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Contemporary
Israeli–Turkish
Relations in
Comparative
Perspective

EDITED BY
Aysegül Sever
Orna Almog
Contemporary Israeli–Turkish Relations
in Comparative Perspective
 Ayşegül Sever · Orna Almog
Editors

Contemporary Israeli–
Turkish Relations
in Comparative
Perspective
Editors
Ayşegül Sever Orna Almog
Political Science and International London, UK
Relations
Marmara University
Anadoluhisarı, Istanbul, Turkey

and

London School of Economics LSE

Ideas
London, UK

ISBN 978-3-030-05785-5 ISBN 978-3-030-05786-2 (eBook)

https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-05786-2

Library of Congress Control Number: 2018964904

© The Editor(s) (if applicable) and The Author(s), under exclusive license to Springer
Nature Switzerland AG, part of Springer Nature 2019
This work is subject to copyright. All rights are solely and exclusively licensed by the
Publisher, whether the whole or part of the material is concerned, specifically the rights
of translation, reprinting, reuse of illustrations, recitation, broadcasting, reproduction
on microfilms or in any other physical way, and transmission or information storage and
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The use of general descriptive names, registered names, trademarks, service marks, etc. in this
publication does not imply, even in the absence of a specific statement, that such names are
exempt from the relevant protective laws and regulations and therefore free for general use.
The publisher, the authors and the editors are safe to assume that the advice and
information in this book are believed to be true and accurate at the date of publication.
Neither the publisher nor the authors or the editors give a warranty, express or implied,
with respect to the material contained herein or for any errors or omissions that may have
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Cover image: © Pavel Cherepianyi/Alamy Stock Vector

Cover design by Tom Howey

This Palgrave Macmillan imprint is published by the registered company Springer Nature
Switzerland AG
The registered company address is: Gewerbestrasse 11, 6330 Cham, Switzerland
 Acknowledgements

This book is a combined effort of many who made this study possible.
We would like to thank all our contributors both in Israel and Turkey for
sharing their knowledge and expertise. Each of them has added a unique
and valuable chapter to this edited volume which is an important pillar to
the study of Israel–Turkish relations in the contemporary era.
We would like also to thank Nickie Gina Reid, for editing our own
chapter, introduction and conclusions: for her professional, succinct
work and for her endless kindness, advise and willingness to assist at any
time.
We would also like to thanks Dr. Effie Pedaliu and Prof. Amikam
Nachmani for their kind assistance and advise.
Last but not least to Palgrave Macmillan Publishers for giving us the
opportunity and a platform to publish this study and for believing in us
and the importance of our study. A special thanks to Alina and Mary
from Palgrave for their advice and passion and to Karthika for her assis-
tance with the final production process.

v
 Contents

1 Introduction 1
Ayşegül Sever and Orna Almog

2 The New Jew and the New Turk: A Comparative

Analysis of Israeli and Turkish Nation-Building Within
the Framework of Religion, Modernity and Secularism 11
Umut Uzer

3 The Shrinking Space of the Third Sector in Israel

and Turkey 39
Sultan Tepe and Aviad Rubin

4 The Mavi Marmara: An Embattled Voyage and Its

Consequences 61
Orna Almog and Ayşegül Sever

5 Emerging Alliances, Deteriorating Relations: Turkey,

Israel and Greece in the Eastern Mediterranean 101
Tuğçe Ersoy

6 How the Syrian Civil War Shifted the Balance of Power

in Turkish–Israeli Relations 139
Soli Özel and Selin Nasi

vii
viii    Contents

7 Economic Relations Between Israel and Turkey 177

Paul Rivlin

8 Prospects of Natural Gas in Turkey and Israel 195

Mert Bilgin

9 The Changing Tourism Patterns Between Turkey and

Israel: Reflecting a Troubled Relationship 217
Gallia Lindenstrauss

10 Conclusions 235
Orna Almog and Ayşegül Sever

Index 243
 Notes on Contributors

Orna Almog is a graduate of the Hebrew University of Jerusalem and

has received her Ph.D. from the London School of Economics and
Political Science, International History Department. She is the author
of: Britain, Israel and the United States 1955–1958—Beyond Suez (Frank
Cass, 1993). Her main expertise is Israeli foreign policy: the Arab–Israeli
conflict and conflict resolution. Until most recently she has been a sen-
ior lecturer in Politics and International relations at Kingston University
London, UK. She took part in different research project focusing on the
international relations of the Middle East. In 2013, Dr. Almog was also
a visiting fellow at the Aegean University in Rhodes, Greece Department
Mediterranean Studies and later a visiting fellow at the M.A. program
Mediterranean studies, Department of Political Science & International
Relations, University of the Peloponnese, Corinth, Greece where she
also participated as a guest lecturer. Almog also appears on the BBC
and the’ Voice of America’ as well as many other international confer-
ences. Among her other publications are “Hide and Seek- Israeli Turkish
relations and the Baghdad Pact, Middle Eastern Studies, January 2017,
Vol. 53, issue 3. (with Ayşegül Sever)”, and “Unlikely Relations: Israel,
Romanian and the Egyptian—Israeli peace accord. Middle Eastern
Studies” (June 2016. Vol. 52. Issue 6).
Mert Bilgin is a Professor of international relations and teaches
diverse aspects of energy policy, energy transitions and international
political economy of energy. He holds his Ph.D. in Socio-Economy of

