The current issue and full text archive of this journal is available at www.emeraldinsight.com/0263-4503.

htm

Anti-social behaviour: proling the lives behind road rage

Arch Woodside
Department of Marketing, Carroll School of Management, Boston College, Chestnut Hill, Massachusetts, USA
Abstract
Purpose The purpose of this paper is to propose that social demarketing campaigns need to recognize unique sub segments of individuals engaging in behaviours having substantial negative societal impacts. Design/methodology/approach Volume segmentation and extremely frequent behaviour theory is applied to examining several unique sub segments among survey data (n 6,393) of Americans not engaging and engaging in anti-social behaviour (giving-the-nger) to other motorists while driving. Findings Less than 2 percent of Americans are estimated to enact 40 percent of the total incidences of giving-the-nger to other motorists; three unique sub segments of the chronic anti-social actors participate in different lifestyles (including media usage behaviours) and each has unique demographic proles. Research limitations/implications The study is based on two years of a national survey taken in one country and self-reports only. The implications support the propositions of a general theory of extremely frequent consumption behaviour. Practical implications Government demarcating programs are likely to increase in effectiveness through tailoring a few strategies, rather than one, to inuence unique segments of chronic anti-social actors. Originality/value The paper provides individual-level analysis of chronic anti-social actors engaging in road-rage related behaviours and compares them to one another as well as non-equivalent comparison groups of actors not engaging in such behaviour; the paper describes the merits of experience frequency segmentation. Keywords Drivers, Individual behaviour, Individual psychology, Individual conict Paper type Research paper

Anti-social behaviour

459
Received December 2007 Revised February 2008, April 2008 Accepted May 2008

Social demarketing refers to strategies attempting to inuence individuals and/or organizations to decrease or stop doing behaviours that harm themselves, others, or the environment. This denition is intentionally broader than the one Engel et al. (1990) propose and Comm (1997, p. 95) adopts; demarketing refers to a deliberate attempt to induce consumers to buy less in product classes where environmental impacts are most severe. The proposal for social demarketing builds upon but is broader than Kotler and Levys (1971, p. 75) proposal that demarketing is a strategy that a rm may pursue in some contexts:
[. . .] we dene demarketing as that aspect of marketing that deals with discouraging customers in general or a certain class of customers in particular on either a temporary or permanent basis. The author acknowledges the helpful comments and suggestions by Carol M. Megehee, Nicholls State University, USA, and the anonymous reviewers of Marketing Intelligence & Planning on earlier drafts of this paper.
Marketing Intelligence & Planning Vol. 26 No. 5, 2008 pp. 459-480 q Emerald Group Publishing Limited 0263-4503 DOI 10.1108/02634500810894316

MIP 26,5

460

Wall (2007) describes how the term, demarketing, has passed from the earlier association with marketers attempts to reduce consumer purchases/use of conventional products to a particular prevalence in the context of public health and consumption patterns that threaten to have a serious impact on future generations. Intervention programs aiming to decrease road rage behaviour are at the start-up stage in the USA. For example, In 1998, nine states introduced 26 aggressive driving bills. To date, only two of these have been enacted: Arizonas aggressive driving bill and the Virginia Drivers Education Requirement (Rathbone and Huckabee, 1999, p. 7). The social marketing literature (Andreasen, 1995, 1997; Bloom and Novelli, 1981; Hastings and Haywood, 1991, 1994; Hastings et al., 1998; Kotler and Zaltman, 1971; Laczniak et al., 1979; Levy and Zaltman, 1975; Manoff, 1985; Murray and Douglas, 1988) informs theory, research, and practice of social demarketing strategies. MacFadyen et al. (1999, p. 1) emphasize, Many social and health problems have behavioural causes: the spread of AIDS, trafc accidents and unwanted pregnancies are all the result of everyday, voluntary human activity. MacFadyen et al. (1999, p. 5) review important differences between social and commercial marketing:
Specically, in social marketing the products tend to be more complex; demand is more varied; target groups are more challenging to reach; consumer involvement is more intense; the competition is more subtle and varied.

The aims of the present paper are modest and ontological. The focus is on proposing and testing a property-space (Lazarsfeld, 1965) method for identifying and describing potential target groups of individuals chronically engaging in anti-social behaviour. The proposal is that such a research approach is useful to take before crafting inuence strategies in social demarketing programs. The aims do not include advancing a general theory of social marketing strategies or testing the efcacy of specic social demarketing strategies. Following this introduction, the second section offers propositions that inform testing a property-space paradigm for increasing understanding of who commits and who does not commit anti-social behaviour. The third section denes anti-social behaviour and reviews the literature on road rage behaviour that is pertinent to this report. The fourth section is an exposition on extremely-frequent behaviour (EFB) theory; it also includes formal statements of EFB theoretical propositions for testing using property space analysis. The fth section describes the eld survey and method for data analyses to examine the efcacy of the propositions. The sixth section presents the ndings including specic proles of subsegments of groups of individuals engaging in road-rage related behaviour. The nal section presents conclusions, limitations, and suggestions for further research. Property space propositions of anti-social behaviour Because extremely low income often relates to behaviours of interest in social demarketing programs (e.g. chronic alcohol drinking, drug addiction, and gambling ( Jarvis, 1994; MacFadyenet al., 1999)), this paper proposes and tests an income and anti-social behaviour property-space paradigm for informing understanding of groups of individuals chronically engaging in anti-social behaviour. The present paper proposes that recognizing uniquely different subsegments of adults engaging in the behaviour targeted for social demarketing programs is also a useful step in crafting strategies.

The present paper proposes and tests the seemingly obvious but often overlooked propositions that: . engaging in a specic anti-social behaviour is not widespread in a population the majority does not engage in the anti-social behaviour of interest; . Twedts (1964) heavy-half proposition is extendable to anti-social behaviour half, or substantially less than half, of the individuals who do engage in an anti-social behaviour commit two-thirds or more of the total of anti-social acts; and . not all individuals chronically engaging in an anti-social behaviour t the same prole the lifestyles, including media exposure, of extremely low, low-to-high, and extremely high-income segments of individuals that chronically commit anti-social acts differ dramatically from each other as well as from the majority of the population not engaging in the anti-social behaviour. This paper proles the lives of Americans who report chronically giving-the-nger to other motorists while driving and comparing these motorists to other drivers. This report provides a nation-wide (USA) examination of persons engaging extremely frequently versus infrequently versus never engaging in this anti-social behaviour such lifestyle activities, interests, opinions, and media-usage information about persons doing such behaviour may be useful for designing effective programs to reduce the occurrence of such behaviour. The focus here is on taking a group-based view of survey data rather than a variable-based approach in examining antecedents to chronic anti-social behaviour (Crimmins and Callahan, 2003). This paper describes the: (1) Demographic. (2) Consumption constellation (Solomon and Buchanan, 1991) of using products and services. (3) The attitudes-interests-opinions. (4) Media use of three segments of drivers: . drivers chronically engaging in giving-the-nger to other motorists; . drivers occasionally engaging in this anti-social behaviour; and . drivers reporting never engaging in this behaviour. The research this paper reports is part of a larger study by Woodside (2007) focusing on developing a theory of EFB for experience products (e.g. travel and tourism, dining out, and attending the theater and/or social events):
Antisocial behaviour is just what it sounds like. It is behaviour that is contrary to the standards of the society we live in. This behaviour usually involves ignoring the rights of other people and instead being totally selsh. There is a disorder known as antisocial personality disorder. Fortunately, this is not a very common problem. People who occasionally behave in an antisocial manner do not have it. Some of the signs of this disorder are: breaking laws lying to or conning others for fun or for personal benet being impulsive and not considering the results of this behaviour picking on other people or getting in ghts

