1 Chapter 1 A Mission Town in Massachusetts

Native nations on the eastern seaboard were devastated by the fur trade. The presence of whites brought about deadlier warfare, diseases like measles and smallpox to which Indians had no immunity and, possibly the most damaging thing of all: firewater or alcohol. By the 1730s the Mohican nation, once numbering an estimated 10,000, were greatly diminished in population, and their old hunting and gathering economy could no longer support them, causing their people to scatter and live in smaller villages. While some of the Mohicans had been living as far west as the Ohio River valley since the 1600s, others had migrated a shorter distance to the Housatonic River, east of the Hudson. The villages of Skatekook and Wnahktukook were on the Housatonic. Konkapot, the chief of Wnahtukook, was given that name by Dutch friends, who may have had difficulty pronouncing his birth name, Pohpnehounuwuh.1 Konkapot had made a good impression on the British; they felt he was just, upright, temperate and industrious and inclined to embrace the Christian religion.2 The chief of Skatekook was Umpachenee. He hadnt made the kind of impression on the British that Konkapot had, but that resulted from his understandable wariness of them, rather than any defect in his character. In 1734 the two chiefs traveled to Springfield with an interpreter where they received military commissions from the British; they were now Captain Konkapot and Lieutenant Umpachenee. While there, the two chiefs were approached by two white ministers who proposed the opportunity of receiving a Christian mission. Although Konkapot was already in favor of accepting a mission, he and Umpachenee explained that it was the kind of decision that needed to be made in council. The council of the two villages on the Housatonic lasted four days in July of 1734. Although a number of plusses and minuses of accepting a Christian mission were no doubt discussed and debated in those four days, the winning argument of the council - paraphrased here into English - was what might be called an economic one: [S]ince my remembrance, there were ten Indians where there now is one.

2 But the Christians greatly increase and multiply and spread over the land. Let us therefore leave our former courses and become Christians. The British themselves attributed their worldly successes to their God. If the British were the most powerful people, maybe learning their religion would put an end to the Indians decline. And so the two villages decided to accept a Christian missionary and schoolteacher. By that time the Mohicans had already lost much of their culture. Without a written language, Mohican rituals and beliefs had been passed along orally from one generation to the next. As a result, the high death rates brought on by the fur trade were enough to largely derail the passing on of cultural information in a dramatically changed world. Now the Mohicans on the Housatonic held a variety of religious beliefs, at least some of which could be traced back to their contact with the Dutch and later the British.3 The two ministers that had approached Konkapot and Umpachenee were part of the Bostonbased Commissioners of Indian Affairs that did much of the legwork for a London-based philanthropic society known as The New England Company. The commissioners picked a twenty-four year-old Yale graduate named John Sergeant to be the first missionary on the Housatonic. Sergeant first arrived in October 1734 along with one of the commissioners, Rev. Nehemiah Bull. They met the Indians halfway between the two villages in what is now Great Barrington, Massachusetts. Sergeant gave a short talk on the Christian religion which was interpreted by Poohpoonuc, an Indian who, having previously lived among whites was also known as Ebenezer. After interpreting Sergeants talk to his own people, Ebenezer Poopoonuc asked to be baptized. Calvinists did not take baptism lightly at that time; it wasnt performed on everybody who asked for it. However, Poopoonuc was able to convince Rev. Bull that he understood the major points of the Christian religion and was determined to pursue a Christian path. Poopoonuc was baptized by Rev. Bull. Rev. Bull stayed among the Indians for a few more days and Sergeant stayed until December when his work as a tutor back at Yale required him to return. Just a few days before Sergeant left, some Dutch traders supplied some of the Housatonic Mohicans with enough rum for a three-day binge. During those three days, the traders used their influence to try and talk the Indians into changing their minds about the budding Christian mission. However, neither Konkapot nor Umpachenee participated in the binge and Sergeant managed to persuade them that a successful mission would prevent the traders from taking advantage of the Indians.