ix
x    Notes on Contributors

Development from CEMI of L’École des hautes études en sciences sociales

in Paris. He has been working on energy issues within the private sec-
tor as well as within the academia since 1993. He is the author of three
books, many book chapters, and highly cited research articles published
in leading academic journals such as Energy Policy, Communist and Post-
Communist Studies, Futures, International Journal of Global Energy
Issues, Journal of Business Ethics, Journal of International Relations and
Social Indicators Research. His current research interests focus on inter-
national oil and gas trade, energy security and their interaction with
global political economy. He is native in Turkish, fluently speaks English
and French, and possesses basic command of Russian and German.
Tuğçe Ersoy is an Assistant Professor at İzmir Democracy University,
Department of International Relations. She is graduated from
Galatasaray University. She pursued her studies in France at Université
Lyon II (IEP), Center for Research on Mediterranean and Near East.
She obtained her Master degree from METU, Middle East Studies
Program. She finished her Ph.D. studies at Marmara University, Institute
of Middle East Studies. Her dissertation focused on the Palestinians
in Israel and their relations with the Jews and the state for which she
did a field study at Haifa University in Israel in 2015. She has pub-
lished research articles and book chapters on the issues of Israeli politics,
Israeli–Palestinian conflict. She is the editor of Public Diplomacy (2012),
Cultural Diplomacy (2012) and Balkan Wars in 100th Anniversary:
Prevention of Conflicts, Vision of Peace and Welfare (2013). Her current
research focuses on the conflictual relations of religious and secular Jews
in Israel.
Gallia Lindenstrauss is a research fellow at the Institute for National
Security Studies (affiliated with Tel Aviv University) and specializes in
Turkish foreign policy. Her additional research interests are ethnic con-
flicts, Azerbaijan’s foreign policy, the Cyprus issue, and the Kurds. She
has written extensively on these topics and her commentaries and op-eds
have appeared in all of the Israeli major media outlets, as well as in inter-
national outlets such as National Interest, Hurriyet Daily News, Turkey
Analyst and Insight Turkey. Dr. Lindenstrauss completed her Ph.D.
in the Department of International Relations at Hebrew University.
She formerly lectured at the Hebrew University of Jerusalem and at
the Interdisciplinary Center, Herzliya, and was a postdoctoral fellow at
 Notes on Contributors    xi

the Leonard Davis Institute for International Relations at the Hebrew

University, and a visiting fellow at the Bipartisan Policy Center in
Washington, DC.
Selin Nasi is a doctoral candidate at Bogaziçi University Department
of Political Science and International Relations. She is also a regular
columnist at Hürriyet Daily News and Şalom, the weekly newspaper of
the Jewish Community of Turkey. She received her B.A. from Marmara
University Department of Political Science and her M.A. at Istanbul
Bilgi University. Her publications include “Managing the Middle East:
The need to revive Transatlantic Cooperation” Turkish Policy Quarterly,
Fall, 2006 and “An anatomy of a troubled partnership,” Vocal Europe,
2016 and (with Henri Barkey) “Turkey and the Arab Spring: From
Engagement to the Sidelines” in External Powers and the Arab Spring
edited by Sverre Lodgaard, Denmark: SAP, 2016.
Soli Özel holds a B.A. in Economics from Benningon College (1981)
and an M.A. in International Relations from Johns Hopkins University
School of Advanced International Studies (SAIS-1983). Mr. Özel is cur-
rently a full-time Professor at Kadir Has University. He is also a column-
ist at Habertürk Daily newspaper. He has guest lectured at Georgetown,
Harvard, Tufts and other US universities, taught at UC Santa Cruz,
SAIS, University of Washington, Hebrew University and held fellowships
at Oxford, the EU Institute of Strategic Studies and was a Fisher Family
Fellow of the “Future of Diplomacy Program” at the Belfer Center of
the Kennedy School of Government at Harvard University. In the Spring
of 2013, he was a Keyman fellow and a visiting lecturer at Northwestern
University. From 2015 to 2017 he was a Richard von Weizsacker fellow
at the Robert Bosch Academy in Berlin. He is a regular contributor to
German Marshall Fund’s web site’s “ON Turkey” series. His work has
been published in Internationale Politik, Journal of Democracy, Foreign
Policy, International Security, Wall Street Journal, Financial Times, New
York Times, The Guardian, Bitterlemons-International. He publishes reg-
ularly for l’Espresso magazine in Italy.
Paul Rivlin is a senior fellow at the Moshe Dayan Center for Middle
East and African Studies at Tel Aviv University and adjunct profes-
sor at the Interdisciplinary Center, Herzliya. He studied at Cambridge,
London and Harvard Universities and is the author of five books: The
Dynamics of Economic Policy Making in Egypt; The Israeli Economy;
xii    Notes on Contributors

