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EASTERN UNIVERSITY

BUILDING PEACE: POST-CONFLICT PEACEBUILDING THROUGH COMMUNITY DEVELOPMENT PROJECTS

A thesis/project submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in Urban Studies: Community Development By

Kristellys Zolondek

Philadelphia, Pennsylvania 2010

BUILDING PEACE: POST-CONFLICT PEACEBUILDING THROUGH COMMUNITY DEVELOPMENT PROJECTS By Kristellys Zolondek A thesis submitted in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of Urban Studies: Community Development Eastern University 2010

Approved by ___________________________________________________ Director of Faculty and Student Research Date __________________________________________________________ Research Advisor Assigned ________________________________________

ABSTRACT In the midst of conflict-ridden situations worldwide, development projects have the potential to promote reconciliation and build peace. Participatory development projects that involve the input and governance from and implementation by the community maximize that potential. Although there has been a good amount of literature on the subject of development and peacebuilding, the case for community development strategies has to be mainstreamed. This paper demonstrates that community development is essential to the success of peacebuilding through development projects as it captures the necessary aspect of a participatory, community-centered strategy. The conclusion of this study implies that development workers and those in the field of peacebuilding must acquire community development approaches, as it is only through developing communities strengths and capacities that sustainable peace can be achieved. Furthermore, this paper argues that community development can be understood as synonymous to peacebuilding.

TABLE OF CONTENTS

C h a p t e r 1 ..................................................................................................................................1
Introduction .............................................................................................................................................2 Statement of Problem..............................................................................................................................2 Need For Study ........................................................................................................................................3 Purpose .....................................................................................................................................................4 Goal and Research Questions ...............................................................................................................4 Limitations ............................................................................................................................................4 Literature Review....................................................................................................................................5 Community Development .....................................................................................................................5 Post-conflict Peacebuilding...................................................................................................................9 Development .......................................................................................................................................14 Linking Peacebuilding and Development in Post-Conflict Areas ......................................................16 Local Capacities for Peace Framework. .............................................................................................19 Community Level Peacebuilding through Development Projects ......................................................22 Theological Framework ......................................................................................................................23 Methodology...........................................................................................................................................24 Approach, Procedure, and Analysis ....................................................................................................24 Significance of Study .............................................................................................................................25

C h a p t e r 2 ................................................................................................................................27
Capacity-Building Development ..........................................................................................................28 Community Economic Development ...................................................................................................30 Social Capital Formation ......................................................................................................................31 Asset-Based Community Development ...............................................................................................33 Action Research .....................................................................................................................................33 Environmentally Sustainable Development ........................................................................................37 Women-centered Community Development.......................................................................................40

C h a p t e r 3 ................................................................................................................................42
Case Study 1: The Aman Shanti Community Development Project in Shankernager, India .......43 Background .........................................................................................................................................43 Structure of Development Project.......................................................................................................44 Specific Programs....45


Case Study 2: The National Solidarity Program in Jurm, Afghanistan ..........................................46 Background .........................................................................................................................................46 Structure of Development Project.......................................................................................................47 Specific Programs....49 Case Study 3: The Disaster Preparedness and Local Capacities for Peace Program in South Sudan ......................................................................................................................................................50 Background .........................................................................................................................................50 Structure of Development Project.......................................................................................................51 Specific Programs ...............................................................................................................................52

C h a p t e r 4 ................................................................................................................................54
Evaluation: Case Study 1......................................................................................................................55 Analysis & Implications for Peacebuilding: Case Study 1 .................................................................56 Conclusions: Case Study 1..................................................................................................................56 Evaluation: Case Study 2......................................................................................................................58

Analysis & Implications for Peace: Case Study 2 ..............................................................................58 Conclusions: Case Study 2..................................................................................................................60 Evaluation: Case Study 3......................................................................................................................62 Implications for Peace: Case Study 3 .................................................................................................63 Conclusions: Case Study 3..................................................................................................................66 Final Comments and Recommendations.............................................................................................68

