, which are listed below.
bacteria AUAGAUGG
eukaryote AAAGAAGG
archaea AAUGGAGU
Based on these sequence results to which branch of the tree of life should you assign this new
species?
A) archaea
B) bacteria
C) eukaryote
D) bacteria and archaea
E) there is not enough information
Answer: C
Section: 1.4
3
The following experiment is used for the corresponding question(s).
A researcher discovered a species of moth that lays its eggs on oak trees. Eggs are laid at two
distinct times of the year: early in spring when the oak trees are flowering and in midsummer
when flowering is past. Caterpillars from eggs that hatch in spring feed on oak flowers and look
like oak flowers. But caterpillars that hatch in summer feed on oak leaves and look like oak
twigs.
How does the same population of moths produce such different-looking caterpillars on the same
trees? To answer this question, the biologist caught many female moths from the same
population and collected their eggs. He put at least one egg from each female into eight identical
cups. The eggs hatched, and at least two larvae from each female were maintained in one of the
four temperature and light conditions listed below.
In each of the four environments, one of the caterpillars was fed oak flowers, the other oak
leaves. Thus, there were a total of eight treatment groups (4 environments × 2 diets).
13) Refer to the accompanying figure. Which one of the following is NOT a plausible hypothesis
to explain the differences in caterpillar appearance observed in this population?
A) The longer day lengths of summer trigger the development of twig-like caterpillars.
B) The cooler temperatures of spring trigger the development of flowerlike caterpillars.
C) Differences in air pressure, due to differences in elevation, trigger the development of
different types of caterpillars.
D) Differences in diet trigger the development of different types of caterpillars.
Answer: C
Section: 1.5
4
14) Refer to the accompanying figure. In every case, caterpillars that feed on oak flowers look
like oak flowers. In every case, caterpillars that were raised on oak leaves looked like twigs.
These results support which of the following hypotheses?
B) Differences in air pressure, due to elevation, trigger the development of different types of
caterpillars.
C) Differences in diet trigger the development of different types of caterpillars.
D) The differences are genetic. A female will either produce all flowerlike caterpillars or all
twig-like caterpillars.
Answer: C
Section: 1.5
15) Refer to the accompanying figure. Recall that eggs from the same female were exposed to
each of the eight treatments used. This aspect of the experimental design tested which of the
following hypotheses?
B) Differences in air pressure, due to elevation, trigger the development of different types of
caterpillars.
C) Differences in diet trigger the development of different types of caterpillars.
D) The differences are genetic. A female will either produce all flowerlike caterpillars or all
twig-like caterpillars.
Answer: D
Section: 1.5
16) Recall the caterpillar experiment in which caterpillars born in the spring looked like flowers,
and caterpillars born in the summer looked like twigs. What is the most likely selective
advantage for this difference in body shape?
A) Looking like their food sources allows the caterpillars to move through their environment
more efficiently.
B) Development into the adult moth form is faster for caterpillars shaped like twigs than like
flowers.
C) Looking like their food source lets the caterpillars blend into their surroundings, reducing
predation.
D) Looking like their food source will increase the caterpillars' feeding efficiency; this would
increase their growth rate and survival rate.
Answer: C
Section: 1.5
5
17) How does a scientific theory differ from a scientific hypothesis?
A) Theories are proposed to test scientific hypotheses.
B) Theories are usually an explanation for a more general phenomenon; hypotheses typically
address more specific issues.
C) Hypotheses are usually an explanation for a more general phenomenon; theories typically
address more specific issues.
D) Confirmed theories become scientific laws; hypotheses become theories.
Answer: B
Section: 1.5
18) Louis Pasteur's experiment had a good design because .