Anti-social behaviour

461

MIP 26,5

ignoring the safety of self or others being irresponsible, not holding down a job or paying back money and lacking remorse, not worrying about hurting other people (Health Topics, 2006).

Anti-social behaviour and road rage

462

Antisocial behaviours are disruptive acts characterized by covert and overt hostility and intentional aggression toward others. Antisocial behaviour can be identied in children as young as three or four years of age. If left unchecked these coercive behaviour patterns will persist and escalate in severity over time, becoming a chronic behavioural disorder (Hanrahan, 2007).

dePasquale et al. (2001), Dula (2003) and Dula and Ballard (2003) review the literature on road rage as one type of anti-social behaviour. In metropolitan areas, aggressive driving and road rage seem to be of particular concern. Over three months in 1998, Sarkar et al. (2000) analyzed cellular phone calls to the California Highway Patrol from drivers in San Diego. They put 1,987 calls into ve categories. They found that 20 percent of the calls were about drivers who were said to be speeding excessively; 25 percent were related to drivers mixing speeding with at least one other unsafe behaviour; 27 percent were related to drivers weaving in and out of trafc and cutting off other vehicles, but who were not speeding (usually in congested trafc); 12 percent referred to drivers who were tailgating; and 20 percent referred to drivers who were said to be perpetrating various types of road rage (the percentages include multiple responses for the categories). Willis (1999, p. 2), President of the American Automobile Association Foundation for Trafc Safety (AAAFTS), reports, For every aggressive driving incident serious enough to result in a police report or newspaper article, there are hundreds or thousands more which never got reported to the authorities. Typing in aggressive driving as a unied term on a common internet search engine, revealed 21,100 hits in February 2003 (Dula, 2003) and 416,000 in November 2007. Similarly, a search for road rage as a unied term revealed a staggering 173,000 hits in February 2003 (Dula, 2003) and 1,790,000 in November 2007 and 4.4 million in February 2008. Granted a considerable redundancy occurs between searches for the two concepts, and the results included web sites dedicated to spin-off themes, nonetheless, a great public concern exists regarding these topics. In contrast, using the same unied terms, a current search on a psychology journal database reveals only 29 works dedicated to aggressive driving and 18 pertaining to road rage. Joint (1995) reports the results of an AAAFTS sponsored survey of 526 UK motorists. Almost 90 percent of the drivers report having experienced road rage incidents in the last 12 months and 60 percent admit to losing their tempers while driving. It appears the majority of events occurred during the day on a main road, and involved drivers under the age of 35 (Joint, 1995). A 1997 Gallup Poll revealed that three out of four people felt drivers were more aggressive today than they were ve years ago (Insurance Institute for Highway Safety, Highway Loss Data Institute, 1998). Goehring (2000) relates results of a nationwide telephone survey sponsored by NHTSA involving 6,000 drivers of all ages. About 75 percent, thought it important to do something about unsafe drivers; 62 percent believed another drivers behaviour had been personally threatening in the last year; 61 percent felt enforcement of tailgating was lacking; and 33 percent reported that driving is more dangerous now than one year ago.

The problem of aggressive driving in the USA has prompted a urry of legislative action in an attempt to curtail what the public perceives as a great danger (Dula, 2003). Rathbone and Huckabee (1999) report that nine states introduced 26 aggressive driving bills in 1998. Rathbone and Huckabee (1999) conducted a survey of 504 randomly selected law enforcement ofces in the 50 largest metropolitan areas in the USA and received 139 responses. Of these, 54 percent believed road rage was denitely a problem in their area while only 14 percent did not think it was a problem at all (Rathbone and Huckabee, 1999). Using a variable-based approach to analyzing four years (1997-2000) of national (USA) survey data in the DDB Lifestyle Study, Crimmins and Callahan (2003) report that giving-the-nger frequency relates negatively with age and education; males on average report engaging in the behaviour more frequently than females. Crimmins and Callahan nd that household income and population density do not predict giving-the-nger to other motorists. Using attitudes, interests, and opinions (AIO) responses, they emphasize that lifestyle and values responses increase the ability to accurately predict giving-the-nger frequency:
Controlling for age, gender, and education, the expected frequency of giving someone the nger while driving is 32 percent higher among people who agree with any of the following statements: People should live together before marriage. I am in favor of the legalization of abortion. Road rage is not just the result of impetuous youthfulness, gender, or lack of education [. . .] Road rage reects our values (Crimmins and Callahan, 2003, pp. 384-5).

Anti-social behaviour

463

Extremely frequent behaviour theory EFB theory builds on prior theory of property space (Elman, 2005; Lazarsfeld, 1965) and the heavy half proposition (Twedt, 1964; Cook and Mindak, 1984). Property space analysis focuses on building and reducing multi-way contingency relationships (tables) among antecedent and outcome variables. Property space analysis serves to identify the possible existence of extreme cases, the possibilities of paradoxical relationships, and explanations of such paradoxes. Variable-based data are often treated as case-base data in property-space analysis; Bass et al. (1968) recommend similar theory and research approaches for the eld of consumer research. Twedt (1964) illustrates the heavy half proposition by dividing 700 households from the 1962 Chicago Tribune panel data reporting their weekly purchases. Twedt (1964, p. 28) creates three groups (non-users, light, and heavy users) according to their purchase rates for various grocery store products:
Arranging the purchasing households in order of purchase volume, and cutting the households at the median purchase point (so that we have a light using half and a heavy using half), it becomes apparent that one heavy half household is equal in purchase volume to nine households in the light half [for lemon-lime beverages and colas for example; italics in the original article]. Even the category with least purchase concentration toilet tissue indicates that the heavy half of users purchase three times as much as the light half.

