Occupying Streets at all hours: Frankfurt and London

Gregory Cowan School of Architecture and Built Environment University of Westminster 35 Marylebone Road London NW1 5LS E: g.cowan@my.westminster.ac.uk

Paper Presented in Track 10 (Urban Landscape, Morphology and Industrial Heritage) at the 3rd World Planning Schools Congress, Perth (WA), 4-8 July 2011

ABSTRACT: Inner-urban streets can become more liveable, performing a more sustainable role in the public realm, through a better understanding of users and design for occupation at all hours of night and day. This research aims to investigate qualities of mixed-use streets in dense urban areas at all hours, with respect to diverse user experiences and the effects of design processes aimed at making quality street environments in urban regeneration. An analysis of European and international practice and theory provides the context for this investigation of two case study streets, in transport hub districts of Frankfurt and London. These two case examples of densely occupied and contested streets are used to test the limitations of the idea of the street as a shared public realm. Keywords: Inner-city mixed-use streets, Street Design, Shared Space, Night-time streets, Urban Noir, Transport Hubs, Diverse Street Users, Deviant Use, Social

Occupying Streets at all hours: Frankfurt and London Introduction The overall aim of this research is to investigate the occupation and design of inner-city streets, and by considering current conditions, design practices, and adaptations to street environments, whether constructed or proposed to discover how these respond to the needs of users of mixed-use streets at all hours. The research has also begun to explore the place of urban design skills and the processes and means of urban designs engagement with stakeholders in regard to how these processes might contribute to better design quality. Initially, a review of the literature was developed, and a proposed research methodology was refined. Consideration for the architectural-spatial quality of mixed-use streets, and for street life at night, were found to have been neglected in the street design literature. Several scoping interviews I conducted in London, UK and Frankfurt, Germany helped to identify some areas of current concern in street design, inner city diversity and the night and day lives of mixeduse streets. (See Figures 3 & 4, below) Semi-structured walking interviews are planned to be recorded on location in and near interest sites of the study streets in London and Frankfurt. Following several desk-based interviews so far, a prototype of a semi-structured walking interview technique was employed in a fieldwork exercise in May 2011 in Caledonian Road, posted as an AudioBoo (Cowan 2011c). The interviews, combined with urban analysis and tested prognoses for the streets, will inform

some recommendations and suggestions for street design, and innovative methods for considering diverse inner-city mixed use street users stake in street design for all hours.
Figs. 1 & 2. Frankfurt, Niddastrasse (l) London, Caledonian Road (r) (Google 2011)

Aims and Objectives I aim to investigate the user experience of the street, and the effect of street design processes, applied in improving street environments in inner city regeneration. A first objective is to produce an analysis of street user experience and street design through two case studies. Processes of change will be analysed with respect to user perceptions about the quality of street environments. Secondly, interventions and designs will be proposed as a response to user-identified desirable qualities (such as liveability, safety and attractiveness). Thirdly, proposed interventions will be modelled and tested to evaluate their likely effectiveness in achieving improvements in the perceptions of users. These latter perceptions will contribute to forming conclusions. Focus, direction and method of research The aim of this research is to test the benefits and limitations of balancing movement and place in highly diverse and congested streets, while accounting for the full diurnal cycle of night and day. The street as place meaningful space appears in the literature, but even Link and Place, it can be argued, favours movement over dwelling (Jones and Boujenko 2007). I have identified mixed-use inner-city streets with a high level of diversity of use, not only in the space of the streets, footway and carriageway, but in the adjacent building uses. The research focuses on regenerative urban street design in inner-city railway station areas, and is addressed through case study examples in two European cities. One area, London Kings Cross area surrounding a railway and transport hub, is an example of urban regeneration which has been ongoing since the 1980s, as documented in Cities on Rails (Bertolini and Spit 1998:183-208) and in Mike Edwards long-standing research (Edwards 2010). The other,
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Frankfurt Bahnhofsviertel, is also a railway quarter regeneration area, in a smaller city, but strategically placed within a metropolitan region (umland) and a continental Europe-wide urban network (Benkel 2010:7-14). The two streets selected for comparative case study; Niddastrasse (in Frankfurts Bahnhofsviertel or Railway Station Quarter) and Caledonian Road (in London / Kings Cross Railway Station Area) are characteristic streets in their respective regeneration areas. Both cases make apt examples for applying design principles, for balancing moving users and vehicles of various kinds with the urban spatial qualities of mixed-use streets in European city centre regeneration. Drawing on my background in architecture practice and research, combined with my experience of working and living in cities, I have developed the research focus on urban design and regeneration of the public realm found in inner-city mixed-use streets. The research investigates a street in the Railway Station quarter of Frankfurt, comparing it with a street in Kings Cross station quarter (since 2007, also the international railway station quarter) in London. Each urban quarter, in the context of its own respective city, has a night time aspect, and each has its own noir character, as part of a (real or mythical) underworld and night-life (counter-) culture. Literature Three main areas of literature relevant to this study, as I have characterised them, are the urban design and cities literature, the street engineering guidance literature and the literature of the social and socio-spatial, as relevant to streets. In the first two categories especially, there is a proliferation of grey literature, including websites and guidance from various agencies, and also the social literature is very broad in the way it can be applied to this study, given the case study comparison between London and Frankfurt. The German-language literature around the social, in the context of the urban social experiment that is the Frankfurt Bahnhofsviertel reputed as a rotlicht milieu has a complex history through the twentieth century up to the present, and the last few decades of regeneration and change make a study in their own right. The urban context is discussed in this research, beginning with an overview of the kinds offered about Kings Cross by Bertolini and Edwards (Bertolini and Spit 1998, Edwards 2010). The cultural and regulatory frameworks for street design and regeneration in mixed-use spaces in inner-city interchange areas can be discussed as part of urban street design, whose conception, I will argue, differs between continental and British cultures, as reflected in education, professional practice and public life.