A) simple equipment was used
B) a major question, spontaneous generation, was tested
C) the possible outcomes led to distinct, unambiguous conclusions
D) the experiment was a success
Answer: C
Section: 1.5
19) Recall the experiment on ant navigation. To run a controlled experiment, what parameters
were held constant for the test group of 75 ants?
A) stride number
B) leg length
C) stride number, leg length, and environmental temperature
D) all variables except leg length
Answer: D
Section: 1.5
20) Your colleague proposes to test the mechanism of ant navigation by placing a food source 7
meters (m) from the nest. She then takes ants from the nest and places them in a spot that is 4 m
from the nest and 3 m from the food source. Based on the previous data, where do you expect the
ants to start searching for their nest on their return trip?
A) after they have traveled 3 m from the food source
B) after they have traveled 4 m from the food source
C) after they have traveled 7 m from the food source
D) as soon as they leave the food source
Answer: A
Section: 1.5
6
21) For many years, no one bothered to test the food-competition hypothesis for why giraffes
have long necks. Why?
A) It had been much too difficult to test.
B) The hypothesis was so plausible that no one thought to question it.
C) They tried, but the results were inconclusive.
D) The hypothesis did not make clear predictions that could be tested.
Answer: B
Section: 1.5
22) A friend of yours calls to say that his car would not start this morning. He asks for your help.
You say that you think the battery must be dead. If so, then jump-starting the car from a good
battery will solve the problem. In doing so, you are .
A) testing a theory for why the car will not start
B) making observations to inspire a theory for why the car will not start
C) stating a hypothesis and using that hypothesis to make a testable prediction
D) comparing multiple hypotheses for why the car will not start
Answer: C
Section: 1.5
23) Agrobacterium infects plants and causes them to form tumors. You are asked to determine
how long a plant must be exposed to these bacteria to become infected. Which of the following
experiments will provide the best data to address that question?
A) Determine the survival rate of Agrobacterium when exposed to different concentrations of an
antibiotic.
B) Measure the number of tumors formed on a plant when exposed to various concentrations of
Agrobacterium.
C) Measure the concentration of Agrobacterium in different soil environments where the plants
grow.
D) Measure the number of tumors formed on plants, which are exposed to Agrobacterium for
different lengths of time.
Answer: D
Section: 1.5
7
24) Agrobacterium infects plants and causes them to form tumors. You determine that tumor
formation requires a large amount of the plant's energy for tissue formation. How might this
change the number of offspring a plant produces, and what is the most likely explanation for this
change?
A) The number of offspring should increase, because in general, illness increases the
reproductive output of organisms.
B) The number of offspring should increase, because the bacteria will provide energy for the
plant.
C) The number of offspring should decrease, because the plant will divert energy from
reproduction to tumor formation.
D) There should be no effect of infection on offspring production because energy for
reproduction is independent of infection.
Answer: C
Section: 1.5
Use the following information when answering the corresponding question(s).
In 1668, Francesco Redi performed a series of experiments on spontaneous generation. He began

by putting similar pieces of meat into eight identical jars. Four jars were left open to the air, and
four were sealed. He then did the same experiment with one variation: Instead of sealing four of
the jars completely, he covered them with gauze (the gauze excluded the flies while allowing the
meat to be exposed to air). In both experiments, he monitored the jars and recorded whether or
not maggots (young flies) appeared in the meat.
25) Refer to the paragraph on Redi's experiments. What hypothesis was being tested in the initial
experiment with open versus sealed jars?
A) Spontaneous generation is more likely during the long days of summer.
B) The type of meat used affects the likelihood of spontaneous generation.
C) Maggots do not arise spontaneously, but from eggs laid by adult flies.
D) Spontaneous generation can occur only if meat is exposed to air.
Answer: C
Section: 1.5
26) Refer to the paragraph on Redi's experiments. In both experiments, flies appeared in all of
the open jars and only in the open jars. Which one of the following statements is correct?
A) The experiment was inconclusive because Redi used only one kind of meat.
B) The experiment was inconclusive because it did not run long enough.
C) The experiment supports the hypothesis that spontaneous generation occurs in rotting meat.
D) The experiment supports the hypothesis that maggots arise only from eggs laid by adult flies.
Answer: D
Section: 1.5
8
27) The best experimental design .
A) includes a large sample size for each condition
B) includes a control
C) alters only one condition between the controls and the experimental condition
D) includes a large sample size and a control, and alters only one condition between the controls
and the experimental condition
Answer: D
Section: 1.5
28) In the process of science, which of these is tested?

A) a conclusion
B) a result
C) an observation
D) a hypothesis
E) a control group
Answer: D
Section: 1.5
29) A controlled experiment .

A) is repeated many times to ensure that the results are accurate
B) proceeds at a slow pace to guarantee that the scientist can carefully observe all reactions and
process all experimental data
C) includes at least two groups, one of which does not receive the experimental treatment
D) includes at least two groups, one differing from the other by two or more variables
E) includes one group for which the scientist controls all variables
Answer: C
Section: 1.5
30) Which of the following are qualities of any good scientific hypothesis?
I. It is testable.
II. It is falsifiable.
III. It produces quantitative data.
IV. It produces results that can be replicated.
A) I only
B) II only
C) III only
D) I and II
E) III and IV
Answer: D
Section: 1.5
9
31) In presenting data that result from an experiment, a group of students show that most of their
measurements fall on a straight diagonal line on their graph. However, two of their data points
are "outliers" and fall far to one side of the expected relationship. What should they do?
A) Do not show these points because clearly something went wrong in the experiment.
B) Average several trials, rule out the improbable results, and do not show them in the final
work.
C) Show all results obtained and then try to explore the reason(s) for these outliers.
D) Do not report this set of data and do the research again.
E) Change the details of the experiment until they can obtain the expected results.
Answer: C
Bloom's Taxonomy: Synthesis/Evaluation
Section: 1.5
32) Which of the following is the best description of a control for an experiment?
A) The control group is kept in an unchanging environment.
B) The control group is left alone by the experimenters.
C) The control group is matched with the experimental group except for one experimental
variable.
D) The control group is exposed to only one variable rather than several.
E) Only the experimental group is tested or measured.
Answer: C
Section: 1.5
33) Why is a scientific topic best discussed by people of varying points of view, from different
subdisciplines, and representing diverse cultures?
A) They can correct each other's approach to make it scientific.
B) Robust and critical discussion between diverse groups improves scientific thinking.
C) Scientists can coordinate with others to conduct experiments in similar ways.
D) This is a way of ensuring that everyone gets the same results.
E) People need to exchange their ideas with other disciplines and cultures because everyone has
a right to an opinion in science.
Answer: B
Section: 1.5
34) A controlled experiment is one that .