Cook and Mindak (1984) report very similar distributions using across 16 product categories for data reported in the Simmons Market Research Bureau (1982) study. For example, Cook and Mindak report that 15 percent of the households buy 81 percent of the dog food; 15 percent buy 19 percent, and 70 percent buy no dog food. From Cook and

MIP 26,5

464

Mindaks report the heavy half index of buy-share/household-share for dog food is 81/15 5.4 (similar to Twedts, 1964 nding of a heavy half index of 5.1 for dog food). EFB theory includes: . building a property-space contingency table from one or a few antecedent variables that are likely to inuence the frequency of participating in a given behaviour; and . identifying extreme (X) household groups and groups of consumers not engaging in the behaviour as well as light to moderate participants in the behaviour under study. Figure 1 shows such a property space analysis. Figure 1 shows seven groups of households by anti-social behaviour and income. While analyses of more than seven groups are possible, the focus of the study is on comparing the variances in antecedents for these seven groups. The study is an application of Ragins (2000) view that not all variability is of theoretical interest and that conjunctive statements are useful for describing antecedents and consequences of behaviours of particular interest. The study here adopts Penn and Zalense (2007, p. 171, italics in the original) view that 1 percent folks can and do make a big difference in business or politics or the social sector. Proles of such small big-impact segments increases understanding of what drives their behaviour unconsciously as well as consciously; such understanding is often useful for planning effective intervention programs to inuence such behaviour increase or reduce such behaviours or direct its inuence to affect other behaviours (e.g. Soccer Moms as one such unique group being inuenced to vote for President Clinton in the 1996 election through deep proling of their AIOs (Penn and Zalense 2007, p. xiii). EFB behaviour theory includes a series of propositions: P1. X-behaviour households exist in a large population.
0 times Group 1 14.2 % 1 - 4 times 5 - 7 times 8 - 12 times 12 - 24 times 25+ times Group 5 X-Givers I0.4%

Behavior / Income Very low

Low Group 2 Moderate High Very high 49.1%

(Non-equivalent comparison Group)

Group 4 24.4 %

Group 6 X-Givers II 1.2 %

Figure 1. Property space conguration for giving the nger to other motorists while driving

Extreme

Group 3 10.5 %

Group 7 X-Givers III 0.2%

Notes: Percents in cells represent the distribution of US households based on DDB survey data, n = 6,392

This basic proposition extends from the heavy half proposition.Given that less than 20 percent of the households often account for more than 80 percent of the purchases of many product categories, X-behaviour households are likely to exist chronic (i.e. ever-present, persistent, acute) behaviour happens for many different experience categories. Less than 2 percent of the households accounting for 20, 30, or 40 percent plus of total behaviour frequency is one metric reecting X-behaviour. An index of X-behaviour-share-to-household-share should compute to a size double or higher than the heavy-half purchase-share-to-household share. Thus, while the dog food heavy-half share indices are 5 , the X-behaviour-share index should be 10 in support of the proposition that 2 percent of the households purchase 20 percent or more the dog food: P2. X-behaviour households include distinct sub-groups that differ among themselves by demographics; consumption constellations; and lifestyle AIOs.

Anti-social behaviour

465

Not all X-behaviour households are alike. While other antecedents might be useful, this study examines how income levels inform the creation of unique proles of X-behaviour sub-groups X-behaviour Groups 1-3 in Figure 1. P2 serves to provide contextual nuance as well as to replicate how additional antecedent and lifestyle patterns relate to X-behaviour. Is X-nger-giving a young mens activity among all income levels or do older extremely high-income men and women also engage in such X-behaviour? P2 is one example of addressing this issue and similar questions. The demographic and lifestyle proles of road rage drivers are open questions:
While the AAA authors note there is a prole of the lethally inclined aggressive driver relatively young, poorly educated males who have criminal records, histories of violence, and drug or alcohol problems road-rage scholars (and regular drivers) believe other groups are equally represented in the less violent forms of aggressive driving. To some, its tempting to look at this as a psychologically mysterious Jekyll-and-Hyde phenomenon; for others, its simply attributable to jerk drivers. In reality, theres a conuence of emotional and demographic factors that changes the average citizen from mere motorist to Mad Max (Vest et al., 1997, p. 28).

P3.

X-nger-giving households differ substantially from Group 4 households (sometimes engage in the activity) and the non-equivalent comparison group (Group 2) in their demographic, consumption constellations, and lifestyle AIOs.

P3 takes a step toward controlling an important demographic antecedent (income) in predicting that the three sub-groups of X-behaviour households each differ: . demographically and by lifestyles in the same manner or uniquely from groups of households in the same respective income levels not engaging in nger-giving as well as; and . households across all income levels who occasionally engage in nger-giving behaviour. P4. Participating in other activities that likely relate to X-nger-giving provide high-nomological validity (Peter, 1981).

Nomological validity refers to the degree of nding relationships among a set of behaviours tting a priori expectations, for example, the expectation is that

MIP 26,5

466

X-nger-giving households also often report engaging in other anti-social behaviour (e.g. Flashed my lights at another motorist when annoyed with his or her behaviour (frequency last 12 months)). Participating in the following activities by one or more X-nger-giving groups should differ substantially from all four other groups: . One or more X-nger-giving groups should report higher average frequencies in going to bars and taverns than households in the other groups. . Gambled in a casino (frequency during the last 12 months) should be higher for the X-nger-giving groups. . Went to an auto race (NASCAR, Formula 1, etc.) (frequency during the last 12 months) should be higher on average for one or more X-nger-giving groups. . Rented an X-rated movie (frequency during the last 12 months) should be higher on average for one or more of the X-nger-giving groups. . Told a lie (frequency during the last 12 months) averages should be higher for X-nger-giving groups if telling lies is viewable as an anti-social behaviour. Average participation should be lower for pro-social behaviours among X-nger-giving segments in comparison to the other groups. Pro-social behaviour likely includes the following activities: . Sent a greeting card on a holiday (Christmas, Mothers Day, etc.) (frequency during the last 12 months). . Attended church or other place of worship (frequency during the last 12 months). . Went to a club meeting (frequency during the last 12 months). . Contributed to an environmental or conservation organization (frequency during the last 12 months). . Did volunteer work (frequency during the last 12 months). X-nger-giving informants should report lifestyle AIOs indicating higher stress and lower overall happiness than other households. For example, one or more X-nger-giving informant groups should have signicantly higher average agreements with the following lifestyle statements compared to Groups 1-4 (Figure 1): . I feel like Im so busy trying to make everybody else happy that I dont have control of my own life. . I get more headaches than most people. . I dread the future. . I feel I am under a great deal of pressure most of the time. . There should be a gun in every home. P5a. The media habits (e.g. watching TV, reading the local daily newspaper) differ among the different chronic nger-giving groups. P5b. The media habits differ between chronic nger-giving and non-nger-giving adults.