Urban Analysis, Urban Design and Streets This first main area of the literature focuses on city form, urban design and streets as physical phenomena of the citys composition, navigation and spatial permeability and legibility for users. This literature ranges from Camillo Sittes 1909 work Der Stdtebau nach seinen knstlerischen anstzen (Urban Design according to Artistic Principles) (2002) through Le Corbusiers work on modern city planning (1923, 1925, 1935) including the Charter of Athens (1942) to Jane Jacobs Death and Life.. (1961) and Jan Gehls Life Between Buildings.. (1971, 1987) and his successive works on modern public space (2000, 2004, 2006, 2010). For this study, the mainstream of the anglophone urban design canon Kevin Lynchs Image of the City (1960), Gordon Cullen (1961) the Oxford School of Urban Designs Responsive Environments (Bentley et. al., 1985) and urban design process guides (Roberts and Greed 2001) can be complemented with the modern 24 hour city literature (Comedia 1991, Roberts and Eldridge 2009) and a literature which attempts to reconcile movement and place in streets (Jones, Marshall, Boujenko 2008) supporting mixed-use in inner cities (Jones and Roberts 2007, CIHT 2010). Brought together, these strands begin to identify a literature of (potential) diurnal mixed-use urbanism. German texts on architectural / landscape / urbanism Stdtebau include Der Mueller (The Mueller), a 700 page volume (handbook) dating from 1970 (Korda 5th ed., 2005), a guide to professional urbanism practice, like the AJ Metric Handbook or the Neufert Architects Handbook. Civil engineering, spatial city planning and architecture appear to be professionally more integrated in the German-language world than in the Anglophone world. The Mueller offers extensive sections on traffic (verkehr, 2005: 215-370) and on planning the public realm (kommunale Freiraumplanung, 2005: 506-610). Gerrit Schwalbach, of the University of Siegen, has published a guide to Urban Analysis in both German and English (2009:82), as part of a Birkhaser Basics series, it gives an overview of analysis methods or approaches - but the bibliographies of the two editions suggest the Urban Analysis literature varies markedly between the English and Germanlanguage contexts. More than half of the bibliography in the latter edition are texts which are almost unknown in English. Planning, and civil engineering of roads and streets, as an element of human settlements, has historically been detached from spatial planning in an architectural and urban sense, and Jane Jacobs seminal work on the Death and Life.. of the inner city was widely taken up in the
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decades to follow as a critique of highway-driven city development. Jane Jacobs writing about streets also critiqued the garden city movement and post-war suburbanisation of US cities which drove residents out of inner cities into suburban estates, blighting inner cities with more motoring and weakening human communities. Her reading of the street ballet of shopkeepers keeping an eye on civility on the street prompted a conception of a choreography of the street which would challenge previous ideas of physical urban planning and master planning. Bentley et. al.s Responsive Environments offers methods and processes for urban analysis and design (1985). An independent report on UK town centres at night (Comedia 1991) recommended that local councillors beat the bounds of their electorates annually, so that they would know the places they are representing; it also recommended ways of ensuring surveillance by eyes on the street. Appleyards work in the sixties and seventies on liveability (1981), especially in residential streets, helped open the field of streets research in urban studies (Anderson 1978). The literature of streets as liveable public realms was developed further through Moudon (1999) Hass-Klau (1999), and Carmona et al. (2003), with support from the UKs Commission for Architecture and the Built Environment and their range of educational publications (2005, 2006, 2007a,b,c,d,e, 2010, 2011). The first decade of the twenty-first century was a period during which this now defunct UK agency supported the development of wider awareness and understanding about streets and urbanism. Street Engineering (Urban Space, Mixed Use Designs) The highway engineering literature has been part of municipal design since Vitruvius (50AD) but