A) proceeds slowly enough that a scientist can make careful records of the results
B) tests experimental and control groups in parallel
C) is repeated many times to make sure the results are accurate
D) controls all variables
E) is supervised by an experienced scientist
Answer: B
Section: 1.5
10
35) Which of the following statements best distinguishes scientific hypotheses from scientific
theories?
A) Hypotheses describe and theories explain.
B) Hypotheses explain and theories describe.
C) Hypotheses are usually narrower in scope; theories have broader explanatory power.
D) Hypotheses are used in experiments. Theories are not tested.
E) Hypotheses are generally supported by more evidence than theories.
Answer: C
Section: 1.5
36) Which of the following best describes the logic of scientific inquiry?
A) If I generate a testable hypothesis, tests and observations will support it.
B) If my prediction is correct, it will lead to a testable hypothesis.
C) If my observations are accurate, they will support my hypothesis.
D) If my hypothesis is correct, I can expect certain test results.
E) If my experiments are set up right, they will lead to a testable hypothesis.
Answer: D
Section: 1.5
37) The formulation of a model for a structure or for a process serves which of the following
purposes?
A) It asks a scientific question.
B) It functions as a testable hypothesis.
C) It records observations.
D) It serves as a data point among results.
E) It can be arrived at only after years of experimentation.
Answer: B
Section: 1.5
38) Algae in the genus Caulerpa typically grow to a length of over half a meter and have
structures similar to stems, leaves, and roots. Reproduction occurs when adults produce sperm
and eggs that fuse to form offspring. Each adult Caulerpa consists of just a single cell, however.
Which of the following statements is true?
A) Caulerpa violate the pattern component of the cell theory that all organisms consist of cells.
B) Caulerpa violate the process component of the cell theory that all cells come from preexisting
cells.
C) Caulerpa violate both the pattern and process components of the cell theory.
D) The existence of Caulerpa is consistent with the cell theory.
Answer: D
Section: 1.5
11
39) Cotton-topped tamarins are small primates with tufts of long white hair on their heads. While
studying these creatures, you notice that males with longer hair get more opportunities to mate
and father more offspring. To test the hypothesis that having longer hair is adaptive in these
males, you should .
A) test whether other traits in these males are also adaptive
B) look for evidence of hair in ancestors of tamarins
C) determine if hair length is heritable
D) test whether males with shaved heads are still able to mate
Answer: C
Section: 1.5
40) Which of the following is not related to the five fundamental characteristics of life?
A) A bacterial cell divides to produce two cells
B) Sugars are transported on carrier proteins into cells across the plasma membrane
C) Sugars are broken down inside cells to produce energy
D) The gene that specifies skin color in frogs is expressed during its development from a tad pole
into an adult frog
E) Giraffes have longer necks so that they can reach food sources unavailable to other animals
Answer: E
Section: 1.5
12
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(Vessels in escort.) Corsair, Aphrodite, Wakiva, Rivoli
(F).
May 13-16. (Westbound from Verdon.) Ships in convoy:
El Capitan, Munsano, Castleman, Bergdalen, Westerner,
Clara, Vaarli, Lake Placid, Gusta Vigiland, Winnebago,
Luckenbach, Joseph Cudahy, Saxolin, Robert H. Thomas,
Quincy, Thorwald Halvorson, Andre.
(Vessels in escort.) Corsair, Aphrodite, Nokomis, Rivoli
(F).
Matsonia, Powhatan, Martha Washington, El Oriente,
Minnesotan.
(Vessels in escort.) Corsair, destroyers Wadsworth,
Nicholson, Monaghan, Roe.
Shoshonee, Crown of Seville, Walter Munson, Tunica,
West Arrow, East Gate, Charlton Hall, Luciline, Absaroka,
Westbridge, Corozal, Lorna, Westward, Pensacola,
Millinocket, Darnholm, Admiral Neilly, Elmore, Sagua,
Tamano, Texas, New York.
(Vessels in escort.) Corsair, Aphrodite, Nokomis Aisne
(F).
Industriously employed in this service with the convoys, the
Corsair encountered no slant of misfortune until June. Then came
the loss of the fine cargo steamer Californian with holds and decks
full of several million dollars worth of supplies for the American Army
in France. This disaster was not the result of submarine attack. The
ship was unlucky enough to bump a German mine about fifty miles
off the entrance of the Gironde River while nearing port with the
convoy and escort.
The Corsair stood by and made every possible effort to save the
precious Californian endeavoring to haul her along at the end of a
tow-line, but the damage was vital and salvage hopeless. It was one
of those numerous episodes of the warfare at sea, as waged by the
enemy, which seemed so enormously wasteful, so impossible for
civilization to endure, this senseless obliteration of property on a
scale without precedent in the whole history of mankind.
THE SINKING CALIFORNIAN. GOING, GOING, ALMOST GONE!