Assuming anti-social behaviour and heavy TV watching relate positively as the movie, Taxi Driver, depicts, the expectation is that chronic giving-the-nger drivers watch more TV and read the newspaper less than adults reporting never giving-the-nger. Method Data from national (USA) surveys made available from DDB World of Chicago the DDB Life Style Study (year 1997 and 1998) provides the bases for examining chronic nger-giving behaviour. The surveys in 1997 and 1998 include the activity question, Gave the nger to someone while driving my car (frequency last 12 months) with seven response levels to pick from: 1 (0), 2 (1-4 times), 3 (5-8 times), 4 (9-11 times), 5 (12-24 times), 6 (25-51 times), and 7 (52 times). The surveys collect detailed information on the demographics and lifestyles of adults and households living in the USA. The data used in this study were gathered in an annual mail survey conducted by Market Facts and funded by the DDB Needham advertising agency. Market facts uses a stratied quota sampling procedure, beginning with a large list of names and addresses acquired from commercial list brokers. Each year the study draws a sample, counterbalanced along demographic characteristics to account for expected differences in response rates, from the pool of approximately 500,000 individuals. Then the nal sample of approximately 5,000 individuals is drawn so as to best approximate the actual distributions within the 9 Census divisions of income, population density, panel members age, and household size (Groeneman, 1994, p. 4). Although this panel under-represents the very poor, the very rich, transient populations, and certain minority groups, several studies show that the data are an effective barometer of mainstream USA (Keum et al., 2004; Putnam, 2000; Shah et al., 2001). The annual surveys comprise 3,000-4,400 adult respondents the useable numbers varying annually. The response rates against the mail-outs range from 58 to 72 percent.

Anti-social behaviour

467

Findings Figure 1 shows seven groups after cross-tabulating six income response levels by six frequency levels of giving the nger to other motorists while driving. (Both x 2 and analysis of variance indicate that giving-the-nger relates to level of annual income and the shape of the relationship holds for both full-time and part-time workers. Participation in giving-the-nger is much less among respondents retired from working (M 0.7, standard error (SE) 0.11, n 1,014) compared to full-time (M 2.6, SE 0.24, n 3,728), part-time working respondents (M 1.8, SE 0.30, n 588), and unemployed respondents (2.0, SE 0.23, n 1,062). The mid-value for each possible response level was used in computing the means with a value of 60 assigned for the 52 level assigning a value of 52 or 58 provide the same direction and levels of statistical signicance as using a value of 60. Contrary to possible thats obvious expectations, giving-the-nger frequency does not have a linear positive or negative relationship with level of annual income; the relationship is inverted U shaped for each year that data are available.) However, the focus on extremely frequent (X) behaviour is on identifying X behaviour groups and testing propositions of X behaviour theory and not on the relationship between annual income and frequency of behaviour.

MIP 26,5

The mean and proportion comparisons in this ndings section are all signicant statistically at p , 0.001 levels. Analysis of variance and planned comparisons of differences in proportions were used to test the propositions for statistical signicance. Support for P1: X-behaviour households exist Extreme (X) behaviour for giving-the-nger 25 times annually includes less than two percent of households. A total of 1.8 percent of households represents a 40.6 percent share of nger-giving frequency. The X-behaviour frequency share to share-of households is above 20. Table I presents details of these ndings. The non-equivalent comparison group of households not engaging in nger-giving behaviour with low-to-high incomes represent close to half of all households. From Figure 1 and Table I note that just under three-fourths of all informants report not engaging in this anti-social behaviour. The case can be made for focusing on examining the 24 percent of the households who engage sometimes in nger-giving behaviour (representing 59 percent of the frequency of the behaviour) such individuals may be more conscious and less programmed to automatically enact this anti-social behaviour in comparison to chronic nger-givers. However, the focus in this report is on EFB and the less than 2 percent of the total adult population chronically enacting nger-giving to other motorists. Support for P2: X-behaviour sub-groups are identiable X-nger-giving adults with extremely low incomes differ from moderate income and extremely high income X-nger-givers in the consumption constellations and lifestyle (AIO) responses. Proling X-behaviour by these three income subgroups provides a deeper understanding of nger-giving individuals than assuming that all nger-givers are alike.

468

Segment Very low income no giving nger Low to extremely high income no giving nger Extremely high income no giving nger All incomes and give nger 1-24 times Low income extreme nger giver Mid-income extreme nger giver High income extreme nger giver

(A) Share of people (percent) 14.2 49.1 10.5 24.4 0.4 1.2 0.2 100.0 (n 6,392 households)

(B) Share of giving nger behaviour (percent) 0.0 0.0 0.0 59.4 8.4 28.2 4.0 100.0

B/A Index 0.0 0.0 0.0 2.4 21.0 23.5 20.0

Table I. Share of people and share of giving nger behaviour for non-behaviour to extreme behavior segments

Notes: Conrming the core extreme behaviour hypothesis, 1.8 percent of the population give 40.6 percent of the ngers to other drivers; a total of 74 percent of the population report never giving the nger to other drivers

Figures 2-4 show conjunctive-stream demographic trees showing extremely low, moderate, and extremely high-income individuals who all chronically give-the-nger to other motorists. Note that a number of branches include no leaves at the end a depiction of empty sets of no one on these branches chronically engaging in the anti-social behaviour. Note that in analyzing the three trees that about equal numbers of males and females are chronic nger-givers for the extremely low and extremely high-income groups. Only for the low-to-high income groups are chronic nger-givers more often males versus females. The greatest number of chronic nger-givers appears in two branches in Figure 3 full-time working male under 31 with college educations and full-time working males 31-50 with high-school educations. All three trees include very sparse-leaf branches for individuals 51 years. Might chronic nger-giving decrease especially in the 2010s with the dramatic increases in the large aging (. 60 years old) Baby Boomer population? While no denitive forecast is possible from survey data across two years, the individual-level analysis is suggestive that chronic nger-giving decreases as age increases. Figure 5 shows consumption constellation information for behaviours expected to differ among the seven groups. Figure 6 shows AIOs information that were expected to differ for the seven groups as discussed in the statement of propositions. Note that the averages for Flashed my lights at other motorists when annoyed with his or her behaviour reects prior expectations of being substantially higher for the three chronic nger-giving groups in comparison to Groups 1-3 the non-nger-giving groups. Also the pattern of the averages for this item differs within the three chronic nger-giving groups highest for Group 7 and lowest for Group 6. While the average for Group 4 (group sometimes giving-the-nger) is higher

Anti-social behaviour

469

3 3 2 1 1 1 1 1 4 1

2 F PSN

1 F P S N F PS N PSNF P S NF PSNF PSN F P SN F P SNFPSN F P SN FP SNF P SNFPSNFPSNFP SN 1 1 F

F P SN F P SN

Age

< 31

31-50

51+

<31

31-50

51+

Females

Males

Key: H high school degree or less; C some college to college graduate; G graduate school; R retired; F full-time employed; P part-time; S self-employed; N not employed, retired, homemaker Note: Data for one individual is missing