became increasingly distinct from it during the processes of modernism and motorization in the city. Highway engineering comes from an increasingly mechanical approach to designing the city for private motor transport in the 20th century alongside civil-municipal facilities, from drainage to railways and lighting. The pragmatic mechanical approach to engineering is reflected in the literature of the city as a machine, a set of physical components (David Macaulay 1983, 2004, 2010, 2011). Motorisation, mechanization and indeed artificial illumination in the 19th century (Schivelbusch 2004) had great social implications for cities, and emerging from the proliferation of highways after the Athens Charter of 1942, (Le Corbusier 1973) the engineer Colin Buchanan began to describe the limitations of civil engineering in city regeneration (1958, 1962). With the development of the civil and highway engineering manual, the Design Manual for Roads and Bridges in fifteen volumes, launched 1992 (Department for Transport 2011) the reform of streets began, with some recognition that residential streets
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might be occupiable by pedestrians and children as well as motor vehicles. In the Manual for Streets (Department for Transport 2007), pedestrians in residential areas were given greater consideration as street users, and in Manual for Streets 2 Wider Application of the Principles (CIHT 2010), further guidelines are set out at least in theory for applying the principles of making streets as places. The principle of Shared Space interdisciplinary street design and improving the quality of urban place shared by diverse forms of movement through collaborative and consultative processes has been developed from work by Joost Vahl (Hamilton Baillie 2000:iii) and Monderman (Bechtler 2010:20). In the early 21st Century, Hamilton-Baillie and the Shared Space Institute extended the application of Shared Space principles through a collaborative set of pilot projects in seven EU towns (North Sea Region 2007, Shared Space nd). The practice and process is explored in the book Shared Space, (published in German by Green interest AKP through the Heinrich Boll Foundation Bechtler et. al. 2010), where pilot projects like Bohmte (2010: 64) are compared with Londons Seven Dials (2010:77) and Exhibition Road, which is under construction in 2011 (2010:79). Gradually, this process of making Shared Space as public realm, and of the physical attributes of streets are becoming the state of the art in street design. What are the limitations? The complexity of inner-city mixed-use high streets in transport interchange areas presents some challenges, which this research will use to test current ideas about design of streets and the public realm. The principles of integrated street design, which have been introduced slowly in UK residential areas since the nineteen-sixties, along the lines of the Dutch model Woonerf, by 2011 have now become part of guidance for mixed-use areas and on mixed-priority routes (DfT 2008, IHT 2010). The principles of integration will be extended and tested in this research, to take into account the full 24-hour cycle of inner city streets and for the full range of social activity relating to users at all hours. The Socio-spatial and the Street The social construction of the street is fundamental to its construction as a physical place, and this research focuses on the street and everyday life, participation in street analysis and street design, and phenomena such as pleasure and panics in the streets at night. The Reclaim the Night and Reclaim the Streets social movements in Britain are well documented from the sixties to the early 21st century in many sources such as Hayduk (1999) and George McKay (1998). Aspects of pleasure in streets, (Rendell 2002) and of contemporary public panics
