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Yilmaz, I & B. Burak - TJP 2011 - Instrumentalist Use of Journalism in Imposing The Kemalist Hegemonic Worldview
Yilmaz, I & B. Burak - TJP 2011 - Instrumentalist Use of Journalism in Imposing The Kemalist Hegemonic Worldview
Instrumentalist Use of Journalism in Imposing the Kemalist Hegemonic Worldview and Educating the Masses in the Early Republican Period Ihsan Yilmaz1 and Begum Burak2
Abstract This paper analyses hegemonic use of the press in the process of top-down Kemalist modernization in the early periods of the Turkish Republic that is characterized by one party rule between early 1920s and 1950. In addition to helping Westernization attempts of the Kemalists, the press in this period also was hegemonically engaged in vilification of the past. Moreover, intolerant attitude towards pluralism and plurality of views was the discursive norm of the Turkish press at that time. The journalism and the press in the early years of the Republic had consistently supported the new regime which was committed to social engineering. This issue could unfortunately find little space in political science literature on Turkey. First of all, a theoretical framework concerning Gramscian theory of hegemony vis--vis media will be presented in this paper. Then, Turkish modernization history will be covered shortly, and lastly, in a more detailed way, the role of journalism and the press as an instrument in hegemonic modernization process in the early Republican period will be quested. Keywords: Gramsci, Modernization Hegemony, Turkey, Media, Press, Journalism, Islam,
Introduction: The Medias Role in Maintaining Hegemony The biggest strength of hegemony theory is its sensitivity to how history, culture and ideology can give rise to forces that stabilize and legitimize authoritarian regimes (Sim 2004, 19). Gramsci (1971) recognized that the stability and cohesion of Western societies could not depend on only fear (Femia 1983, 347). The basic premise of the theory of hegemony is that man is not ruled by force alone, but also by ideas (Bates 1975, 351). Physical domination is not enough; there is a need for spiritual supremacy as well (Femia 1983, 346). The concept of hegemony means political leadership based on the consent of the led, a consent which is secured by the diffusion and popularization of the world view of the ruling class (Bates 1975, 352).
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Turkish Modernization The Ottoman Empire was a bureaucratic empire. The ruling class was strictly controlled by the center. In parallel to that, while the empire was dissolving, the elites who started to build a nation-state and modernize it were not of the bourgeoisie but of the bureaucrats (Keyder 1993, 3). The modernization of the Ottoman Empire emerged with the Westernization of the bureaucrats (Mardin 1973, 179). Thus, in Turkish political culture an elitist aspect has always existed (Frey 1965, 43). As a natural result of this, Turkish modernization has been mentioned together with Turkish intellectuals or elites. After Tanzimat, with the replacement of the Ulema by the modernizing elites, the reforms changed in form and quality, and a series of changes in a top-down process affected the whole society. The Wests political, military and economic successes were not recognized until the Ottoman Empire started to decline. Along with the military defeats, the idea of implementing some reforms in the context of technology came into
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There are both de jure and de facto constraints in the name of Kemalism limiting a fully functioning democracy in Turkey. The 1982 constitution, which was prepared after the Sept. 12, 1980 military coup, severely limits the democratic power of parliament and elected government compared to Western democracies. Until very recently, through the National Security Council the military had direct influence on the government. A parallel military court structure with even a Supreme Court of Appeals which has no equivalent in the West makes even a black-letter civilian control of the military impossible It is also a fact that there have always been civilian supporters of such a Kemalist autocracy among elite circles such as the media, politics, business and even judiciary.
The institutions which produced this socio-political climate tried to transmit the messages of the new regime to the public via education. To serve this aim, the press was used in an effective way.
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Turkish press should build an iron wall around the Turkish Republic as a reflection of the nations real voice and will. A wall of ideas, a wall of mind Our nation has a right to demand this from the members of the press. It is a must for the whole nation to be in a sincere union and solidarism (Topuz 1973, 142).
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It was obvious that the modernization project was not welcomed by a majority of the masses. Hence, one of the influential journalists of the time-being Hseyin Cahit Yaln who was judged in the Independence Tribunals (stiklal Mahkemeleri), while defending himself said that Am I not republican? Am I not secular? Am I not progressive? Do I not favor democracy? How can you complain about me? (Kktener 2004, 68). The new regime had wanted all the new publications to work with the aim to help the modernization project. Also the opposing publications were repressed. After the Sheikh Said Rebellion with the enactment of the law of Maintenance of Order, all the opposing press was hushed. A newspaper called Tomorrow which was favoring the Free Republican Party was closed down. The experience of the opposing press lasted as long as the life of the opposing political parties at that time. With the press out of the way, on the advice of the Independence Tribunal the government closed down the Progressive Republican Party on 3 June. According to the tribunal, members of the party had supported the rebellion and tried to exploit religion for political purposes (Zurcher 2004, 172). All newspapers and periodicals leaning towards the liberal or socialist opposition had been closed down in 1925 and from then on only the government-controlled newspapers appeared since the adoption of a new press law that gave the government to close down any paper that published anything contradicting the general policies of the country (Zurcher 2004,180). Even though the press had acted in a monolithic way in supporting the modernization project, some journalists revealed a heavier effort compared to others. For instance, despite the existence of almost the whole press support for Mustafa Kemal, the role of the newspaper called Republic (Cumhuriyet) had been a distinguished one. (Kktener 2004, 70). That newspaper tried to support each single new law and social change ((Kktener 2004, 69). For instance, when the reform of the alphabet was experienced, the newspaper published an article called The New Writing on the very first page and it was emphasized that the adoption of the Latin Alphabet had been the main step towards Westernization ((Kktener 2004, 70). It must be known that with this reform Turkey will completely resemble to Europe holding the key of civilization.
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The press constitutes the main pillar of the cultural revolutions. The president called the whole Turkish people for a cultural campaign. He declared that they could make the national culture stand in the same level with Western civilizations. The press of Turkey would play a major role in this process (skit 1939, 224).
When the Turkish Press Congress was held in 1935, 116 newspapers and 127 magazines were being published. However, all of these publications were to defend the discourse of the top-down modernization process. The opposing elements in the press were not given any right to survive despite being modern and Western oriented. According to the press congress, the newspapers were defined as follows: a. The most powerful tool of propaganda in making the revolutions to gain a widespread support among the public. b. A tool of defense against reactionary attitudes. c. A servant for the incumbent governments. d. The most effective school in the political, economic and cultural education of the masses (nuur 1992, 108). During the Second World War, some kind of front line similar to that seen in the national struggle was witnessed. Some newspapers were defending democracy whereas some others were on the side of Germany. In 1945, some newspapers that had a leftist tendency were abolished. Contemporary scholars argue that this had been an operation of the deep state.
Conclusion The question of hegemony is also a question of new cultural order (Hall 1988, 145). It also focuses on the question of whose version of reality is being universalized and which alternatives are rendered unthinkable (Sim 2004, 7). In this sense, in the Kemalist westernization project, which is a top-down hegemonic socio-cultural transformation process, the Kemalist bureaucratic elite that gained the upper hand after
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