Figure 2. Demographic tree for extremely low-income extreme-nger-giver individuals

MIP 26,5
1 5 2 1 1

3 3 2 1 1 7

3 1

1 1 1 2

470
1 2
F PSN F P S N F PS N P SN F P S N F P S N F PSN F PSN

1 1
F P SN F P S N

F P SN F PSN F P S N F PSN F PSN FPSN F PSN F P SN

1 F H C G H C G

CG

Figure 3. Demographic tree for low-to-high income extreme-nger-giver individuals

Age

<31

31-50

51+

<31

31-50

51+

Females

Males

Key: H high school degree or less; C some college to college graduate; G graduate school; R retired; F full-time employed; P part-time; S self-employed; N not employed, retired, homemaker

2 1

1 1

F P SN

F P S N F P S N F P SN F P S N F P S N F PSN F P SN F P SN F PSN

F P S N F P S N F P S NFPSN F PSN F P SN

F P SN F P S N

C G

C G

C G

Age

<30

31-50

51+

<30

31-50

51+

Figure 4. Demographic tree for extremely high-income extreme-nger-giver individuals

Females

Males

Key: H high school degree or less; C some college to college graduate; G graduate school; R retired; F full-time employed; P part-time; S self-employed; N not employed, retired, homemaker Note: Data for one individual is missing

than for Groups 1-3, the differences among these four means are not statistically signicant. Note in Figure 5 that four pro-social behaviours going to church or other places of worship, doing volunteer work, attending club meetings, and sending greeting cards

30
Attend church or other place of worship

Average Frequency of the Behavior

25 20
Sent a greeting card on a holiday

Flashed my lights at another motorist when annoyed with his or her behavior

Anti-social behaviour

Telling a lie

471
Figure 5. Consumption constellations for chronic nger-givers and other groups one or more comparisons of average frequency across groups signicant statistically by analysis of variance mean comparisons for all ten behaviours

15
Went to a bar or tavern Did volunteer work

10 5

Casino gambling

Went to auto races (NASCAR) Rented an X-rated movie Went to club meeting

1
Extremely Low Income and No Finger-Giving

2
Low-to-High Income and No FingerGiving

Groups

Sometimes Extremely Low Low-to-High Extremely High ExtremelyIncome and Income and Income and High Income Finger-Giving Extreme Fingerby All Extreme Extreme and No FingerGiving Income Levels Finger-Giving Finger-Giving Giving

Note: p < 0.001

Average agreementwith Attitude,Interest,or Opinion

+3
I feel that I am under a great deal of pressure most of the time I am in favor of legalized abortions

+2 +1

I feel like Im so busy trying to make everybody else happy that I dont have control of my own life There should be a gun in every home

1 2

I get more headaches than most other people

I dread the future

Groups

Extremely Low Low-to-High ExtremelySometimes Extremely Low Low-to-High Extremely High Income and Income and High Income Finger-Giving Income and Income and Income and No FingerNo Finger- and No Finger- by All Income Extreme Extreme Extreme FingerGiving Giving Giving Levels Finger-Giving Finger-Giving Giving

Note: p < 0.001

Figure 6. The average agreement with AIOs for the three chronic nger-giving groups and other groups one or more comparisons of average agreement across groups are signicant statistically by analysis of variance means for all six AIOs

during holiday periods, all receive substantially higher levels of activity for the three non-nger giving groups (Groups 1-3) in comparison to the three chronic nger-giving groups (Groups 5-7). Attending auto races, renting X-rated movies, going to bars and taverns, and telling lies are more frequent activities with one or more of the chronic

MIP 26,5

nger-giving groups in comparisons with the non-nger-giving groups. (Details of means, standard deviations, sample sizes, and condence intervals are available from the author by request ). Supporting P3: chronic nger-giving groups differ substantially from occasional nger-givers While the averages between the sometimes give-the-nger Group 4 and the chronic nger-giving Groups 5-7 often do not differ signicantly statistically, the pattern of the responses are clear. One to three of the chronic nger-giving groups have higher or lower averages substantially for nearly all comparisons for consumption constellations in Figure 5 and for the AIOs in Figure 6. Supporting P4: high-nomological validity Supporting activities that have the potential to harm others such as advocating a gun in every home should nd high agreement with one or more chronic nger-giving groups in comparison to the other groups given the unpleasantness implied by the nger display. Other potentially violent-oriented anti-social physical actions such as ashing vehicle lights at other drivers found to be annoying should occur more frequently with one or more chronic nger-giving groups in comparison to the other groups given the both actions reect the same anti-social behaviour context. Both ndings receive strong support in the ndings. Figures 5 and 6 show details. The relationships for each of the lifestyle behaviours in Figure 5 and the AIOs in Figure 6 and the seven incomes-by-nger-giving segments are highly statistically signicant ( p , 0.000). Note that high frequencies of telling a lie and went to bar or tavern are similar across all three extreme nger-giving segments in Figure 5. All three extreme nger-giving segments have substantially higher average frequencies for ashed my lights at another motorist when annoyed with his or her behavior compared to the other four segments. In Figure 6 two stress-related AIO items differentiate the three extreme nger-giving segments from the other four segments. Attempts to create effective intervention programs to control anti-social behaviour such as nger-giving likely will need to explicit focus on managing stress among persons engaging in extremely frequent nger-giving behaviour. Effective stress reduction strategies may differ across the three income sub-segments of extreme nger-givers but the general focus on managing stress appears to be relevant for all three sub-segments. Supporting P5: anti-social behaviour and media habits Both parts of P5 receive substantial support for one specic group of chronic nger-givers in regards to TV viewing versus newspaper reading the extremely low-income chronic nger-givers. This one group (Group 5) reports watching the most number of weekend TV slots and 91 percent report that TV is the main source of daily news; 19 percent of Group 5 report reading most or all of the business section of the daily newspaper (the lowest share among the seven groups). Figure 7 shows further details.