CALIFORNIAN SURVIVORS ABOARD THE CORSAIR
The Corsair found the convoy of eight ships in the afternoon of

June 20th and took position with the other escort vessels, Aphrodite,
May, Nokomis, and two French patrol boats. They steamed toward
the coast at eleven knots without misadventure until early in the
morning of the 22d. Then the Californian made a turn to the right,
quitting the formation, and slowed speed until she came to a halt.
Her crew could be seen jumping into the boats and letting them drop
from the davits. There was no more ado about it than this, no sound
of an explosion nor any disturbance of the sea. It was an uncanny,
inexplicable thing to witness. From the bridge of the Corsair it was
easy to perceive that the sailors of the Californian were proceeding,
earnestly and eagerly, to abandon ship. It was done without disorder,
but they were wasting no time.
The Corsair promptly swung to go near, at the order of Lieutenant
McGuire, who was the officer of the deck. The yacht moved to the
rescue with a speed which surprised even the Californian. Already
the long, deep-laden steamer was settling by the head. One of the
little French escort vessels had also hastened to the scene, but as
she rolled in the trough of the ground swell, the sea slapped across
her deck and the first boat to pull away from the Californian found so
much difficulty in trying to lay aboard that the men semaphored the
Corsair: “Will you please come and pick us up?” Presently the
master of the big steamer and many of his crew were scrambling up
the side of the Corsair, where Commander Porter strongly urged that
an attempt be made to save the Californian. He was ready to tow if
the water could be kept down in the flooded compartments. It was a
sporting chance, but better than letting the ship drown before their
eyes.
Cheered by this readiness to lend a hand, the executive officer of
the Californian, with sixteen volunteers from their crew, returned on
board and a ten-inch manila hawser was passed from the Corsair.
Because the bow of the stricken ship had filled so fast and was
almost buried in the sea, the hawser was made fast astern and the
Corsair tried to tow her wrong end to, as offering the least
resistance. The sluggish mass moved very slowly, perhaps two
knots, but it was impossible to steer it. The plucky Corsair dug her
toes in, as one might say, and pulled like a thoroughbred horse
harnessed to a wagonload of stone.
When this first attempt proved futile, it was decided to try towing
by the bow, but while they were dragging the hawser forward the
engine-room bulkheads collapsed with a roar and the sea rushed in
to fill the dying ship. She went down by the head, the stern rearing
higher and higher in air, until the great hull towered in a vertical
position, and there it hung for an amazingly long time. It was
surmised that the bow had struck the bottom of the sea. Then the
stern slowly dropped and vanished while the crew of the Corsair
watched and wondered and felt very sad at heart.
No lives were lost; this was the redeeming feature, and the eighty-
five officers and men of the Californian were all safely aboard the
yacht where they were as hospitably cared for as the crowded
quarters permitted. On the decks of the lost steamer were hundreds
of Army motor-trucks, and one of the Corsair’s men, for lack of
anything better to say, was heard to murmur as the sea swallowed
them up:
“There’s some water in your carbureters this trip, and that’s no
foolish jest.”
The dog rescued from the Californian remained aboard the Corsair
as a souvenir and mascot, but the life in the Bay of Biscay was not to
his taste, in spite of the efforts of the crew to make him feel at home.
He was therefore detached and assigned to the U.S.S. (Auxiliary)
Balti and sent to the United States, but fell down a hatch at Hoboken
and was a total loss. For an epitaph, Kipling’s line seems apt, “We’re
safer at sea again.”
Commander Porter’s official account of the loss of the ship reads
as follows:
June 22, 1918
From: Commanding Officer,