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about the lines of civil and uncivil behaviour (Eldridge 2010) have been developed in literatures of the social in both London and Frankfurt. In the case of Kings Cross, the evening entertainment scene has long been undergoing gentrification, while a covert brothel and drug scene remains from the twentieth century (Esther Oxford 1994, Safer London 2005, Cowan 2011c). The increase in tourist popularity around the transport interchange appears at least subjectively to affect the use of footway spaces; backpackers sitting on the kerb, smoking; groups with wheel-aboard suitcases rattling along the footway; confused visitors using the cycle-hire bikes on the footway along the oneway gyratory road system. The newsstand, Post Office and shops are constantly adapting to a different range of customers based on time of day, season and year (personal observation). The noir urban underworld, known in the case of Frankurt Bahnhofsviertel as milieu or rotlicht-milieu, has become a kind of institution in Frankfurt over the decades, and is a niche tourist attraction (Bahnhofsviertel Tour 2011). In a model of liberalisation which has been developed since the 1970s, the milieu is visible and thus available for scrutiny (Benkel, ed. 2010), in the form of eighteen licensed brothels and four drug consumption rooms in the study area (Frankfurt.de, 2011). In this sense, through the focus on streets at all hours, including the night time, innovations in methods of street design are being developed, by taking into account a full diurnal time scale and a wider social range, including devianz the activities of what Benkel describes as deviant or aberrant uses (Benkel, ed. 2010) , or in the UK, lowlevel anti-social behaviour, as part of the urban streetscape and street scene. These various forms of (perhaps extreme) pedestrian activities appear to have been omitted from the transport planning and traffic engineering literatures. Streets research questions In processes of street design, a multidisciplinary range of grounded research methodologies can be applied. Methods of analysis used in this study will include quantitative and qualitative methods, and will range from drawn architectural documentary analysis to observational and participant-observation interviews. Some research questions about the quality of street design for contemporary practice - set within geographical and historical contexts - have been developed via the literature review and are discussed here. A streets specific urban context and concerns of the locale are key factors in street design. This specificity to the local is in stark contrast with the traditional approach to highway and road design which developed in the twentieth century. Highway and road engineering developed as a discipline of
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infrastructure which applies generalised standards and designs. London has a city transport authority department, Transport for London - Streets, to oversee streets, but design often references national standards. However, as a certain type of urban place, like a district or a square, the social and physical aspects of a street are co-produced by many specific local actors and agents. Interest in streets and ownership of streets is manifested through a form of urban (micro-) politics, defined as a process of collective decision making, as social relations which involve authority or power. Research questions for this study How can the design of streets, especially inner-city mixed-use streets in two western European examples, (e.g. Caledonian Road and Niddastrasse) be guided and orchestrated, in order that design outcomes better reflect the needs of diverse users at all hours? How does street design for the day-time relate to design for the night-time in terms of both user perception and the process of transformation or adaptation? What are the interdependencies and relations in street use between different times, days and seasons? How are the concerns for movement and circulation of all kinds (motorised and unmotorised), of users in streets (vulnerable and powerful) negotiated, balanced with the formal architectural-spatial characteristics of streets as attractive and enjoyable habitable places at various times of day, night, and year? How are etiquettes and cultures of using the street, and safety and creativity in using the street, affected by education and citizenship, from children and young people to adults, and how do these influence perceptions and behaviour? The above research questions are to be addressed through the semi-structured walking interviews, with a complementary background of physical analysis providing a context. The physical methods planned to date, drawn from the established repertoire of urban design analysis tools, and others, experimental and in development through grounded methods of research, complete the range of tools. A summary of these methods is set out in the table below.