472

91 TV is my main source of daily news (phi = .15)

I subscribe to basic cable TV service (phi = .08)

91

Anti-social behaviour
7 Mean Number Weekend 6 TV Viewing slots (number watched) 5

70

60

473

Percent agreeing

50

40
Read most or all

30

of the business section of the newspaper (phi = .18)

3
Radio is my main source of daily news (phi = .15

20

10 1
Extremely Low Income and No FingerGiving

2
Low-to-High Income and No FingerGiving

1 Groups

Extremely Low Low-to-High Extremely High Sometimes ExtremelyIncome and Income and Income and High Income Finger-Giving Extreme FingerExtreme Extreme and No Finger- by All Income Giving Finger-Giving Finger-Giving Levels Giving

Figure 7. Media habits of seven groups

Note: p < 0.0001

About one-third of the largest extreme nger-giving segment (Group 6) reported that radio is my main source of daily news, a share substantially higher than all other six groups. Figure 7 shows that cable television reaches 91 percent of extremely high-income nger-givers by less than half of the extremely low-income nger-givers. These ndings indicate greater effectiveness is likely from a nuanced media program rather than using the same communication media to communicate to extreme nger-givers. The ndings in Figure 7 serve to emphasize the distinctiveness of each of the three chronic nger-giving groups from each other as well as the non-nger-giving groups. For example, the share bias favoring weekend TV watching among the three chronic nger-givers versus the three comparable non-nger-giving groups varies considerable. Figure 8 is a Venn diagram showing the conjunction of extremely frequent lifestyle behaviours that relate negatively to extremely frequently giving-the-nger to other motorists. This analysis represents a qualitative comparative analysis (QCA) using Boolean algebra to show the union of two or more behaviours (using the symbol ) and the absence of a behaviour (using the symbol , ). QCA is an individual (case-based) analysis that permits the constructions of antecedent proles leading to outcomes of particular interest (Ragin, 2000). For example, the single largest group of extremely frequently giving-the-nger motorists include low-to-high income informants not engaging extremely frequently in any of the three lifestyle behaviours (n 31).

MIP 26,5

V = Extremely Frequently Doing Volunteer Work 0+1+1=2 0

C = Extremely Frequently Attending Church or Other Religious Service 0+5+0=5

474
0+5+0=5

0+3+0=3 0+4+0=4

Figure 8. Conjunctive analysis of individuals extremely frequently doing three lifestyle behaviors (relating negatively to giving the nger) by income level and giving-the-nger to other motorists

11+ 31+ 4 = 46

12 + 26 + 7 = 45 G = Extremely Frequently Sending Greeting Cards for Holidays

Notes: Numbers all reflect extremely frequent giving-the-finger behavior; the conjunction of V C ~G indicates sufficiency for notengaging in extremely frequently giving-the-finger to other motorists; 46 of the informants engaging extremely frequently in giving-the-finger to other motorists do not engage extremely frequently in any of the other three behaviors. The first of the three numbers added together represents extremely low-income frequently giving-the-finger motorists, the second number represents the low-to-high income extreme finger givers, the third number represents the extremely high income extreme finger giver

The conjunction of extremely frequently performing volunteer (V) work, attending religious (R) services, and not extremely frequently sending greeting (G) cards (V R , G) represents an empty set of extremely frequently giving-the-nger to other motorists. Thus, these results are suggestive that successfully nurturing community organizational participation reach out programs, programs inviting individuals to become new members may likely be effective antecedent actions in reducing behaviour symptomatic of road rage. The QCA conjunctive analysis in Figure 8 shows a case-based alternative to the variable-based study of interaction effects (i.e. empirical positivistic approach) of the inuence of antecedents on an outcome. While considering a variable-based approach of the main and interaction inuences of frequency of volunteering, attending religious services, and sending greeting cards has merit (e.g. explaining variance in a dependent variable such as behaviour frequency), QCA conjunctive analysis is particularly useful for indentifying and proling people performing extreme behaviour a main objective of the present study. Figure 9 is a QCA analysis that shows the conjunctions of informants frequently performing three lifestyle behaviours relating positively with extremely frequently giving-the-nger to other motorists. The majority of informants extremely frequently giving-the-nger report telling lies frequently in association with either or both going-to-bars-and-taverns and ashing lights at other motorists found-to-be-annoying. Programs successfully promoting honest, free-from-lying, communications are likely to relate to decreases in behaviour symptomatic to road rage. Discussion, limitations, and suggestions for further research Descriptions and recommendations for using backward segmentation have a long history in the marketing literature (Assael, 1976; Assael and Roscoe, 1976; Wells, 1968).

Anti-social behaviour
F = Flashed my lights at other driver when annoyed with his or her behavior (frequency > 9) 0+1+1=2 1 + 8 + 1 = 10 1+0+1=2 2+4+1=7 3 + 9 + 2 = 15 L = Told a lie (frequency > 9) 0+4+1=5

475

1+3+0=4 B = Went to bar or tavern (frequency > 9)

1 + 10 + 1 = 12

Notes: Numbers all reflect extremely frequent giving-the-finger behavior; the conjunction of F L captures more extremely frequently givingthe-finger informants than any other combination of frequently performing two lifestyle behaviors in the survey (37/57 = 65%). The first of the three numbers added together represents extremely low-income frequently giving-the-finger motorists, the second number represents the low-to-high income extreme finger givers, the third number represents the extremely high income extreme finger givers

Figure 9. Conjunctive analysis of individuals extremely frequently doing three lifestyle behaviours (relating positively to giving-the-nger) by income level and giving-the-nger to other motorists

However, volume segmentation (Twedt, 1964) is one backward segmentation approach to group and case level analysis (Bass et al., 1968; Ragin, 2000) that continues to receive less frequent use in comparison to forward segmentation variable-based approaches (e.g. segmenting initially by demographic or psychographic characteristics). While forward variable-based research offers important insights into understanding, describing, and predicting the frequency of behaviour, in-depth research on specic groups of individuals who exhibit unique behaviours of interest is equally valuable especially if the aim ultimately is to inuence people to adopt new behaviours or to help prevent non-participants from engaging in a given behaviour. Backward segmentation relies on individual-level analysis that avoids the ecological fallacy (Clancy et al., 2004; Robinson, 1950). The ecology fallacy is the drawing of inferences about individuals based on aggregate level data. Given that the very few (, 2 percent) perform 40 percent of the giving-the-nger acts, an individual case-based approach to examining the lifestyles including media behaviour of the very few receives support. Individual-level analysis provides a more nuanced view than reporting that chronic road rage behaviour associates negatively with annual income and annual income associates positively with subscribing with basic cable television. Nearly, all very-income chronic nger-givers report television as their main source of daily news (not so for low-to-high income chronic nger-givers). Such depth of analysis provides credence to the strategy of designing of a few (e.g. 3) behaviour and communication change strategies that is rarely viewable from an aggregate level analysis. Giving the nger to other motorist is one symptom of road rage and such behaviour is not likely to always occur in conjunction with more aggressive behaviour such as ramming other vehicles while driving or throwing debris at other drivers. Additional study of who commits different and multiple acts of behaviour symptomatic of road rage is necessary before reaching denitive conclusions.