To: Commander U.S. Naval Forces in France,
Via District Commander, Rochefort.
At 4.50 a.m. observed the U.S.S. Californian stop, turn
to the eastward, and abandon ship. The Corsair
immediately went about and closed on the Californian. At
5.15 a.m. two boats from the Californian were alongside
and survivors came on board. I informed their Executive
Officer that we were close to land and suggested that it
might be possible to get the ship into port. He immediately
ordered his firemen into a boat and returned to the
Californian. The Corsair circled about the ship.
At 7.05 a.m. all hands abandoned the Californian and
came on board the Corsair. The captain informed me that
he could do nothing as the engine-room was filling with
water. I told him that we would attempt to tow. He returned
to the Californian with a boat’s crew, taking the end of our
tow-line with him. As the Californian was down by the
head and we had a fair wind, our tow-line was made fast
to the stern.
At 7.55 a.m. we started ahead. At 8.20 a.m. it was found
that we could not handle the ship by the stern; stopped
and attempted to take the line forward. Before it could be
made fast, the ship settled so rapidly that the crew was
obliged to abandon her, and we hauled the tow-line on
board. At 8.54 a.m. the bow of the Californian went down,
apparently resting on bottom. At 9.04 a.m. the stern
disappeared and Corsair proceeded. While waiting we
hoisted two of the Californian’s boats on board. During
these operations one French destroyer stood by.
It is believed by the Commanding Officer of the
Californian that the damage was caused by a mine.
Nothing was seen. No radio message was sent as
antennæ was disabled by the explosion. There were no
casualties.
The lost ship was commanded by Lieutenant Commander D.
Mahlman, U.S.N.R.F., and was under charter to the United States
Government. To the Board of Inquiry convened for the purpose, he
presented his own story of the disaster, which was as follows:
At 4.50 a.m. felt an explosion amidships. Stopped the
ship and ordered all hands to stand by the boats. The
Engineer Officer reported water and oil leaking into the
forward stoke hold. Sounded bilges and found three feet in
No. 1; No. 2 full; and Nos. 4 and 5 empty. On examining
the engine-room and stoke hold again, I found the water
over the floor plates, the engineers meanwhile having the
pumps working on the stoke hold bilge. The water was
steadily gaining so I ordered the boats to be lowered and
the ship abandoned.
Sent two boats away to the U.S.S. Corsair which was
standing by, while I remained on board with Ensign
Schwartz and boat’s crew to investigate further if it were
possible to do anything to keep the ship afloat, the pumps
being worked to the full capacity continually. Soon
afterwards two boats from the Corsair returned to the ship
with some of the officers and crew.
Extra efforts were made by the engineer force to gain
headway on the incoming water. When the water had
risen to the fire-boxes and continued to increase, on the
report of the Chief Engineer that the water was beyond
control, I ordered all hands to abandon ship. Having gone
aboard the Corsair, the Commanding Officer asked me
how long I thought the ship would keep afloat, to which I
replied four or five hours. He then suggested towing, so I
returned to the ship with my Executive Officer and sixteen
men, taking a tow-line which was made fast to the stern,
the best method of towing under the existing
circumstances. No results were obtainable and an attempt
was made to shift the tow-line to the bow.
While the tow-line was being shifted forward, from
observations made by me in the engine-room it was
evident that the ship could not stay afloat much longer as
she was then rapidly settling by the head. I again gave
orders to abandon the ship, which was done, and the
Californian soon began to sink rapidly, going down bow
first until the stern was almost perpendicular. Later the
ship slowly righted and the stern disappeared entirely at
9.04 a.m. in Latitude 46° 17′ 15″ North, Longitude 2° 10′
30″ West.
The Corsair had tried and failed, which was ever so much better
than not trying at all, and as one of her men mournfully observed,
“With any sort of a break in luck, we would have salvaged her and a
cargo that was so valuable that the Army organization was figuring
out some way of raising it during the summer.”
A MASCOT FROM THE THE NEWFOUNDLAND PUP
CALIFORNIAN KNOWN AS SAVED FROM THE FRENCH
“THE MUTT” FISHING BARK
This was the only ship lost out of a convoy with which the Corsair
operated during the long period of this service in and out of the
Gironde, from June to November of 1918. On several occasions
steamers were attacked and sunk or damaged just before joining or
just after leaving the escort. These included the Montanan, the
Westbridge, the Westward Ho, the Cubore, and the French cruiser
Dupetit Thouars. When the S.O.S. calls came, the Corsair hurried to
stand by, but other naval vessels happened to be nearer the scene
and were able to save the survivors, or the ship managed to remain
afloat, as in the case of the Westward Ho. A cruise in August,
beginning on the ill-omened 13th, turned out to be anything but
monotonous, from start to finish. The air was full of tragic messages
from torpedoed ships. It was like a dying flurry of the German
submarine campaign.
The excitement began with this entry in the Corsair’s record:
S.S. Tivives (third ship in right-hand column) signalled
“Torpedo just passed our stern from starboard.” This ship
notified Aphrodite by radio. Went to general quarters and
searched but saw nothing except whales and porpoises.
Wind was light and sea smooth. French destroyer Aisne,
which was astern of us, apparently intercepted radio as he
was observed to be searching.
A little later in this voyage came the following tale of disaster, as
caught by the radio:
Intercepted from Marseilles, “Montanan torpedoed.”
Intercepted from Noma, “Westbridge torpedoed.”
Intercepted from Aphrodite, “Cubore torpedoed, 10 p.m.
Friday.”
The Corsair and Aphrodite had left their outward-bound convoy at
this time, according to orders, to steer for the rendezvous and make
contact with a fleet of fourteen ships bound in for France. During the
night a green Véry light flared against the cloudy sky to the
southward. The Corsair headed for it at full speed, but could find no
ship in distress and it was later conjectured that the signal might
have come from the French destroyers which had remained to pick
up the survivors of the Cubore.
Soon after this, several lights were sighted close to the water. It is
hard to realize how unusual and arresting was such a phenomenon
as this upon an ocean where ships had long shrouded themselves in
darkness, screening every ray and glimmer lest it might betray them
to a lurking enemy. The vision of officers and lookouts had so
adapted themselves to these conditions that they were able to
discern a shadow of a ship a mile away. In this instance, when
vessels’ lights, several of them, were boldly displayed, the Corsair
approached warily until it was possible to make them out as showing
aboard a little flock of Breton fishermen. It was known that a French
submarine was operating in this patrol area and the officers of the
Corsair plausibly assumed that the lights might be a decoy for Fritz,
so they concluded not to meddle with the situation.
Next morning another bevy of fishing vessels was seen, and the
French submarine was with them, while a steamer was also standing
by. Meanwhile the Corsair and Aphrodite had found the inbound
convoy which had also a destroyer escort, and one of these, the
Lamson, ran down to investigate the startling picture of a submarine
calmly loafing about. The Frenchman promptly exploded a smoke
bomb as the proper recognition signal, for he was taking no chances
with a venomous Yankee destroyer which was known to be
exceedingly quick on the trigger when a periscope or conning tower
was etched against the horizon. It was agreed that there were much
more healthy pursuits than to be ranging the Bay of Biscay in a
French submarine.
Fortune had been unkind when the Corsair tried to pull the
Californian into port, but the story was a happier one when next she
had the opportunity to snatch a good ship from the greedy maw of
the sea. How it was done is summarized in a letter written by Vice-
Admiral Wilson, after the event:
U.S. Naval Forces Operating in European Waters
Forces in France
U.S.S. Prometheus, Flagship
Brest, France, 8 October 1918
From: Commander U.S. Naval Forces in France.
To: Lieutenant Commander W. B. Porter, U.S.N.R.F.
Subject: Commendation.
The Commander U.S. Naval Forces in France takes
pleasure in commending the excellent seamanship and
judgment displayed by you in the salvage of the
Norwegian steamship Dagfin, as reported in your letter of
September 17, 1918.
The Dagfin, a vessel of 2100 tons, loaded with general
supplies for the Italian Government, had been totally
disabled for six days with a broken shaft when sighted by
the Corsair on September 10th, in Latitude 45° 3′ North,
Longitude 8° 03′ West. The U.S.S. Corsair under your
command maintained touch with the Dagfin until the heavy
weather then prevailing had moderated, and towed her
into port, a distance of three hundred miles through the
submarine zone, arriving at Verdon on September 14th.
(Signed) Wilson
The Corsair happened to find this helpless Dagfin while scouting in