Fig.3. Table: Twelve Street Design Analysis Methods

1. A comparative written contextual analysis of two case study areas (Frankfurt and London), including a policy analysis 2. Transcribed semi-structured walking interviews in two case study areas, day and night, (participant observation) 3. Analyses of physical form, based on aerial photography (orthographic) and Birds eye views (eg.Bing.com) 4. Graphical (incl. non-geographical, eg psychogeographical) mapping analysis of the case study areas 5. Figure-ground drawings, ichnographic plans, e.g. Nollis 1748 Plan of Rome, including Tranciks Lost space analysis (Trancik 1986:4) 6. Street photography, including Google Streetview, Bing Maps and video clips. 7. Visual observations, auditing and counting of mobile and fixed elements, sentient and inanimate. 8. Townscape analysis - after Cullen 1961 (drawing plans of street spaces and analysing these) and a critique of this from the perspective of Colin Rowe and Fred Koetters Collage City (Aitchison 2011: 34-39) 9. Streetscape elevations and section drawings and analysis 10. Diagrammatic analyses of urban maps / drawings (compare Kempf 2009) 11. Virtual (CAD) 3D model analysis (using Google-Sketchup, compare Vectorworks and AutoCAD / BIM building information modelling). Analysis using models with superimposed design proposals. 12. Rudimentary syntax analysis of urban grain (part-whole structures) based on Space Syntax (Hillier 1996:54)

Methods of research intervention The research will involve analysis, interviews, design proposals and design testing, in order to devise strategies and to sketch possible ways of improving street design processes and repertoires. Research methods for regenerative street design in inner-city mixed-use high streets in this study are designed to critically investigate the main principles of what is becoming orthodoxy; Integrated Urban Design (RUDI 2011). Urban street design in the motor age has been torn between highway engineering and urban design, but the former has clearly dominated (Buchanan 1958). The research will be developed around questions of street conviviality based on share of physical space, transport modes and architectural-environmental quality, will be through walking interviews conducted with street users and stakeholders in each case study area. As Hamilton-Baillie has noted, local government institutions have tended to entrench the functional segregation between traffic and urbanism (2008:166). This research to date has mapped some aspects of the physical and imagined street case studies and through the future interviews and proposals will test some of the background to the segregation and the more
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difficult aspects of re-integration in mixed-use areas and mixed-priority routes in urban regeneration. The questions are extended to apply to inner city mixed use high streets (or in transport terms, strategic routes) as part of the process of design regeneration. First principles of design are essential for integrated design of streets, and these can be enumerated as six-fold after shared space advocate Ben Hamilton-Baillies six pre-conditions for integrated street design. They are firstly, the need for formal abandonment of the traffic segregation principle, so that the specific patterns of sharing of the street space can be established, raising awareness among stakeholders of a shared space of the potential benefits of de-segregating transport modes. Secondly, the acceptance of different transport modes by all stakeholders is needed. Thirdly, the implementation of Shared Space Principles as a process is needed (EU / IIB 2006). The fourth condition is the withdrawal of regulatory documents in which segregation is implicit from municipal regulations and legal frameworks. Fifthly, a review of public realm advice and police and traffic law and amendment or updating of these is part of the process. Finally, encouragement and protection for council officers who innovate in the method is a vital condition. Case Studies and Comparative Methods, Frankfurt Bahnhofsviertel and Kings Cross Specific local context is now emphasised in the street design guidance literature in Britain, in the newly released Manual for Streets 2; wider application of the principles (IHT 2010). Street design in regeneration in the UK, especially for mixed use high streets, is dominated by guidance from Department for Transport, and in London, Transport for London. Key to the design process outlined in the Manual for Streets, in both Part 1 for residential streets, and in Part 2 for the wider context, is that officers and consultants give particular consideration to local context, rather than applying national guidelines, and that the hierarchy of users is applied (CIHT 2010:7). However, applying these first principles in the long term will also require a different kind of understanding of cities from an urban design and architecture perspective. For pedestrian at the top hierarchy to work well, the most vulnerable street users must prevail over large, heavy and powerful human-controlled machines. Pedestrian focus, and especially vulnerable pedestrian environment is paramount for a sense of safety, cyclists and human powered vehicles are the followed by public transport and necessary lowemissions light delivery vehicles, and private and heavy vehicles last, as necessary for delivering supplies to businesses.