MIP 26,5

476

Identifying subgroups chronically giving-the-nger to other motorists as well as specic subgroups not participating in such behaviour can suggest plans for crafting a reverse blue ocean strategy (Kim and Mauborgne, 2005) a blue ocean strategy frequently involves creating a business model to attract non-users of a product-service category into new uses by offering exceptional value to a unique target segment. Creating pro-social behaviours that match the behaviours of specic subgroups of chronic anti-social behaviour groups and non-anti-social behaviour groups would be a step toward launching a reverse blue ocean strategy. Thus, marketing and social reform strategies to stimulate Group 5 to adopt behaviours of Group 1, Group 6 the behaviours of Group 2, and Group 7 the behaviours of Group 3 reverses and extends Kim and Mauborgnes suggestions of attempting to convert non-users into users to the social marketing strategy of converting anti-social actors into non-actors. The media habits of distinct subgroups of chronic anti-social adults are likely to differ in substantial ways. One media plan to reach chronic nger-givers in general is very likely to be less effective in comparison to using unique media plans for each subgroup. Given that the ndings indicate that the demographic and lifestyles differ substantially among the chronic nger-giving subgroups, creating unique messages and intervention programs for each subgroup are likely to be a more effective inuence strategy than implementing a single marketing strategy. Market segmentation is a strategic decision. While each chronic anti-social adult is distinct in several ways, most t into a limited number of distinct subgroups. Just as one prole does not t all and the strategists should identify subgroups, crafting a property space with limited number of chronic subgroups, occasional users, and a few non-user subgroups is a very useful backwards segmentation strategy. The substantial prevalence of chronic nger giving among the conjunction condition that includes males with a high-school education who are working full-time is indicative that stress management programs need to recognize that this segment is likely to be a highly relevant client base. Previous research focusing on the aggressive driving supports such conclusions. For example:
Age was found to have a negative relationship with driver stress and aggression in several studies. Matthews et al. (1991) found that age was negatively correlated with several dimensions of driver stress. Older drivers generally reported lower overall levels of stress. Younger drivers reported a higher rate of aggression and more negative reactions about being overtaken and overtaking other cars. These ndings replicated previous research conducted by the same investigators reporting that younger individuals report more daily stress in driving during commuting [from and to work]. As a result of more stress, younger drivers were seen to use more inefcient coping strategies (especially aggressive driving behaviours) as compared to their older driving counterparts (Galovski et al., 2004).

Limitations in this report include the shortcomings of using one sample design in one country and focusing exclusively on a single anti-social behaviour. The use of self-report measures is another important limitation. The combination of direct observation or independent conrmation of anti-social behaviour (e.g. via police reports) combined with interviewing is worth consideration in future studies. Replication studies using very recent data if available (e.g. 2007) are necessary to conrm the ndings in this report and the ndings in Crimmins and Callahan (2003) report. The present report examines the latest data made available as of 2007 in the annual DDB Lifestyle Study.

Future research should include examining the efcacy of implementing alternative demarketing social reform experiments (Campbell, 1969) testing their relative degree of effectiveness on well-dened subgroups of chronic anti-social adults. Rather than advocating one social marketing program as best, the crafting and testing of competing hypotheses (Armstrong et al., 2001) of what well work well to change the behaviour of each subgroup is likely to increase knowledge and effectiveness about pro-social intervention programs.
References Andreasen, A.R. (1995), Marketing Social Change: Changing Behavior to Promote Health, Social, Development, and the Environment, Jossey-Bass, San Francisco, CA. Andreasen, A.R. (1997), in Goldberg, M.E., Fishbein, M. and Middlestadt, S.E. (Eds), Social Marketing: Theoretical and Practical Perspectives, Chapter 1, Lawrence Erlbaum Associates, Mahwah, NJ. Armstrong, J.S., R, J. and Brodie, A.G. (2001), Parsons hypotheses in marketing science: literature review and publication audit, Marketing Letters, Vol. 12 No. 2, pp. 171-87. Assael, H. (1976), Segmenting markets by response elasticity, Journal of Advertising Research, Vol. 16, pp. 27-35. Assael, H. and Roscoe, A.M. Jr (1976), Approaches to market segmentation analysis, Journal of Marketing, Vol. 40, pp. 67-76. Bass, F.M., Tigert, D.J. and Lonsdale, R.T. (1968), Lonsdale market segmentation: group versus individual behaviour, Journal of Marketing Research, Vol. 5 No. 3, pp. 264-70. Bloom, P.N. and Novelli, W.D. (1981), Problems and challenges in social marketing, Journal of Marketing, Vol. 45, pp. 79-88. Campbell, D.T. (1969), Reforms as experiments, American Psychologist, Vol. 24 No. 4, pp. 409-29. Clancy, K.J., Berger, P.D. and Magliozzi, T.L. (2004), The ecological fallacy: some fundamental research misconceptions corrected, Journal of Advertising Research, Vol. 43 No. 4, pp. 370-80. Comm, C.L. (1997), Demarketing products which may pose health risks: an example of the tobacco industry, Health Marketing Quarterly, Vol. 15 No. 1, pp. 95-102. Cook, V.J. Jr and Mindak, W.A. (1984), A search for constants: the heavy user revisited!, Journal of Consumer Marketing, Vol. 1, pp. 79-81. Crimmins, J. and Callahan, C. (2003), Reducing road rage: the role of target insight in advertising for social change, Journal of Advertising Research, Vol. 43 No. 4, pp. 381-9. dePasquale, J.P., Geller, E.S., Clarke, S.W. and Littleton, L.C. (2001), Measuring road rage: development of the propensity for angry driving scale, Journal of Safety Research, Vol. 32 No. 1, pp. 1-16. Dula, C.S. (2003), Validity and reliability assessment of a dangerous driving self-report measure, PhD in Psychology dissertation, Virginia Polytechnic Institute and State University, Blacksburg, VA. Dula, C.S. and Ballard, M.E. (2003), Development and evaluation of a measure of dangerous, aggressive, negative emotional, and risky driving, Journal of Applied Social Psychology, Vol. 33, pp. 263-82. Elman, C. (2005), Explanatory typologies in qualitative studies of international politics, International Organization, Vol. 59 No. 2, pp. 293-326.