search of a steamer of the convoy which had somehow gone astray.
Insistent radio calls had failed to awaken a response from this
missing Macona. She appeared to have lost her bearings and totally
mislaid the rendezvous. The Corsair was too courteous to express
annoyance, but her radio queries became more and more emphatic.
The Macona was as elusive as a Flying Dutchman. At length the
yacht concluded that she had done her honest duty and so turned in
the general direction of the destroyer rendezvous, still keeping an
eye lifted for the lost sheep of the convoy.
At 8.35 o’clock on the morning of September 10th, with the
Macona still on her mind and the quest continued, the Corsair
descried a steamer against the misty horizon and soon it was
discovered that she was in distress and making no headway. By way
of precaution the Corsair’s crew scampered to general quarters,
because nothing could be taken for granted in war-time. Bearing
down, the yacht hovered close to a sea-worn, dingy Norwegian
tramp which wallowed inert and wore an air of profound
discouragement. The sailors of the Dagfin flourished their caps and
yelled with delight. It was obvious that they yearned to be plucked
out of the submarine zone after six days and nights of exposure as a
stationary target to any U-boat which might wander that way. Fritz
was too unsportsmanlike to hesitate to shoot at a sitting bird.
The Corsair was willing to undertake a towing job in order to save
the forlorn Dagfin and her cargo, but it was necessary to ask
permission to leave the duty already assigned, and a radio was
therefore sent to the Admiral at Brest. Meanwhile the sea was too
rough to undertake the ticklish manœuvre of hooking onto the
melancholy Norwegian and Commander Porter shouted through a
megaphone that he would return and stand by. There was profound
gratitude on the bridge of the Dagfin, but some deep-sea curses
along the rail. To have rescue so near, and to behold the American
warship depart! It was too much like having the cup of salvation
snatched from one’s lips. Were they to be left at the mercy of the
hell-begotten submarines?
Steering northward to take another look for the Macona,
Commander Porter changed course to sweep a wider area and, after
several hours, received a radio reply from Brest, “Stand by Dagfin.
Tug will be sent when weather moderates.” This order was to be
obeyed, blow high, blow low, and through two stormy days the
Corsair rolled and plunged within sight or signalling distance of the
Dagfin before any attempt could be made to board her. It was a
furious gale, with squalls of snow and sleet, and the Corsair was so
knocked about while heading into it that she had to turn and run
before the sea under steerageway of four knots. The water came
piling over the stern until the depth charges had to be shifted
amidships to change the trim of the ship and lift the overhang a little.
It was a man’s-size job, from beginning to end, this playing friend in
need to the Dagfin.
With a sea anchor out, the Dagfin had been lying broadside to the
waves, and this could not have increased the comfort of her crew.
She was swept and drenched and miserable, and, at best, there is
no luxury in a two-thousand-ton Norwegian tramp. At last the wind
lost something of its evil temper and the sea was less confused. On
the morning of September 12th the Corsair tried to get a line aboard,
after receiving another radio from Brest, “Take Dagfin in tow when
weather permits.” It was still too rough to put a boat over, so
Commander Porter steamed to windward and attempted to float a
line, buoyed by empty boxes, to the Dagfin, but the freighter’s drift
was so much greater than the yacht’s that this scheme failed.
THE DAGFIN, BROKEN DOWN AND HELPLESS. THE
CORSAIR STANDS BY
Nothing daunted, the skipper of the Corsair hauled his own ship
around to leeward and deftly placed her where the line floated so
close to the Dagfin that it was caught and hauled up by a boat-hook
as she drifted upon it. To this light line the Corsair secured one
hundred and fifty fathoms of ten-inch manila hawser, and the Dagfin
heaved it aboard with a turn about the winch. To the end of the
hawser the Norwegians bent fifty fathoms of chain, for the longer the
tow-line the easier the strain in heavy weather. The Corsair secured
her end of the hawser by means of a wire span leading to the two
after gun mounts, and then she was ready to go ahead and pull her
heart out. It is needless to remark that the yacht had not been
designed or built to yank disabled freighters through the Bay of
Biscay in the tail-end of a nasty gale of wind.
They went ahead, Corsair and Dagfin, and worked up to a speed
of five knots, reducing it a trifle when the strain seemed too great.
They slogged along in this manner until 8.30 p.m. when the chain
parted and the Dagfin went adrift. Commander Porter describes the
rest of it in his report:
We observed that the Dagfin had broken adrift, and
when attempting to haul in our tow-line I found that it was
weighted with the Dagfin’s chain which had parted in the
hawse-pipe. A six-inch line was bent and used as a
messenger to the forward capstan, but as this would hold
only four turns, which rendered, the starboard capstan
was used to assist. No lead blocks of sufficient size were
available to keep the line clear of the deck-house, and
both houses were damaged. It was difficult to stopper and