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Mapping themes and Case Study issues I have conducted ten interviews to date and have established some of the key themes for the planned walking interviews. The two London interviews, one with a representative of the PRIAN the Public Realm Information and Advisory Network (Robert Huxford), and the other a community activist (Caroline Russell), are broader in their application to London streets that the two Frankfurt Interviews are to that city as a whole. One interview in Frankfurt, at the City Planning Department, was with a specialist and department leader for planning in the Bahnhofsviertel district, the other represented an arms-length community organisation providing a well-established model of outreach and community coordination in the local area.
Fig. 4. Theme cloud; map of the emerging themes from four scoping interviews; on streets in London Kings Cross and Frankfurt Bahnhofsviertel 2010-2011

The diagram maps themes ranging from childrens safety on inner-city streets to the presence of deviant or anti-social street users, and the balancing of many diverse occupations of streets. The interviews, shown chronologically in the table below (Fig. 5.), have developed some of the themes in more detail. The most recent interview goes into some detail about principles and guidelines on accessibility of streets in Germany for visually impaired and blind users (Wolpersdorf and Cowan 2011). The self-identification of vulnerable pedestrians, in particular visually-impaired people who do not use long canes in public, was a point of
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discussion in relation to vorfahrtregelung (priority of right of way) in Germany. The principle of pedestrian priority in streets has a history in both British and continental Europe, but in the former, the pedestrians rights in a street vis-a-vis motorists on public streets have been greater. While pedestrians are legally empowered in principle use their discretion to cross a street informally in the UK (Moran 2006), for example at a signal controlled junction, to do so in Germany may be construed as illegally disobeying signs.
Fig. 5. Table of interviews in London and Frankfurt, to 2010- 2011.
London Interviews 1. Robert Huxford (Public Realm Information and Advisory Service UK) at Urban Design Group, Cowcross Street, on 21 April 2010 Frankfurt am Main Interviews 1. Hr Schlze-Mnking (Advisor, Open Surgery, Planning Department, Baurat, Sprechstunde Stadtplanungsamt Frankfurt) on 5 July 2010 2. Caroline Russell (Living Streets, Islington, UK) on 12 January 2011 2. Frau Ursula Brnner (Head, Regeneration and Housing, Planning Department, Abteilungsleitung 61.S1 - Stadterneuerung und Wohnungsbau, Stadtplanungsamt Frankfurt) on 4 August 2010 3. Judith Killen (Blind Person / Street User, Perth) by telephone 16 March 2010 4. Nick Harding (Activist, Camden) on 16 February 2011 3. Hans-Peter Kemper Stadtteilbro Bahnhofsviertel (District Office for Frankfurt Railway Station Quarter), 8 December 2010 4. Peter Wolpersdorf, Architekt, Barrierefreies Bauen, ABSV Allgemeiner Blinden- und Sehbehindertenverein Berlin (Architect, Accessibility, General (Umbrella) Association for the Blind and Visually Impaired in Germany (Berlin Desk), 1 June 2011 5. Tom Fernley (Kings Cross Network Rail Construction Site) on construction site, 24 February 2011 6. Sid Charity (Art Student, Central St. Martins) Location interview, Caledonian Road, Friday 6 May, 2011 7 27 (planned) Twenty semi-structured walking interviews on Caledonian Road, London 2011-12 5. (planned - location interview, Niddastrasse) Stipe Cvitanovic (Frankfurt resident and architecture student and graduate) 6 26 (planned) Twenty semi-structured walking interviews on Niddasdtrasse, Frankfurt 2011-12