Economic Policy and Performance in the Arab World; Arab Economies

in the Twenty First Century and The Israeli Economy from the Founding
of the State to the Twenty-First Century as well as monographs, papers,
reports and contributions to books on economic development in the
Middle East, international energy markets, defense and trade econom-
ics. He has taught Middle East economics at London and Ben Gurion
Universities and has been a visiting professor at Emory University.
Aviad Rubin is a Senior Lecturer (US Associate Professor) in the
School of Political Science, University of Haifa. He holds a Ph.D. from
McGill university. Dr. Rubin specializes in the intersection between the
politics of identity—particularly religion, nationalism and language—and
regime theory. Dr. Rubin has written extensively on the politics on iden-
tity and democratic performance in Turkey and Israel.
Ayşegül Sever is a Professor of International Relations at Marmara
University in Turkey. Currently, she is a Visiting Scholar at London
School of Economics IDEAS, UK. After graduated from Faculty of
Political Science, Ankara University, she completed her postgradu-
ate studies in Britain (M.A. Birmingham University, Ph.D. Reading
University). Her areas of interest include International Politics of the
Middle East, Turkish Foreign Policy, Cold War History and Regionalism.
She has widely published on these issues and participated in numerous
conferences. She was a Visiting Scholar at the Harry S. Truman Research
Institute for the Advancement of Peace, Hebrew University in 2002 and
the Wolfson College, Oxford University in 2009. Some of her works
include “Power led’ outside intervention in the Kurdish politics in Iraq
and Turkey in the early 1970s”, Middle Eastern Studies, 2013; “Turkish
Perception of the Mediterranean and Euro-Mediterranean Relations in
the 1980s”, Journal of Mediterranean Studies, 2015; “UN Factor in
“Regional Power Role” and the Turkish Case in the 2000s, Cambridge
Review of International Affairs, 2016. “Globalism, Regionalism and
the Middle East” in Conflict and Diplomacy in the Middle East edited
by Yannis Stivatchtis, Bristol, E-IR Publishing, 2018.
Sultan Tepe is an Associate Professor at the Department of Political
Science at the University of Illinois in Chicago. Dr. Tepe authored
numerous publications, including the book Beyond Sacred and Secular:
Politics of Religion in Israel and Turkey published by Stanford University
Press in 2008. Her forthcoming book analyzes the transformation
 Notes on Contributors    xiii

transnational communities of religious identities in global cities. Her

articles appeared in the Journal of Democracy, Democratization, Political
Research Quarterly, Politics and Religion, and Mediterranean Quarterly.
Umut Uzer is an Associate Professor at the Department of Humanities
and Social Sciences at Istanbul Technical University. He has published on
the impact of nationalism, identity and state-building in the Middle East
and the Caucasus. He is the author of An Intellectual History of Turkish
Nationalism and Identity and Turkish Foreign Policy. For his doctoral
studies, he attended University of Virginia, whereas he obtained his
Master’s degree from Middle East Technical University and Bachelor’s
degree from Bilkent University in the field of international relations. Dr.
Uzer was a postdoctoral fellow at Harvard’s Center for Middle Eastern
Studies from 2007 to 2010. He has taught at Smith College, University
of Maryland University College, Fashion Institute of Technology
(SUNY), University of Utah and Boğaziçi University.
 List of Tables

Table 7.1 Israel–Turkish trade in goods, 2000–2016 ($billions) 180

Table 7.2 Shares of imports, 2000–2016 180
Table 7.3 Israeli tourism in Turkey, 2006–2016 (thousands) 183
Table 8.1 Turkey’s international gas pipelines and projects 211

xv
 CHAPTER 1

Introduction

Ayşegül Sever and Orna Almog

The relationship between the Republic of Turkey and the State of Israel
is unique in the Middle East. The two most prominent military powers
in the region, both are close allies of the United States; and both view
themselves as modern, Westernized, advanced countries. Their relation-
ship is central to the stability of the Middle East.
This relationship currently appears much more fragile than in its early
decades. In spite of increasing trade relations, long-term intelligence
sharing, and military cooperation, each state’s perception of the other
has recently suffered serious setbacks.
Since the inception of diplomatic relations between Israel and Turkey
in 1949, the relationship has never been an easy one among the region’s
conflicts and uncertainties. Although it was relatively friendly for many
years—especially during the 1990s—it has transitioned into one of the