LIST OF TABLES Number Page

Table 1.1: Issues Addressed by Community Development Strategies ..........................................................6 Table 1.2: Principles of Asset-Based Community Development ..................................................................7 Table 1.3: Development Styles....................................................................................................................15 Table 3.1: Structures of the Aman Shanti Community Development Program ..........................................45 Table 3.2: Structures of the National Solidarity Program ...........................................................................47 Table 3.3: Structures of Disasters Preparedness and Local Capacities for Peace Program.........................52 Table 3.4: DIPLCAP Program Phases and Specific Objectives..................................................................53 Table 4.1: Evaluation Chart for the Aman Shanti Community Development Project in Shankernager, India ....................................................................................................................................................55 Table 4.2: Evaluation Chart for the National Solidarity Program in Jurm, Afghanistan ............................58 Table 4.3: Evaluation Chart for the Disaster Preparedness and Local Capacities Program in South Sudan: Part I ....................................................................................................................................................62 Table 4.4: Evaluation Chart for the Disaster Preparedness and Local Capacities Program in South Sudan: Part II...63

LIST OF FIGURES Number Page

Figure 1.1. Community Development: Approaches and Issues Addressed ..................................................8 Figure 1.2. Lederachs Web of Reconciliation ............................................................................................11 Figure 1.3. Essential Characteristics for Sustainable Peacebuilding ...........................................................13 Figure 1.4. The Peacebuilding Nexus..........................................................................................................17 Figure 1.5. The Peacebuilding Wheel..........................................................................................................18 Figure 1.6. The Impact of Aid on Conflict: Categories of Dividers and Connectors..................................20 Figure 1.7. Community Development Strategies Encompasses Peacebuilding and Post-Conflict Development. ......................................................................................................................................22 Figure 2.1. Stages of Capacity-Building in NGOs and Civil Society .........................................................29 Figure 2.2: A Reformulation of the Component of Local Economic Development....................................31 Figure 2.3: Detailed Action Research Model ..............................................................................................35 Figure 2.4: Sources and Consequences of Environmental Scarcity ............................................................39 Figure 3.1. The 5-Phase Cycle of the National Solidarity Program ............................................................48 Figure 3.2. Phases of the DIPLCAP Program in South Sudan ....................................................................52 Figure 4.1. Objectives of PSOs: Preconflict, During Conflict, and Postconflict at Different Levels. ........69

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS The author wishes to acknowledge those who have played a guiding, supporting, and inspirational role in the accomplishing of this thesis in the comments to follow: First, those who have guided the writing of this thesis are acknowledged for helping me come together academically throughout this process: Dr. Nathan J. Corbitt, Ms. Darlene Atta, and Dr. Richard Tardanico. You have steered my writing in the right direction and have allowed me to think inside the box of academia; a task often difficult for an abstract, visionary, and scattered thinker like myself. Thank you each for the help you gave me along this process. Secondly, those by my side who have supported me since the beginning have been instrumental in making me believe in myself and uplifting me through the hard times that comes with intensive research and writing. Michael Zolondek, you have always walked the extra mile for me to help me during times of intense work and study. I am always incredibly thankful and inspired by your willingness to help me and those around you. Your work ethic has inspired me and taught me what it means to be thankful for an education in a world where many dont get the same opportunities. Thank you. Elizabeth Bowden, you have been there with me since the beginning. Just knowing that we were going through this process together and our mutual support took me a long way. You have always been there and I am honored to have you as a colleague and a friend. Your support means so much to me. Thank you. Everyone whom I know who has ever said, I believe in you: Thank you. The encouragement those words have brought has been priceless. Finally, but certainly not least, I want to thank those who inspired me to focus on the issues my thesis talks about. All of the peace activists whom I am honored and blessed to call friends: Every one of your actions inspires me. You all have allowed me to not only believe but also see the goodness of humanity and how that collective and sacrificial goodwill, with people from different walks of life, truly can make another world possible here and now. My last acknowledgments go out to the women, men, youth, boys and girlsmy brothers and sistershalfway across the world whose resilience have changed the goals of my days; the people of Uganda, Sudan, and the Democratic Republic of the Congo. Those whom we have allowed to perish while we stood idly by making our promise of Never Again just a slogan: I ask for forgiveness for turning a blind eye and a deaf ear when I could have done something. Holocaust survivors, those affected by the Holocaust, and other genocide survivors: the greatest wisdom and strength to keep going comes from you. I want to specifically thank a Holocaust survivor living in Miami whom I have had the honor to meet and learn from, Mr. Joe Sachs. I will reiterate as I told you in person: we stand with you. Your beautiful heart and your courageous soul leave me speechless. I will forever thank God for getting the opportunity to know you. My life is forever indebted to those in my local and global community who experience the threat of violence and loss of dignity on an individual or mass level. My life is forever committed to the desires of Gods heart made flesh through Jesus Christ to see Gods kingdom here on Earth as it is in Heaven. Amen. Sincerely, Kristellys Estanga