Contribution to the field Although some commentators argue that there is positive change toward liveable streets in some cities, in most cases, inner-city mixed-use streets in the twenty-first century have remained conflicted and stressful places or non-places. Despite or because of the economic, cultural and health advancements made in modern, developed, western industrial societies, streets often are not considered safe, accessible and enjoyable places where people want to walk or dwell (Living Streets 2011). The legacy of twentieth century highway engineering principles, including that of spatially segregating occupants of the street, prioritising motorisation and normative daytime use, along with declining spontaneity or conviviality in the public realm (Jacobs 1962), and disinterest in quotidian enjoyment of space in the public realm for slow moving, sociable occupation, or loitering, has led to neglect or disapproval for some informal or low-level anti-social forms of street occupation. My
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research to date has found that street design guidance literature has shortcomings in its potential application to complex inner-city mixed-use neighbourhoods, especially in the case studies, and that socially, it is narrowly focussed. Street design guidance, even in the most recent forms, does not adequately account for the problems of balancing the architectural qualities of the street space with the pragmatic functional and movement engineering demands (Cameron 2011), both day and night. Some forms of urban art, including urban wall painting, carnival arts, protest movements and choreographic works suggest critiques of this status of the street, or tactics which might liberate the street (Kanardo 2004, Hayduk and Sheppard 1999, McKay 1992, Wenders 2011, CCA 2009). While practical guidance such as Manual for Streets 2 (CIHT 2010:7) suggests that first principles of design should be applied specifically at a localised level, to reflect the hierarchy of users with the pedestrian uppermost, still in practice, processes of change are often blocked by bureaucracy (PRIAN 2011) and designs are not experimental from a place perspective. The design process often doesnt adequately cater to the diurnal cycle of day and night or to seasonal changes. My research aims to provide innovative methods and examples for understanding inner-city mixed use street design in transport hub areas at all hours, and concerning spatial complexity and social diversity. To complement the practical concerns about footway widths and uses at different times using normative standards, invisible social phenomena and covert spaces of the street, such as the specialised street space of marginal users will be investigated. Research in Frankfurts Red Light Area identifies the sex workers desirable space on the street as being noticed without being discovered (Auffallen ohne entdeckt zu werden, Antje Langer in Benkel 2010:183-209, compare Sanders 2004); similarly, the space of playing children, or of the drunken pedestrian, have been neglected from the normative remit of inner-city mixeduse street design; in the traditional view of highway planners, traffic engineers etc. Prostitution, rough sleeping, begging, drinking and drug-consuming activity as (anti-social) street activity are all perceived and managed differently in London and Frankfurt (International Collective of Prostitutes nd, Frankfurt Way Frankfurter Weg in Frankfurt.de nd). Yet, inherent in the inner-city mixed-use street is its noir character; a quality named after a genre of dramatically photographed chiaroscuro cinema, which relates to the underside, underground, invisible or illicit elements of the street and their (complementary) relationship with quotidian street life (Prakash, 2010). The effects of night time and darkness can be compared and contrasted with the daytime street as an engineering default, and the influence

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on street design of noir aspects of urban cultures of these areas, with their diverse user populations and tensions, deserve closer scrutiny. This research, by highlighting contrasts and similarities between streetscapes in inner areas of Frankfurt and London near international rail stations, will also identify areas for knowledge exchange. To complement the largely normative and technocratic understandings of street design used in mainstream street design practice, this research will develop better understandings of the socio-spatial relations found in streets. New processes, street design methods and example strategies and measures can be forged, to benefit urban design outcomes.
Fig.6. Research Design: The contextual review (practice and theory shown at the top of the diagram) is a critical aspect of the overall research methodology.

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Fig. 7. Western Europe - London and Frankfurt about 480 miles apart by road. (Google 2011)

Fig. 8. Basic Comparison of the Two Case Study Cities.

London (513026N, 0739W) Greater London (metropolitan region) population 7.6 million (largest English Metropolis) Eighteen terminal regional rail stations Londons only international railway station, London St. Pancras International Station. Kings Cross London Borough of Islington, London Borough of Camden Four Stations, Kings Cross - St. Pancras Underground Kings Cross, St. Pancras, St. Pancras International Kings Cross Central, Kings Place, Regents Quarter Caledonian Road (1-156) Frankfurt (50637N, 84056E) Frankfurt/Rhine-Main Metropolitan Region population 5.6 million (second largest German Metropolis) Four main terminal regional rail stations International railway station, Frankfurt Hauptbahnhof, Germanys busiest station for rail traffic.

Bahnhofsviertel district Stadtteilbuero Bahnhofsviertel (District Advocacy Office) Hauptbahnhof Central Railway Station, Street Market, Restaurants, Hotels, Studios 18 Licenced Brothels 4 Konsumrame (Drug consumption rooms) Niddastrasse (12-159)

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Figs. 9 &10. 1-156 Caledonian Road, Kings Cross (l) Niddastrasse 12-159, Bahnhofsviertel (r)

Fig. 11. London / Kings Cross, 1-156 Caledonian Road (south) (Bing.com)

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Fig. 12. Frankfurt / Bahnhofsviertel, Niddastrasse 12 - 159 (east) (Bing.com)

Figs. 13 & 14. Triangles: All Saints Triangle, Caledonian Road (l) Dreieck Niddastrase / Karlstrasse (r) (Bing.com)

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(Abstract 124 words, Main text 4564 words, Bibliography 4157 words, total 30 pages)

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