A. Sever (*)
Political Science and International Relations at Marmara University,
Anadoluhisarı, Istanbul, Turkey
A. Sever
Visiting Scholar, London School of Economics LSE Ideas, London, UK
O. Almog
Independent Researcher, Politics and International Relations, Kingston
University, London, UK

© The Author(s) 2019 1

A. Sever and O. Almog (eds.), Contemporary
Israeli–Turkish Relations in Comparative Perspective,
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-05786-2_1
2 A. SEVER AND O. ALMOG

most fragile and challenging ties in the contemporary affairs of the

region. In the past ten years (2008–2018), the number and severity of
crises between the two nations has surpassed all their previous problems.
Against this background, we asked a number of Turkish and Israeli
scholars to contribute their various perspectives. Taken together, the
chapters of our book, each by different authors, constitute a wide-
ranging study analyzing many of the internal and external events leading
up to and affecting the two countries’ relationship at its current difficult
period. Our contributors examine politics and ideologies, national ambi-
tions, military affairs, trade, energy, economics, and tourism.
Relationships with non-Arab states in the region were always important
for Israel, which was encircled by hostile Arab states. Close cooperation
with Turkey was particularly important to Israeli leaders. As a strategi-
cally located Muslim state with a strong army, Turkey was an ideal party in
Israel’s constant search for allies. Although their relationship also benefited
Turkey, especially in the 1990s, it was Israel that was keener on maintaining
it. Although the alliance had its ups and downs, their cooperation, espe-
cially in military affairs and intelligence, was considered an Israeli success.
Israeli decision-makers faced a new challenge to cooperation between
the two countries soon after the AKP Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi
(Justice and Development Party) came to power in Turkey in late 2002
and Recep Tayyip Erdoğan became Prime Minister in 2003. The domi-
nance of Israel’s right-wing Likud party, strengthened by coalition with
the nationalist religious party Habyait Hayehudi (the Jewish Home), and
Israel Beyitenu (Israel our Home), a right-wing secular party, did not
make things any easier for Turkish leaders.
During the past decade, escalating tensions between the two states
can be correlated both with their internal, domestic politics and with
their external, regional environment. Ankara’s harsh criticism of Israel’s
Gaza campaign in 2008, Erdoğan’s stormy confrontation with Israel’s
President Shimon Peres at the 2009 Davos Economic Forum, and
eventually the Mavi Marmara affair in 2010, brought the relationship,
already tense with mutual accusations, animosity and hostility, to a diplo-
matic break.
The Mavi Marmara incident—when an Israeli special commando unit
raided a flotilla that aimed to challenge a naval blockade of Gaza, and
killed nine Turkish people on board—brought the relationship between
the two countries to an all-time low, and led to a temporary break in dip-
lomatic relations, renewed only in November 2016. The episode created a
 1 INTRODUCTION 3

rift that took six years to mend. The healing, as well as the rift (economic
relations did not cease) has been imperfect: withdrawal of ambassadors,
mutual condemnations, and threatening speeches have become routine.
For decades Turkey remained the only Muslim country to have rec-
ognized Israel—which Israel appreciated and valued immensely. Indeed,
for many years Israel was the active party in the relationship, viewing it
as a cornerstone and a major success of its foreign policy. However, with
emerging difficulties between the two states, and with growing chal-
lenges in Syria, the Eastern Mediterranean, and the Middle East, the
relationship with Turkey no longer holds its initial significance for Israel.
Israel’s position in the region has changed. Despite the ongoing con-
flict with the Palestinians that clouds its relations with Arab states, Israel
maintains good working relations with both Egypt and Jordan, and is
building new alliances with Cyprus and Greece. Nevertheless, because
of Turkey’s military might and strategic position, Israeli decision-makers
still put high value on good relations with Ankara.
Other difficult situations in the region include the growing division
between Sunni and Shia Muslims, the addition of non-state actors such
as ISIS, and the increasing power and influence of Iran. These i­mportant
issues are also addressed in this book, which examines the Israeli–Turkish
relationship from a multidimensional, perspective. With the Middle East
dominating the international agenda—the Syrian civil war, refugees,
transnational armed forces, growing external involvements, the Iran
nuclear issue, the rise of Kurds in the Middle East, the development of
new relationships in the Persian Gulf and the Arab world—we hope to
contribute to a better understanding of the relationship between these
two prominent countries for anyone interested in world affairs in general,
and to anyone involved in Middle Eastern studies in particular.
Most studies to date focus on the historical evolution of the Turkish–
Israeli relationship. Amikam Nachmani’s book Israel, Turkey, and Greece:
Uneasy Relations in the East Mediterranean,1 and his article on the sig-
nificance of Israeli–Turkish relations, especially during the 1990s, “The
Remarkable Turkish–Israeli Ties,”2 examine the reasons behind the

1 Amikam Nachmani, Israel, Turkey and Greece: Uneasy Relations in the East Mediterranean

(London: Frank Cass, 1987).