secure the messenger to the wet hawser. This was chafed
its entire length, although the ship went ahead slowly to
angle the hawser slightly and reduce the bend over the lip
of the chock.
After three hours’ work the hawser was all in and the
chain let go. Had conditions been favorable, of course the
chain could have been hove in through the hawse-pipe,
but I desired to intercept the French tug Penguin, sent out
from Brest, which was then close by. The strain had unlaid
the hawser, and releasing the chain allowed the turns to
take up again. Removing numerous kinks from a wet, ten-
inch rope is a long, tedious job.
As the tug had passed us in the night and was not in
sight at daylight, I closed in to pick up our tow. Attempting
to throw a line on board, we could not get near enough to
reach, as there was still a moderate swell and we were
both rolling and surging. A boat was lowered and our
hawser bent to the Dagfin’s cable, and at 7.45 a.m. we
went ahead at six knots. The average speed for twenty-six
and a half hours was actually six and a quarter knots.
At 8.15 the Penguin arrived and I had difficulty in
communicating, as she could not comprehend semaphore
signals nor was our language perfectly clear to them. Our
radio communication had been very good, although I was
more reluctant to use it than was the Penguin, especially
in stating latitude and longitude. To my question, “What
are your orders?” the reply was, “Bordeaux.” She also
informed me that she could tow four knots and as this
would not bring us into port before dark of the following
day, I decided to continue towing and requested that the
Penguin escort. I considered that the advantages of
greater speed and a much shorter time at sea gave us the
larger margin of safety.
In my opinion (with a very limited experience in towing)
the method adopted was by far the best way of towing a
ship. Not only is the windlass usually the strongest and
most convenient place to secure to, but in the absence of
a very long hawser the weight of chain sagging down
makes an effective spring. There was never any undue
strain and the Dagfin’s chain could not have parted if it
had been in good condition.
In the early morning of September 14th the Corsair trailed into the
mouth of the Gironde, doggedly kicking along at six knots, with the
Norwegian water-bruiser dragging in her wake. There the Penguin
took hold and the yacht went on alone to a berth at Pauillac, none
the worse for the experience. It was all in the job, not so sensational
as dropping depth bombs on a submarine, but perhaps requiring
more courage, endurance, and seamanship. Commander Porter’s
description of the tussle with the hawser is highly technical, but one
catches glimpses of the hard and heavy toil of the sea and the ability
to do the right thing in time of stress which comes only with
experience. The sailors of the Corsair, many of them landlubbers
only a year before, were learning the tricks of the trade.
It was back to the convoys again, the same old round of
discomfort at sea and coaling ship in port, but the spirit of the great
adventure had not been dulled. By way of change and respite, the
Corsair was twice chosen to carry distinguished official visitors from
one French base to another. The first occasion was on August 24th
when the passengers comprised the party of members of the House
Committee on Naval Affairs who were inspecting for themselves the
American naval and military forces overseas—Chairman L. P.
Padgett, D. J. Riordan, W. L. Hensley, J. R. Connelly, W. B. Oliver,
W. W. Venable, J. C. Wilson, T. S. Butler, W. J. Browning, J. R. Farr,
S. E. Mudd. J. A. Peters, and F. C. Hicks.
They were the guests of the Corsair from Royan to the great
American aviation base at Pauillac, and their enthusiastic approval of
the work of the Navy in the war was pleasant for the crew of the
Corsair to hear. Their report, later submitted to the Secretary of the
Navy, contained this non-partisan opinion, signed by Republican and
Democratic members alike:
The committee visited and inspected the United States
naval activities at Bordeaux, Moutchic, Pauillac,
Rochefort, La Rochelle, La Pallice, Fromentine,
Paimbœuf, Saint-Nazaire, Montoir, Le Croisic, L’Orient, Île
Tudy, and Brest. The amount of money expended at these
various stations mounts into the hundreds of millions of
dollars and the activities involve the employment of
thousands upon thousands of men. They represent
activities on land and water, under the water, and in the
air. They involve transportation of troops, munitions,
equipment, food, and clothing from the United States into
France of the value of untold millions. The duties and
responsibilities of the Navy were to escort and convoy
ships transporting troops, and all manner of effort and
activity in the air, patrolling the seas against German
submarines, and safeguarding the arrival and departure of
ships, the construction of bases for the operation and the
care of the enormous aviation organization, and also at
the various bases providing first aid and hospital
accommodations for the sick and disabled and the
establishment of sanitary conditions, housing facilities,
and numerous other activities essential to the proper care
of the men, besides the many other efforts essential to the
successful prosecution of the war.
Copyright by Underwood and Underwood, N. Y.
ADMIRAL HENRY T. MAYO, COMMANDER-IN-