3 Being regional leaders, Konkapot and Umpachenee knew that the council they held in 1734 would not be the last word on Christianity. If the mission was to continue, it would have to be approved by national leaders, including the main chief, Mtohksin. So Umpachenee hosted a national council of two hundred Mohicans in February 1735. The council featured a sermon by the Rev. Stephen Williams and more debate over the pros and cons of allowing the proposed mission to move forward. Their verdict was passed along orally for nearly seventy years at which time Hendrick Aupaumut wrote that the council decided the Christian gospel should be preached in one certain village and let every man and woman go to hear it and embrace it if they think best.4 Certainly there were still some who didnt welcome the new mission. A rumor was circulating that plans were being made to poison Konkapot and Umpachenee. Several Indians, including most of Umachenees family became very sick right after the council was held. Umpachenees brother-in-law and another man ultimately died from the sickness. Whether they were poisoned by those who resisted the mission or died of natural causes is not knowable, but both requested and received Christian burials.5 One measurement of approval for the mission was the attendance of forty-three Housatonic Mohicans at John Sergeants ordination ceremony in Deerfield. The event took place in August of 1735. After the sermon and the ceremonial laying on of hands, the presiding minister turned to the Housatonics who were sitting together in a place of honor and, through an interpreter, asked them to indicate if they would receive Sergeant as their missionary. All forty-three of them rose to their feet. Calvinist church leaders had long believed that Indians had to become civilized before they could become Christianized. It may be obvious to readers that the use of terms like civilized, reflects an ethnocentric mindset on the part of the British. Instead of critiquing their own mindset, however, the British wanted to come up with a mission arrangement that would work better than the towns of socalled praying Indians had in the 1600s. Massachusetts Governor Jonathan Belcher first proposed the idea of an integrated mission town in 1730. The idea was to have not only a missionary and a teacher, and the Indians themselves, but also tradesmen and their families living in one community so the whites could provide apprenticeships and promote a civilized Christian way of life. When he started serving on the Housatonic, John Sergeant was also in favor of this plan for an integrated Indian Town. Although Sergeant and others had good intentions, by opening the door to further white settlement they were putting the community at risk of becoming a place where Indians could be taken advantage of.

4 The most enthusiastic mission participants from its very start included Umpachenees wife who was baptized as Hannah and was eager to learn to read. Other leaders in the tribes acceptance of Christianity were Hannahs sister, and Konkapots wife, who was baptized as Mary. Konkapot himself, baptized as John, was also, of course, one of the missions early leaders. Unfortunately, Hannah Umpachenee and Mary Konkapot died of tuberculosis in 1740 and 1741 respectively.6 The deaths of the two women were big setbacks, of course, but the mission continued to make progress. By 1737 John Sergeant was preaching his sermons in the Mohican language. In the Mohicans of Stockbridge, Patrick Frazier observed that in the missions early years many Indians came from near and far to listen to John Sergeant and witness the new Indian life.7 He added that while some came to listen for a while, others became permanent residents of the community. The town of Stockbridge was incorporated in 1739. The fact that the Commissioners of Indian Affairs gave the mission town an English name clearly reflected their ethnocentrism or racism. While we can imagine that the name itself was at least somewhat of an issue, the commissioners also set Stockbridge up to be laid out and governed as an English town. As the commissioners saw it, it wasnt enough for the Indians to learn to read the Bible and learn to farm like Europeans, the process of civilizing the Indians had to include imposing things like their local political system as well. The result, whether intended or not, was that the Indians were limited in the amount of political power they could assert. The major decisions for what would happen at Stockbridge were made by the General Court in Boston.8 Nevertheless, this didnt mean that the Mohican political system ceased to exist. One of the Mohicans that moved to Stockbridge in 1740 was Ben Kokhkewaunaunt or King Ben, the chief sachem. This made Stockbridge the main council fire, or the capital city of the Mohican nation. In addition to the activity of the mission, Stockbridge was now also a political or diplomatic center for the Mohicans and other Native nations.9 A large gathering of area tribes was held in January of 1740 in Stockbridge. They agreed that Indians should not get unnecessarily dragged into another possible war between the French and the British. Runners were then sent out with wampum belts and a message that a neutrality pact had been made. King Georges War was declared in 1744. The Stockbridge Mohicans managed to stay out of it until somebody burned down a barn within the limits of the town in December of 1745. It prompted the tribe to send a war belt to other villages, declaring war against the French. The French managed to burn