2 Amikam Nachmani, Middle East Quarterly, Vol. 5, No. 2, March 1, 1998.
4 A. SEVER AND O. ALMOG

“Golden Age” of the relationship. Gencer Özcan’s book Türkiye-Israil

İlişkilerinde Dönüşüm: Güvenliğin Ötesi (Transformation in Turkish–Israeli
Relations: Beyond Security), and Jacob Abadi’s article “Israel and Turkey:
From Covert to Overt Relations,” are just a few examples of historical
accounts of the relationship up to the late 1990s.3
In the 1990s, several studies dealing with the Israeli–Turkish align-
ment were published. Ofra Bengio’s research, “The Turkish–Israeli
Relationship: Changing Ties of Middle Eastern Outsiders,” Meliha
Altunışık’s article “The Turkish–Israeli Rapprochement in the post-
cold war era,” and G.E. Gruen’s “Dynamic Progress in Turkish–Israeli
Relations,” are valuable examples of the literature about that period.4
In his book, Troubled Triangle: The United States, Turkey, and Israel
in the New Middle East,5 William Quand examines relations among the
superpower and its Middle Eastern alliances. Brookings Institute’s reports
are especially useful in understanding the impact of the United States
vis-à-vis the current crises between Israel and Turkey. For example, Dan
Arbel’s “The U.S.–Turkey–Israel Triangle”6 looks at diplomatic ties
among all three countries before, during, and after the 1990s. Another
contemporary account is given by Efraim Inbar’s articles “Israeli–Turkish
Tensions and their International Ramifications” and “Israeli–Turkish
Tensions and Beyond.”7
A number of more recent academic articles have added interest-
ing aspects to the understanding of current Israeli–Turkish relations,
including İlker Aytürk’s “The Coming of an Ice Age? Turkish–Israeli

3 Gencer Özcan, Türkiye-Israil İlişkilerinde Dönüşüm: Güvenliğin Ötesi (Istanbul: Tesev,

2005), 1–140. Jacob Abadi, ‘Israel and Turkey: From Covert to Overt Relation’, Journal of
Conflict Studies, Vol. 15, No. 2, 1995, pp. 104–28.
4 Ofra Bengio, The Turkish-Israeli Relationship: Changing Ties of Middle Eastern

Outsiders (London: Palgrave Macmillan, 2004), 1–249; Meliha Altunışık, “The Turkish-
Israeli Rapprochement in the Post-Cold War Era”, Middle Eastern Studies, Vol. 36, No. 2,
2000, 172–191; G. E. Gruen’s, ‘Dynamic Progress in Turkish Israeli Relations’, Israel
Affairs, Vol. 1, No. 4, 1995, pp. 40–70.
5 William Quand, Troubled Triangle: The United States, Turkey, and Israel in the New

Middle East, Just World Books, October 1, 2011.

6 Dan Arbel, The U.S.-Turkey-Israel Triangle, Brookings Institute, October 6, 2014.

https://www.brookings.edu/research/the-u-s-turkey-israel-triangle.
7 Efraim Inbar, “Israeli-Turkish Tensions and their International Ramifications and Israeli-

Turkish Tensions and Beyond”, Foreign Policy Research Institute, Winter 2011.
 1 INTRODUCTION 5