CHIEF OF THE ATLANTIC FLEET
The whole work was so colossal that while there may

have been mistakes and matters subject to criticism in
small details, they were lost in the magnitude of the
success accomplished. Taken as a whole, by and large,
the Navy has achieved a great work and is entitled to
approval and commendation.
Late in October the word came to the Corsair that the
Commander-in-Chief of the Atlantic Fleet, Admiral Henry T. Mayo,
and staff, would be graciously pleased to use the yacht (or fourth-
class gunboat, to be precise) to take them from Royan to Pauillac.
Now a four-starred admiral is absolutely top-hole in naval rank and
dignity, and the three gold stripes above the broad band on his
sleeve are viewed with awe and bedazzlement by the younger
officers. To be a vice-admiral, or even a rear admiral, is a resounding
distinction, but an admiral is so much more imposing that there are
very few of him extant.
You may be sure that the Corsair was fit for minute inspection
when the Commander-in-Chief of the Atlantic Fleet stepped aboard
at Royan, with side boys at the gangway and the boatswain’s mate
to pipe him with proper ceremony. The ship’s officers found him to be
the affable gentleman and manly sailor which his reputation in the
Navy had led them to expect. Admiral Mayo later recalled this trip in
a letter to the writer of this story of the Corsair, and was kind enough
to say:
Department of the Navy
General Board
Washington, August 22, 1919
Dear Sir:
Your letter of August 12th with reference to the war story
of Mr. J. P. Morgan’s yacht Corsair reached me while
absent on leave. My only opportunity to observe the
Corsair was in a very short trip during which I was a
passenger on board, but I do not hesitate to say that I
received a most favorable impression as to the condition
of the ship and the efficiency of the personnel at that time,
and that the reports as to the general efficiency and good
work of the vessel during her service on the French coast
were of an extremely high character.
(Signed) Henry T. Mayo
CHAPTER XI
IN THE RADIO-ROOM
I N this strange warfare against an enemy who fought, for the most
part, under the sea, there was no more effective agency than the
wireless telegraph or radio. It enabled the convoys to receive
warnings and to steer safe courses, it brought help to hundreds of
ships in distress, and as an offensive weapon enabled the Allied
naval forces to locate and destroy a large number of German
submarines. Without the highly developed employment of radio
communication, it would have been impossible to protect the
transportation of troops, food, and material. More than any other
factor, the radio won the war at sea.
As soon as directional wireless was perfected and used, it became
practicable to fix the position of a U-boat by means of the messages
sent from it, and, as Admiral Sims has said, “Their commanders
were particularly careless in the use of wireless. The Germanic
passion for conversation could not be suppressed, even though this
national habit might lead to the most serious consequences.
Possibly also the solitary submarine felt lonely; at any rate, as soon
as it reached the Channel or the North Sea, it started an almost
uninterrupted flow of talk. The U-boats communicated principally with
each other, and also with the Admiralty at home, and in doing this
they gave away their position to the assiduously listening Allies. The
radio direction-finder, by which we can instantaneously locate the
position from which a wireless message is sent, was the mechanism
which furnished much of this information. Of course, the Germans
knew that their messages revealed their locations, for they had
direction-finders as well as we, but the fear of discovery did not act
as a curb upon a naturally loquacious nature.”
The radio service of the Corsair was considered unusually efficient
by no less an authority than Admiral Wilson, who had occasion to
write the following commendation:

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THE SINKING CALIFORNIAN. GOING, GOING, ALMOST GONE!

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The Corsair happened to find this helpless Dagfin while scouting in

ADMIRAL HENRY T. MAYO, COMMANDER-IN-

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