GLOSSARY Peacebuilding. Johan Galtung, named the father of peace studies, has contributed his understanding of peacebuilding as an endeavor aiming to create sustainable peace by addressing the root causes of violent conflicts and eliciting indigenous capacities for peaceful management and resolution of conflict (AISBL, 2008, para. 2). In Agenda for Peace, the United Nations defines peacebuilding as a process of that consists of a range of activities associated with capacity building, reconciliation, and societal transformation. Peacebuilding is a long-term process that occurs after violent conflict has slowed down or come to a halt (Boutros-Ghali, 1995). Peacebuilding should be differentiated from peacemaking and peacekeeping. Peacemaking is the diplomatic effort to end the violence between the conflicting parties, move them towards nonviolent dialogue, and eventually reach a peace agreement (Maiese, 2003, para. 6). Peacekeeping is a third-party intervention (often, but not always by military forces) to assist parties in transitioning from violent conflict to peace by separating the fighting parties and keeping them apart (para. 6). Sustainable peace. Peace is generally perceived as the absence of war. This is a negative definition of peace. A positive definition of peace is defined as the development of factors of cooperation and integration between communities and nations in order to promote lasting peace (David in Jeong, 2002, p. 27). Reychler (2001) defines sustainable peace as term that refers to a situation characterized by the absence of physical violence; the elimination of unacceptable political, economic, and cultural forms of discrimination; a high level of internal and external legitimacy or support; selfsustainability; and a propensity to enhance the constructive transformation of conflicts (p. 12). Furthermore, the requirements for sustainable peace to flourish are effective communication, consultation, and negotiation at different levels; peace-enhancing structures; an integrative moral-political climate; and objective and subjective security (Reychler, 2001). Conflict. Recyhler and Paffenholz (2001) define conflict as the pursuit of incompatible goals by different groups (p. 5). Conflicts, if managed constructively, do not lead to violence. Some conflicts are mutually satisfactoryothers end up frustrating one or all parties (p. 7). Violence. The term violence, according to Reychler and Paffenholz (2001), refers to a situation in which the quantitative and qualitative life expectancy of individuals or communities is intentionally reduced (p. 4). They also point out noteworthy indicators such as expectancy of the members of a group, infant mortality, daily calorie intake, [and] access to schooling (p. 4). When conflicts turn violent the cost are not just human. They also include spiritual, humanitarian, material, political, ecological, social, cultural, and psychological (Reychnler & Paffenholz, 2001). Violence can be perpetrated physically, structurally, culturally and/or psychologically. Post-conflict. This research will accept the definition posited by Junne and Verkoren (2005) which says that post-conflict is conflict situation in which open warfare has come to an end. Such situations remain tense for years or decades and can easily relapse into large-scale violence (p. 1). Development. Junne and Verokren (2005) see development as more than simply economic growth (p. 3). Development is about improving the standard of living for all people in poor countries (p. 3). Development improves various sectors of living conditions in a region which can include health, environment, education, and political participation (p. 3). Community development. The fourth definition in U.S. Federal law states that community development consists of activities that revitalize or stabilize low- or moderate-income geographies, designated disaster areas, or distressed or underserved metropolitan middle-income geographies (Code

of Federal Regulations, 1995). In order for the definition to be within the scope of this research, this thesis will accept the definition by the Canadian CED Network: Creating vibrant, resilient and sustainable local economies action by people locally to create economic opportunities and better social conditions, particularly for those who are more disadvantaged. An approach that recognizes that economic, environmental and social challenges are interdependent, complex and ever-changing. To be effective, solutions must be rooted in local knowledge and led by community members. (Canadian CED Network, n.d., para. 1) Community development has many strategies: Capacity building, Economic development, Social capital formation, Asset-based, Environmentally sustainable, Action research, Faith-based, Cooperative living (co-ops), Intentional communities, Political participation, Community mobilization, Participatory planning, Community-driven development (CDD), Neighborhood government, Community practice social work, and Community mental health work. This paper focuses on community development in terms that encompass the following approaches: capacity building, economic development, social capital formation, asset-based, community mobilization, participatory planning and community-driven development.