Relations Since 2011” and Özlem Tür’s article “Turkey and Israel in the
2000s-From Cooperation to Conflict.”8 Civilian aspects of the relation-
ship began to draw attention, as indicated in studies such as Sultan Tepe’s
“Beyond Sacred and Secular: Politics of Religion in Israel and Turkey,”
and Yusuf Sarfati’s “Mobilizing Religion in Middle East Politics: A
Comparative Study of Israel and Turkey.”9
Our book, Contemporary Israeli-Turkish Relations in Comparative
Perspective, aims to present the insights of a broader variety of dis-
ciplines on the issues and crises in the relationship between Israel and
Turkey. Our authors examine both external and internal issues, looking
at the changes that have occurred both in foreign relations and in the
domestic spheres of both countries. Each chapter focuses on a different
issue—collectively forming, we hope, a comprehensive, analysis of vari-
ous components of Turkish–Israeli relations previously absent from the
academic literature.
While focusing on the bilateral relationship, it is essential to under-
stand the wider background of the various events that have impacted and
continue to affect the region. Behind the scenes of international politics,
there exist a multitude of interests that influence and direct foreign pol-
icy and diplomatic relationships. We believe that the approach adopted
in our book is essential for understanding the complexity of relations
between Israel and Turkey.
Although each chapter focuses on a different theme, the Mavi
Marmara incident is central to every chapter: clearly, it was a turning
point in Israeli–Turkish relations.
Although the Mavi Marmara flotilla fiasco worsened the already
­fragile state of affairs between the two countries, our authors expand
their perspective beyond that central incident. We believe that in order to
understand the complexities of the Israeli–Turkish relationship, it is abso-
lutely necessary to examine the multidimensional aspects of the coun-
tries’ different interests, and their ideologies versus their realpolitik.

8 İlker Aytürk, “The Coming of an Ice Age? Turkish-Israeli Relations Since 2002”, Turkish

Studies, Vol. 12, No. 4, 2011, pp. 675–687; ÖzlemTür, “Turkey and Israel in the 2000s—
From Cooperation to Conflict”, Israel Studies, Vol. 17, No. 3, pp. 45–66.
9 Sultan Tepe’s Beyond Sacred and Secular: Politics of Religion (Stanford: Stanford University

Press, 2008); Yusuf Sarfati’s Mobilizing Religion in Middle East Politics: A Comparative Study
of Israel and Turkey (New York: Routledge, 2013).
6 A. SEVER AND O. ALMOG

Following the introduction, the first two chapters address national

and societal aspects of the relationship between Turkey and Israel. Rather
than attempting to cover every possible sociopolitical aspect of the rela-
tionship, two relatively little-discussed subjects—the construction of
national identity and the issues of civil society—are examined in a com-
parative fashion. As these chapters demonstrate, much has changed in
these spheres; and it is interesting to see that new developments in Israel
and Turkey have at times followed similar patterns.
Chapter 2, by Umut Uzer, examines the role of religion in the
construction of state identity in Israel and Turkey, arguing that even
though each country has a unique relationship with religion in its own
formation of state identity, we can observe resemblances in modernity,
secularism, Westernization, and nationalism. Uzer treats “both Zionism
and Kemalism as state-building and nation-crafting ideologies.” As both
countries have moved from their traditional conception of national-
ism toward ultranationalism, issues of state identity and religio-politics
have become more dominant. Uzer draws attention to the changes that
have resulted from “the decline of the secularist ethos” in both Turkish
and Israeli politics, and the impact of these phenomena on bilateral
relations.
In Chapter 3, Sultan Tepe and Aviad Rubin look at a rarely studied
area in the two countries’ relations: comparative civil society. Their work
fits with the development Uzer illustrates in Chapter 1, as an increase
in exclusive nationalism and religio-politics creates an uncomfortable
environment for many opposition groups. Tepe and Rubin examine the
relationships of several civil-society groups (Shovrim Shtika, New Israel
Fund, Başkent Kadin Platformu, and Mazlumder) with the govern-
ing parties and ideologies of the past decade, showing how civil-society
organizations (non-state actors) in both countries find it increasingly
difficult to promote liberal values and to challenge state policies in an
increasingly curtailed public space. They conclude that their chosen cases
display “the consumption of civil society by the political sphere” in both
states, and “thus challenge the accepted perspectives of civil society as
a realm which is clearly defined, highly autonomous, and distinguished
from the political.” This highlights the growing role of civic society in
both countries. As Almog and Sever also demonstrate in Chapter 4, one
of these non-state actors, IHH, became very much a part of the debate
in Israeli–Turkish relations.
 1 INTRODUCTION 7