5 a fort about forty miles from Stockbridge and take prisoners. However, Britain and France made peace before an operation could be organized to retaliate.10 By 1744 the Stockbridge Mohicans were succeeding in making the transition to New England ways as the following quote from Patrick Frazier illustrates: Stockbridge had a gristmill, a sawmill, and the beginnings of new roads. Fruit trees were blooming, corn, beans, oats, and other grains were growing, cattle, sheep and hogs were grazing and rail fences were being built. Indians were becoming tithingmen, surveyors, constables and hog reeves Konkapot had a barn, its roof shingled in colonial fashion Several young women were learning to sew and make cloth shirts and other garments. Some Indians were able to read their Bibles and catechisms, and a few had learned to write legibly.11 But all was not well in the mission town. It was starting to become something different than what was originally intended. The Indians were losing land on account of 1) confusion (sloppy surveying and vague agreements which, when contested, always seemed to go to the favor of whites), 2) conflicts of interest (the commissioners and mission employees were given good pieces of land) and, in some cases, 3) out-and-out dishonest land-grabbing. Ephraim Williams brought his family to town before it was even called Stockbridge. His daughter Abigails marriage to John Sergeant in 1739 appears to have put some distance between the minister and his congregation. But the real problem with Ephraim Williams and his family was that they were much more concerned about building up treasures on earth instead of building up spiritual treasures. The bulk of the land-grabbing and the worst times for the Indians at Stockbridge, Massachusetts, didnt get underway until 1759, however.12 In the summer of 1749 John Sergeant became dreadfully sick. Despite the prayers and fasting of his Indian congregation, the thirty-nine year-old missionary died after suffering for almost three weeks. Although his writings come off sounding politically incorrect to us now, he was more tolerant than other Calvinists of his day.13 As a whole, the Indians appreciated his work and deeply mourned their ministers death. In his career John Sergeant had baptized 182 Indians and although some of them had already died from diseases that were still prevalent, Sergeant had brought scattered and suffering Mohican remnants together. As Calvinism was taking hold in Stockbridge, other Mohican villages in the area had received Moravian missionaries. Moravian preachers as well as some of the Calvinist ministers made guest appearances at Stockbridge for two years after John Sergeants death. In April, 1750 the Stockbridge Mohicans sent a message to the village of Pachgatgoch. The idea was to arrange for a Moravian