Anti-social behaviour

477

MIP 26,5

478

Engel, J.F., Blackwell, R.D. and Miniard, P.W. (1990), Consumer Behaviour, Drydens Press, Chicago. IL. Galovski, T.E., Tara, E. and Blanchard, E.B. (2004), Road rage: a domain for psychological intervention?, Aggression and Violent Behavior, Vol. 9 No. 1, pp. 105-27. Goehring, J.B. (2000), Aggressive driving: background and overview report, paper presented at National Conference of State Legislatures, available at: www.ncsl.org/programs/esnr/ aggrdriv.htm Groeneman, S. (1994), Multi-purpose household panels and general samples: how similar and how different?, paper presented at the Meeting of the American Association for Public Opinion Research, Danvers, MA. Hanrahan, C. (2007), Anti-social behaviour, Answers.com, available at: www.answers.com/ topic/antisocial-behaviour-2?cat health Hastings, G.B. and Haywood, A.J. (1991), Social marketing and communication in health promotion, Health Promotion International, Vol. 6 No. 2, pp. 135-45. Hastings, G.B. and Haywood, A.J. (1994), Social marketing: a critical response, Health Promotion International, Vol. 9 No. 1, pp. 59-63. Hastings, G.B., Stead, M., Whitehead, M., Lowry, R., MacFadyen, L., McVey, D., Owen, L. and Tones, K. (1998), Using the media to tackle the health divide: future directions, Social Marketing Quarterly, Vol. 4 No. 3, pp. 42-67. Health Topics (2006), Anti-social behavior, Hospitals & Clinics, Vol. 14 No. 47, p. 37. Insurance Institute for Highway Safety, Highway Loss Data Institute (1998), Road rage: its not a recent phenomenon, Status Report, 33, 2-3, Insurance Institute for Highway Safety, Highway Loss Data Institute, Arlington, VA, available at: www.hwysafety.org/srpdfs/ sr3310.pdf Jarvis, M.J. (1994), A prole of tobacco smoking, Addiction, Vol. 89, pp. 1371-6. Joint, M. (1995), Road Rage, AAA Foundation for Trafc Safety, Washington, DC, available at: www.aaafts.org/Text/research/agdrtext.htm Keum, H., Devanathan, N., Deshpande, S., Nelson, M.R. and Shah, D.V. (2004), The citizen-consumer: media effects at the intersection of consumer and civic culture, Political Communication, Vol. 21, pp. 369-91. Kim, W.C. and Mauborgne, R. (2005), Blue Ocean Strategy, Harvard Business School Press, Cambridge, MA. Kotler, P. and Levy, S.J. (1971), Demarketing, yes, demarketing, Harvard Business Review, Vol. 49, pp. 74-80. Kotler, P. and Zaltman, G. (1971), Social marketing: an approach to planned social change, Journal of Marketing, Vol. 35, pp. 3-12. Laczniak, G.R., Lusch, R.F. and Murphy, P.E. (1979), Social marketing: its ethical dimensions, Journal of Marketing, Vol. 43 No. 1, pp. 29-36. Lazarsfeld, P.F. (1965), Qualitative measurement in the social sciences: classication, typologies, and indices, in Lerner, D. and Lasswell, H.D. (Eds), The Policy Sciences, Stanford University Press, Stanford, CA, pp. 155-92. Levy, S.J. and Zaltman, G. (1975), Marketing, Society and Conict, Prentice-Hall, Englewood Cliffs, NJ. MacFadyen, L., Stead, M. and Hastings, G. (1999), A synopsis of social marketing, available at: www.ism.stir.ac.uk/pdf_docs/social_marketing.pdf

Manoff, R.K. (1985), Social Marketing: New Imperative for Public Health, Praeger, New York, NY. Matthews, G., Dorn, L. and Glendon, A.I. (1991), Personality correlates of driver stress, Personality and Individual Differences, Vol. 12 No. 4, pp. 535-49. Murray, G.G. and Douglas, R.R. (1988), Social marketing in the alcohol policy arena, British Journal of Addiction, Vol. 83, pp. 505-11. Penn, M.J. and Zalesne, E.K. (2007), Microtrends: The Small Forces behind Tomorrows Big Changes, Twelve Hachette Book Group, New York, NY. Peter, J.P. (1981), Construct validity: a review of basic issues and marketing practices, Journal of Marketing Research, Vol. 18 No. 2, pp. 133-45. Putnam, R.D. (2000), Bowling Alone: The Collapse and Revival of American Community, Simon & Schuster, New York, NY. Ragin, C.C. (2000), Fuzzy-set Social Science, The University of Chicago Press, Chicago, IL. Rathbone, D.B. and Huckabee, J.C. (1999), Controlling Road Rage: A Literature Review and Pilot Study, The AAA Foundation for Trafc Safety, November, available at: www. aaafoundation.org/Text/Research/RoadRageFinal.htm Robinson, W.S. (1950), Ecological correlations and the behavior of individuals, American Sociological Review, Vol. 15 No. 3, pp. 351-7. Sarkar, S.A., Martineau, M., Emami, M., Khatib, M. and Wallace, K. (2000), Spatial and temporal analyses of the variations in aggressive driving and road rage behaviours observed and reported on San Diego freeways, available at: www.aggressive.drivers.com/board/ messages/25/50.html Shah, D.V., McLeod, J.M. and Yoon, S. (2001), Communication, context, and community: an exploration of print, broadcast, and internet inuences, Communication Research, Vol. 28, pp. 464-506. Simmons Market Research Bureau (1982), Simmons Market Research Bureau Study of Media and Markets, Vol. 40, SMRB, New York, NY. Solomon, M. and Buchanan, B. (1991), A role-theoretic approach to product symbolism: mapping a consumption constellation, Journal of Business Research, Vol. 22 No. 2, pp. 95-110. Twedt, D.W. (1964), How important is the heavy-user?, Journal of Marketing, Vol. 28 No. 1, pp. 71-2. Vest, J., Cohen, W. and Tharp, M. (1997), Road rage: tailgating, giving the nger, outright violence Americans grow more likely to take out their frustrations on other drivers, US News & World Report, June 2, pp. 28-33. Wall, A.P. (2007), Government demarketing as viewed by its target audience, Marketing Intelligence & Planning, Vol. 25 No. 2, pp. 123-35. Wells, W. (1968), Backward segmentation, in Arndt, J. (Ed.), Insights into Consumer Behavior, Allyn & Bacon, Boston, MA. Willis, D.K. (1999), Summary of aggressive driving study from the AAA Foundation for Trafc Safety, available at: www.aaafoundation.org/Text/Research/roadrage.htm Woodside, A.G. (2007), Extremely frequent behaviour in consumer research, working paper, Chestnut Hill, Boston, MA.

Anti-social behaviour

479

MIP 26,5

Further reading Cook, T.D. and Campbell, D.T. (1979), Quasi-experimentation: Design and Analysis Issues for Field Settings, Houghton-Mifin, Boston, MA. About the author Arch Woodside is a Professor of Marketing, Boston College. He is a Fellow of the Royal Society of Canada, the American Psychological Association (APA), the American Psychological Society, the Society for Marketing Advances, and the Institute for the Study of Tourism Research. He is a Past-President of Division 23, Consumer Psychology, of the APA. He has authored and co-authored 175 articles in 35 academic journals in the elds of psychology, sociology, marketing, travel and tourism, advertising, decision sciences, and retailing. Arch Woodside can be contacted at: woodsiar@bc.edu

480

To purchase reprints of this article please e-mail: reprints@emeraldinsight.com Or visit our web site for further details: www.emeraldinsight.com/reprints