The next two chapters deal with major changes in the relationship
brought about by successive bilateral crises over Gaza, and by regional
crises such as the Syrian civil war. In Chapter 4, “The Mavi Marmara:
An Embattled Voyage and Its Consequences,” Ayşegül Sever and
Orna Almog analyze the main events, difficulties, and conflicting views
of each country prior to the Mavi Marmara incident, after its climax,
and through its multiple consequences. Centered on the political, stra-
tegic and legal implications of the Mavi Marmara crisis, the chapter
approaches the crisis as a true reflection of domestic strains and regional
developments that took its toll on relations in the 2000s. This chapter
elaborates how domestic politics (i.e., long-running AKP rule, growing
right-wing religious politics in Israel, developments in the Middle East,
especially the Palestinian issue) dominates one of the most important
bilateral relationships in the region. The chapter also shows how contin-
uing tense exchanges have resulted from domestic and regional devel-
opments before and after the rapprochement of 2016; and examines
whether that rapprochement was a genuine breakthrough or simply a
formality that opened only limited channels of communication.
In Chapter 6, Selin Nasi and Soli Özel provide a comprehensive analysis
of multiple effects of the Syrian crisis on Turkish–Israeli relations in light of
growing numbers of state and non-state-actor involvements in the war since
2011. Identifying the Syrian civil war as an important initiator in restoring
Turkey and Israel’s relationship, Özel and Nasi touch upon the critical issue
of the war’s impact on current and prospective Turkish–Israeli relations,
especially given the involvement of the United States, Iran, Russia, Iraq,
and various non-state actors such as ISIS, PYD, and Hezbollah.
Chapters 5 and 8 widen the scope of the study, looking at broader
geopolitical and geoeconomic changes in the Eastern Mediterranean
and the Middle East. In Chapter 5, by Tuğçe Ersoy, the deterioration
in relations between Israel and Turkey is viewed against a renaissance
in Israel’s relationships with Greece and Cyprus. Israel’s establishment
of ties with these countries has created a new geopolitical bloc with
­political, economic, and military significance that could, to some extent,
stand up to Turkey in the Eastern Mediterranean.10 We term these
unprecedented close relations with Greece and Cyprus the “Hellenic
Option.”

10 Arye Mekel, “A New Geopolitical Bloc Is Born in the Eastern Mediterranean: Israel,

Greece and Cyprus”, BESA Center Perspectives Paper, Vol. 329, 2016, p. 4.
8 A. SEVER AND O. ALMOG

In Chapter 8, Mert Bilgin focuses on energy economics, a relatively

new segment of the bilateral relationship, looking at the possibilities of
energy-based cooperation between the two in light of Turkey’s energy
consumer and transit capacity; and of Israel’s emerging energy supplier
role in the Levant basin of the Eastern Mediterranean. Given that Israel’s
position as a natural gas supplier and Turkey’s need for gas supplies seem
quite complimentary, Bilgin is relatively positive about the countries’
prospects in the energy sector, on the condition that political issues do
not overwhelm economic considerations. Comprehension of the relative
standing of each state around energy issues is a most relevant addition
to a multifaceted understanding of the current regional affairs of the
Eastern Mediterranean and the Middle East.
Chapter 7, by Paul Rivlin, asserts that economic relations have always
been at the core of cooperation between the two countries, and that
both see significant worth in maintaining trade in spite of diplomatic
difficulties. As the relations encountered their most serious setback ever
in the period of 2008–2016, their continuing trade ties became their
most reliable and enduring area of cooperation. Stating that “Israel and
Turkey have complimentary economies,” Rivlin concludes that despite
all the serious crises since 2008, their economic relations “have been
tested by fire but survived.” According to the author, the challenge is to
“realize their unrealized potential” in this realm.11
In the concluding Chapter 9, Gallia Lindenstrauss addresses an
interesting aspect of economics and diplomacy that is absent from
many academic discussions: the relationship between politics and tour-
ism. For many years Turkey was a favored travel destination of Israelis,
but the Mavi Marmara crisis prompted many Israeli tourists to visit
other Mediterranean resorts, mainly in Greece and Cyprus. As are
Rivlin and Bilgin, Lindenstrauss is optimistic about the potential of
Israeli–Turkish relations, despite a huge drop in the number of Israelis
visiting Turkey.
In presenting Turkish–Israeli Relations in Contemporary Perspectives,
we hope to draw attention to the importance of viewing the persis-
tence and durability of the two countries’ relationship from multiple

11 Paul Rivlin (Chapter 7, pp. 177–193).

 1 INTRODUCTION 9

perspectives rather than through the narrow prism of the strategic and
military issues that have always been strongly emphasized and widely
discussed. Instead, the countries’ respective domestic political domains,
intersocietal ties, human contacts, cultural understanding, and continu-
ing productive economic ties are all well worth consideration, in order
to better formulate possibilities for strong, durable, and—hopefully—
conflict-free relations in forthcoming years.
 CHAPTER 2

The New Jew and the New Turk:

A Comparative Analysis of Israeli
and Turkish Nation-Building Within
the Framework of Religion, Modernity
and Secularism

Umut Uzer

This study offers a comparison of Israeli and Turkish national identities

and the role of religion in the construction of their respective nations.
The new Turk and the new Israeli Jew had ambivalent relations toward
religion, trying to jettison certain aspects of it while at the same time
retaining elements of Islam and Judaism in the makeup of their respec-
tive national identities. In fact, religion determined the delineation of
belonging to the Turkish and Jewish nation. Despite the radical secular-
ism practiced in the early decades of Republican Turkey, a non-Muslim