6 missionary to move to Stockbridge.14 Umpachenee was one of the Indians who preferred the Moravians. When he and other Stockbridges were visiting the Moravians in Bethlehem, Massachusetts Umpachenee saw a painting of the crucifixion for the first time and was deeply moved. He told the Moravian Mohicans that every time he thought of the painting his heart wept because it reminded him of things the Moravians talked about like Jesus blood and death.15 It is unlikely that Moravian missionaries ever tried to take over the mission field that was Stockbridge Massachusetts. Protestants have long had an understanding, a sort of no-compete agreement and the New England Company in London and their Commissioners of Indian Affairs in Boston werent about to give up on the Stockbridge mission. After two years with the schoolteacher, Timothy Woodbridge, and guest preachers doing their best to cover the hole left behind by John Sergeants death, the renowned Puritan theologian Jonathan Edwards was finally tapped for the missionary post in 1751. The conventional wisdom on Edwards is that he was a fire and brimstone preacher and many Calvinists were just that. But upon reading his most famous sermon, Sinners in the Hands of an Angry God carefully, some feel that Edwards has not been given enough credit for the balance he strove to keep between sin and damnation on one hand and Gods desire to save us on the other. That balance in Edwards thought has been borne out in recent research. Rachel Wheeler compared the sermons Jonathan Edwards delivered to whites with the sermons he preached to the Stockbridge Indians. She observed that his sermons to the whites spoke of an arbitrary, indifferent, and wrathful God, while his sermons to the Indians were about the great desire of Christ to save them.16 Although Edwards did not learn the Mohican language well enough to preach in it, his biographer, George Marsden noted that his sermons to the Indians translated well because they were practical and made use of narratives and plain, vivid metaphors.17 The other criticism Edwards has received is that he spent way too much time in his office writing. While there is no doubt that the time Edwards spent writing books took away from the time he could devote to pastoral care, some of the time in his office was spent writing letters on behalf of his Indian converts. After John Sergeant died there was a feud of sorts among the whites at Stockbridge. It pitted the Williams family against some of the people who tended to support the Indians and the goals of the mission. The larger Williams family was powerful in the colony of Massachusetts. They had been instrumental in getting Jonathan Edwards dismissed from the congregation he served prior to coming to Stockbridge. Then the local Williams family tried unsuccessfully, of course to prevent him from being

7 named as John Sergeants successor as missionary, and the conflict didnt let up after Edwards came to town. The second missionary at Stockbridge was up against white settlers who were interested in promoting segregation and pursuing secular goals. That group was originally led by Ephraim Williams, then by his son Elijah, and Colonel Joseph Dwight, who civil officials appointed as the Indian agent. After going through the appropriate period of mourning, Abigail Sergeant married Colonel Dwight and the couple went to work on bypassing Rev. Edwards and Timothy Woodbridge in Indian education in the mission town. In addition to Mr. Woodbridges school, John Sergeant had raised money for boarding schools. His plan was to eventually include both a boys and a girls boarding school for Mohican children plus another one for Mohawk and Oneida boys. The two boarding school teachers, Abigail Sergeant Dwight and Martin Kellogg, used the children in their charge, making them work in houses and on Kelloggs farm. At the same time they didnt provide much in the way of teaching. Historian James Axtell noted that this prompted Jonathan Edwards to write a barrage of letters to officials in London and Boston, describing how the Dwight-Williams faction wasted money, dashed the hopes of the Mohawk and Oneida school, and made a mockery of the girls school.18 Abigail had used public funding to have a school built on her land, hoping to sell it for a sizable profit. Although some tried to take her to task for her unethical plans, the three people who were supposed to keep Abigail accountable were Ephraim Williams (her father), Elisha Williams (her cousin), and Joseph Dwight (her husband).19 John Sergeant had realized hed made a mistake in hiring Martin Kellogg to teach the Mohawk and Oneida boys but died before he could find a replacement. For starters, Kellogg could not have been a good teacher because he was almost illiterate. But the thing that prompted the Mohawks to leave Stockbridge was that he did not properly clothe the boys. Nor did he give them enough to eat. Rev. Edwards stepped in and managed to hire Gideon Hawley, a young Yale graduate as Kelloggs replacement. While Kelloggs former students happily studied under Hawley, Kellogg stayed around and even went into the school at times and pretended he was still the teacher. Things escalated from there. A man who was associated with Ephraim Williams came into Hawleys school and used a rod on the son of an Oneida chief. Hawley, of course, laid into the intruder since there was no just cause for such abuse. In retaliation, Colonel Dwight showed up and berated Hawley in front of the boys for three hours.20 One morning, in a strange and futile attempt to undermine the Edwards Woodbridge faction, Ephraim Williams visited every white farmer in Stockbridge and tried to buy out their land. Although

8 from a moral point of view - he had really pursued the wrong path all along, Williams had finally pushed things so far that hed become a laughingstock and left town in 1753. However, Ephraim Williams remained at Stockbridge long enough to see an apparent act of revenge through to completion: Hawleys school and with it his worldly possessions were burned down in a fire of which no origin could be determined.21