U. Uzer (*)
Department of Humanities and Social Sciences,
Istanbul Technical University, Istanbul, Turkey
e-mail: uuzer@itu.edu.tr

© The Author(s) 2019 11

A. Sever and O. Almog (eds.), Contemporary
Israeli–Turkish Relations in Comparative Perspective,
https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-05786-2_2
12 U. UZER

Turk was unthinkable for most Turks and a Jew who converted to
another religion was no longer considered a Jew. In other words, Islam
and Judaism has been the identity markers of Turkishness and Jewishness
without necessarily denoting religiosity.
Turks are usually perceived as the rulers of the Ottoman Empire
which had a 600-year-long history, whereas Jews lacked a state for
thousands of years. From such a perspective it could be argued that
Turks possessed a number of states including the Seljuk Empire,
whereas Jews had none in the past two thousand years, yet it should
be kept in mind that the Ottoman Empire was a multinational Empire
hence Turkishness was not the dominant consciousness of the state
identity. Therefore, in the nineteenth century, Turkish nationalism
emerged as one of the rival ideologies to Ottomanism, Islamism and
Westernism in the Ottoman Empire. Similarly, in the nineteenth cen-
tury, Zionism was only one of the ideologies prevalent among the
Jewish people in Europe in addition to socialism, liberalism as well as a
tendency to assimilate in European societies. In neither case nationalism
was the predominant idea.
While both nation-building processes entailed rejection of their imme-
diate pasts, the Diaspora in the case of Israel and the Ottoman Empire in
the case of modern Turkey, a total rejection was never possible, therefore
both peoples had an ambivalent relation with their recent past. However,
both nations tried to leapfrog all the way back to their ancient history
be it the Biblical era or that of pre-Islamic Turkish history in Inner
Asia. Despite their secular and Western orientations, both nations also
employed sacred terminology such as şehit (martyr) and gazi (veteran)
in Turkish nationalism and aliya (immigration to the Land of Israel) and
geula (redemption) in the case of Zionism.
In sum, this chapter purports to offer a comparative approach to
Turkish nationalism and Kemalist state identity on the one hand and
Zionism and the Jewish state identity on the other. There are striking
resemblances as far as elements of modernity, secularism, Westernism
and nationalism in both national movements and state identities are
concerned. Both Zionism and Turkish nationalism rejected their recent
history and endeavored to create a new Jew and a new Turk. However,
they resorted to religious concepts to determine who belonged to their
respective nations and to mobilize their peoples. The analysis of the sim-
ilarities and differences between these two nation-building projects is the
major aim of this study.
 2 THE NEW JEW AND THE NEW TURK: A COMPARATIVE … 13

Two Peoples with Ethnoreligious Nationalisms

While it is easy to argue that no two countries or political phenomena are
exactly the same, “careful comparisons can help us understand the simi-
larities and differences” between two separate cases.1 After all, the sub-
field of Comparative Politics endeavors to explicate numerous countries
employing the comparative method of differentiating and contrasting
political systems and types of government. In this chapter, I purport to
analyze two non-Arab countries with analogous difficulties in their defi-
nition of national identity very much predicated on religion. The utmost
objective of this chapter is identifying the convergent and divergent
aspects of Israeli and Turkish national identities.
The nationalist projects of Israelis and Turks, namely, Zionism and
Kemalism are “modernizing, secularist national ideologies” which were
spearheaded under the leadership of the Mapai and later Labor Party in
Israel and Republican People’s Party (CHP) in Turkey.2 Similar to India,
both countries have passed through a secular revolution rejecting their
immediate religious pasts. Creation of a new identity was the paramount
objective of the founding fathers of both countries.
Having said that however, they have employed religion for construct-
ing national identities3 nationalizing religious symbols and presenting
religious belonging as the criterion for the definition of the members of
the nation. In other words, national and religious identities were very
much perceived as identical in both of our cases resulting in an ethnoreli-
gious definition of the nation.
Another similarity was the pro-Western approach in both internal and
external policies of Israel and Turkey. For David Ben Gurion (1886–
1973) and other Israeli leaders Westernism was a matter of survival in the
Middle East thus an existential concern as it denoted modernity, urbani-
zation, an increase in the educational level of the populace and advance-
ment in science and technology. Therefore, to be strong Israel had to
excel in all these spheres. As a function of his Westernism, Ben Gurion
was typically Orientalist as he believed the impact of the West would
also result in the economic development of the country.4 Referring to

1 Michael Walzer, The Paradox of Liberation, p. x.

2 Sarfati,
Mobilizing Religion, p. 2.
3 Belcim Tasçıoğlu, p. 3.

4 David Tal, pp. 351–353, 357.

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