In the summer of 1754 a hunting party of Stockbridge Mohicans witnessed a large group of Indians burning buildings and killing cattle. They headed home immediately to warn their white neighbors. The next Sunday morning a white resident of Stockbridge was on his way to church when he saw an Indian dragging a child out of a cabin. After pursuing the Indian, the churchgoer saw him tomahawking the child and getting away. When he checked the cabin, he found that an infant and a servant had also been murdered. Area settlers then built a fortification around Rev. Edwards house. Edwards noted that some whites were foolishly suspecting the local Indians of the murders but he knew better. Historians believe that the murders, as well as the arson and the destruction of livestock seen days earlier can be traced back to the French-allied Abenakis and Scaticokes. The French and Indian War was on.22 The male Indians at Stockbridge still identified with the warrior image and unfortunately, they were also motivated to enlist in the military to pay off debts or get away from their creditors.23 As a result, the British didnt have much trouble recruiting the Stockbridge Indians into the war. Two companies, made up of an estimated one hundred Stockbridge Mohicans served in the French and Indian War. Among them Jacob Cheeksaunkun, Jacob Naunaphtaunk, and a son of King Ben, Solomon Uhhaunauwaunmut ultimately rose to the rank of captain in the British army. The war brought the refugee remnant of the Wapping nation 227 in all - to Stockbridge, Massachusetts. (But, since some fought and died in the war, the actual increase in population was less.) It wasnt the first time that the Stockbridge Indians took non-Mohicans into their community and it wouldnt be the last, either. Nevertheless, the amalgamated tribe continued to identify with the Mohican name.24 The event that historian Lion Miles calls the great land grab didnt get underway until 1759, partly because until that time the Indians had people like John Sergeant, Timothy Woodbridge, and Jonathan Edwards to advocate for them. The other reason is that after the French and Indian War

9 ended, western Massachusetts became safe from the attacks of the French and their Native allies, bringing a deluge of white settlers into the area.25 Ironically, by aiding the British in the war, the Stockbridge Indians had made their homeland safe for white settlement. Furthermore, by going back to being warriors, many of the men who were fortunate enough to survive lost their focus on farming and sobriety. Rev. Stephen West succeeded Jonathan Edwards, becoming the third missionary in 1759. West appears to have been a stricter Calvinist than Edwards and certainly lacked Edwards compassion. Wests focus remained on sin and unworthiness. During a term as missionary that lasted about as long as John Sergeants, Rev. West baptized less than half as many Indians. It was one thing that he excommunicated several prominent Indians for drunkenness, adultery, and other acts. More tellingly, however, is that those who were banned from Wests church didnt get reinstated.26 West admitted that as more whites moved into town the Indians were being crowded out of their seats in church. He complained that they were using it as an excuse to not attend worship services. Of course, in making that excuse, the Indians were only being polite, their real reason for not attending services had more to do with the ministers shortcomings than anything else. At some point West wondered if it was dishonest for him to accept the half of his salary that was paid by the New England Company on behalf of the Indians. Before he took action, however, the Commissioners of Indian Affairs in Boston dismissed him. Fortunately for West, however, the white residents of Stockbridge eventually agreed to pay his full salary.27 In Stockbridge, Massachusetts as in other places, laws were on the books to protect Indians from losing their land. Until 1765 Indian land at Stockbridge wasnt turned over to whites unless loopholes to the protective laws were found. At that time, Captain Jacob Cheeksaunkun and nine other struggling tribal leaders petitioned the General Court to be able to sell land in order to pay their debts. The tribe was empowered as per their request. Lion Miles compiled a table of Indian to Non-Indian land sales in Stockbridge and the increase in land given up after 1765 more than a thousand acres on four separate years - was so dramatic that he referred to the courts decision as a death blow.28 Although Ephraim Williams had left town in disgrace, his son Elijah opened up a store and was happy to allow Indians to buy things on credit, managing to charge them with a six percent interest rate after one year. If anybody defaulted on their payments, the system thoroughly supported Williams, since he was the sheriff of Berkshire County. After debts continued to pile up, the Indians became desperate. They went back to the General Court and had a law passed in 1773 which limited the

10 amount of debt that could be charged against them to thirty-five shillings. There was nothing wrong with that particular law, but, as Miles states, by then it was too late; the vast majority of the land at Stockbridge was in white hands.29 The condition of the Stockbridge Mohicans declined in the years following the French and Indian war. Their problems included the previously mentioned losses of land, deaths due both to the war and to smallpox, and they were fighting lawsuits on both sides in what Patrick Frazier called a litigious freefor-all. According to Frazier, everybody at Stockbridge in the 1760s and 1770s was sued, even several judges. Although the litigation occurred both within and across racial lines, it generally hurt the Indians more than the whites.30 It had been difficult enough for the Stockbridge Mohicans to pursue white ways in farming and religion when the mission was getting started. But the war and frustration from all of their problems led to backsliding. One of the ministers in the area, Samuel Hopkins, described the tribes situation: The Indians are truly in a deplorable state They are most of them drunkards; and are often got drunk, it is believed, by those who tamper with them and have ends of their own. They are consequently idle, and, of course, many almost starved; which leads them to press and live on those who have something, and even to steal from them. By this means they are all reduced to straits; and most of them have nothing to eat [a] great part of the year, but what they can pick up where they find it as the hungry wolves in the wilderness! And how much this tends to hurt the morale of the whole, and prevent all benefit of instruction, need not be said. The sights that are to be seen among them every day are enough to make the compassionate heart of a true Christian bleed.31 Hopefully, Hopkins was exaggerating, but he was far from the only person to observe the tribes decline. Unfortunately for the Stockbridge Mohicans, their missionary, Rev. Stephen West, was not one to take extenuating circumstances into account; to West, the sins of idleness, intemperance (drinking), and stealing were still sins. By 1773 West had excommunicated every last Indian from the church that had been established for their benefit.32 John Sergeant Jr. had been too young to have any memory of his father. He grew up among the Indians and spoke Mohican well. He began as teacher of the mission school in 1767 or 1768 at the age of nineteen.33 The younger Sergeants beliefs were not considered orthodox enough for ordination as a Calvinist minister. Nor was he a college graduate. But, given the way things were at Stockbridge, he might have been the only white man there who cared enough to want the job of missionary. The thing about the hiring of John Sergeant Jr. that might not seem right is that he had to receive instruction from

11 Stephen West. Nevertheless, West did hold a doctorate in Divinity so it was Sergeants opportunity to get some formal post-secondary education.

Solomon Uhhaunawaunmut was elected chief sachem in 1771 after his father King Ben said to be 94 years old - resigned his post. Five years earlier, King Solomon as he was sometimes called, had sailed to England along with Jacob Cheeksaunkun, John Naunauphtaunk, and the Wapping chief Daniel Nimham to argue a claim on their land in New Yorks Hudson River valley. The problem was that the land was unfairly taken by men who were part of the British judicial system that heard the case. Hopes of recovering about 200,000 acres in that claim was perhaps the Stockbridges biggest motivation for officially and completely siding with the thirteen colonies in the Revolutionary War. But there were also other reasons; one being that the tribe had lost several men fighting for the British in the previous war and never received the pay they were entitled to.34 So in the first two years of the Revolution the Stockbridges were the colonists only Native allies, something that King Solomon announced in an official statement to the Americans at the Treaty of Albany in 1775: Wherever you go we will be by your side. Our bones shall lay with yours. We are determined never to be at peace with the Red coats while they are at variance with you. If we are conquered our Lands go with yours, but if we are victorious we hope you will help us to recover our just rights.35 Those were not idle words; Stockbridge Indians, including Solomons young son, Hendrick Aupaumut, fought bravely in every major campaign in the eastern theater of the American Revolution between 1775 and 1778, including battles such as Lexington, Bunker Hill, White Plains and Monmouth.36 According to oral tradition it was right after the battle of White Plains when Hendrick Aupaumut was given a captains sword by General George Washington. From that point on he was often known simply as Captain Hendrick. In another battle, the British Lieutenant Simcoe recorded in his journal that the Stockbridge Indians fought most gallantly and pulled more than one of the cavalry from their horses.37 Also a Hessian officer looking over the dead bodies on the field observed that the Indians strong, well-built and healthy bodies were strikingly distinguished among the Europeans and one could see by their faces that they perished with resolution.38

12 Unfortunately, the victorious thirteen colonies didnt give their Native allies the kind of reward they deserved. With the exception of blankets that were given to the widows of veterans, the Stockbridge Mohicans still got the cold shoulder from Congress in 1785 after asking for compensation for their losses.39 The Indians would have been far better served if the missions seemingly ethnocentric goals of turning hunters and warriors into Christian farmers had been pursued on a constant, steady basis. Instead, an economy in which the main ingredients included warfare and lopsided land sales proved to be unsustainable. A rather cynical argument, of course, can be made that the whole purpose of choosing the Housatonic Mohicans for a mission in the first place was that their villages were strategically located for the British on their warpath to French Canada. Since support for the mission town was motivated by secular as well as religious reasons, a somewhat cynical analysis of the whole project is not out of line. They were still struggling, but fifty years in the Massachusetts mission town had morphed the scattered Mohicans and other remnants into a new Native nation, the Stockbridge Mohicans, an educated, civilized, Christian tribe. Certainly in those fifty years, the Indians had learned some important things. Unfortunately, one of the things they learned was that frontier whites didnt make good neighbors.

1 2

Dunn, Shirley. The Mohican World. Samuel Hopkins, as quoted in Frazier, The Mohicans of Stockbridge, University of Nebraska Press, 1994, 16. 3 Wheeler, Rachel. To Live on Hope: Mohicans and Missionaries in the Eighteenth Century Northeast (2008); and Hopkins, Samuel. Historical Memoirs (1753). 4 Extract from the Indian Journal quoted in a Letter to Rev. Mr. Hopkins, Massachusetts Missionary Magazine, v.4, p.468 5 Frazier, 28-30 6 Frazier, 53 7 Frazier 37 8 Frazier; Miles, 75 9 Frazier, 55 10 Frazier, 70, 76-78 11 69-70 12 Frazier and Miles 13 Frazier, 37-38

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14 15

Wheeler, 293, note 2 Frazier, 88-89 16 Wheeler, 208 17 Marsden, 393 18 Axtell, James. After Columbus 1988, 67 19 Axtell, 67-68 20 Axtell, 69-71 21 Axtell, 71-72 22 Frazier, 107-109 23 Frazier, 107. 24 Arguably, the Wappingers and Mohicans were intertwined and intermarried to the point that they were already the same people as early as the 1600s. However, this makes no difference in the reality of the Stockbridge Indians being an amalgamated tribe, calling themselves Mohicans, but being the descendants of remnants from several Native nations. 25 Miles, Lion. Red Man Dispossessed, New England Quarterly, 1993 50-56. 26 Although there was one exception, it took more than nine years for her to be reinstated. 27 Frazier, 189-190 28 Miles, 66, 68 29 Miles, 68-72 30 Frazier, 172, 179 31 Hopkins, as quoted in Frazier, 173-174 32 Stiles, Ezra. The Literary Diary of Ezra Stiles, v.1, page 413. 33 Kellaway, William. The New England Company: and Frazier 34 1773 letter from T. Woodbridge to Governor Tyron as cited in Frazier 35 quoted in Calloway, Colin The American Revolution in Indian Country 1995, 94 36 Walling, Richard, page 7 37 Walling, 20 38 Miles, quotes Tustin 39 Calloway, 104