Chapter 1


COMMUNITY DEVELOPMENT AND PEACEBUILDING: AN INTRODUCTION

Introduction Community development strategies have emerged within peacebuilding frameworks in order to further enhance peacebuilding initiatives in post-conflict areas. Like community development, peacebuilding is a broad field which covers various processes, goals, and models. Although a postconflict developmental approach to peacebuilding can occur at various levels of society, this approach is most sustainable when it is implemented at a grassroots level. This is where community development and peacebuilding intersect. Community development helps to create a group consensus through cooperative decision-making at the community level. Incorporating community organizing methods, community developers work to enhance capacities within a community to achieve developmental goals. Community developers can aid peacebuilding processes by helping to create participatory development projects. In this way, development projects become more sustainable, more conflict-sensitive, and enhance local capacities for peace. Statement of Problem Traditional peacebuilding initiatives need to be linked to development projects in order to achieve sustainable results. There is no sustainable peace without the social infrastructure to support it. Furthermore, there is no sustainable peace without community-led social infrastructure projects. These kinds of projects promote cooperation between parties, minimize the potential harm a development project might unwillingly have in areas of high tension, and enhance local capacities for peace. The merging of community development strategies and peacebuilding would lead to such projects. So far, community development strategies have been incorporated within both peacebuilding and development projects in post-conflict areas. This thesis will hopefully change the way in which the relationship between community development and peacebuilding has been viewed by illustrating that community development strategies build peace in and of themselves. In other words, community development strategies encompass post-conflict developmental approaches to peacebuilding.

Need For Study Since WWII there has been a clear shift in global warfare trends from inter-state to intra-state conflict (Charlesworth, 2006, p. 8). According to OReilly, over seventy wars have taken place between 1989-1996 in sixty locations (1998). In 1997, there were at least thirty-four wars and seventy lowintensity conflicts, and since 2004 there have been thirty active armed conflicts worldwide (1998). Furthermore, most of these conflicts are taking place in developing countries (Leonhardt cited in Ryechler & Paffenholz, 2001, p. 238). As Junne and Verkoren observe, developing countries have gone through a period of intensive civil strife that post-conflict development has become the norm rather than the exception (Junne & Verkoren, 2005, p. 318). However, post-conflict development has often been added as merely an additional task and not integrated sufficiently into their overall development strategy (Junne & Verkoren). Development projects have the potential to promote reconciliation and peacebuilding in the midst of these types of conflicts. This must be recognized and these approaches must be incorporated into development work in post-conflict areas. Interestingly, there has been a recent paradigm shift breaking into post-conflict development and peacebuilding projects: the incorporation of participatory processes is taking place in an attempt to produce more effective and sustainable results. Sustainability has become a buzzword because huge amounts of aid money are being wasted as conflicts arise again and again, thereby turning the sites of development projects into areas of hostility. Development projects must therefore be aware of their impact on post-conflict areas, help mitigate conflict, and be intentional about developing local capacities for peace. As Carey and Richmond have noted, Peacebuilding must be an intrinsic part of development [projects] (2003, p. 41) in order for community participatory cooperation to occur. Although a significant amount of literature has been produced on the subject of development and peacebuilding, these works lack a comprehensive analysis of the role of community development in these fields. This paper will provide this much needed analysis and will demonstrate that community development strategies are not only essential to the success of peacebuilding through development

projects, but that it is the kind of strategy that results when peacebuilding, post-conflict development, and participatory processes come together. Purpose Goal and Research Questions The goal of this research is to offer a strong case for the inclusion of the community in development projects in post-conflict areas in order to build peace, thus killing two birds with one stone. The guiding research questions to achieve this goal will be: 1. How are current post-conflict development projects engaging the community? 2. What are the building blocks for sustainable peace in post-conflict areas? 3. How do community development strategies enhance peacebuilding capacities within post-conflict development projects? As these three questions are addressed, the need for the implementation of community development in post-conflict peacebuilding initiatives will become apparent. Community development is able to achieve the goals of both development and peacebuilding projects, proving it to be a more costeffective, sustainable, and wise approach. This research will contribute to the larger discourse in a unique way in that it will show how community development has inherent capacities for building sustainable peace, thus making post-conflict developmental approaches to peacebuilding and community development strategies synonymous, provided that the former is interested in engaging the community through participation and indigenous leadership. Limitations Peace initiatives during an ongoing conflict will not be discussed in this thesis. My research will focus specifically on post-conflict peacebuilding and development. It will assume the importance of peace processes during conflict. It will also assume that the presence of development projects in current conflict regions can adopt more conflict sensitive strategies through the awareness of these projects capacity for peace through community led approaches. As will be demonstrated below, one must understand that

peacebuilding is a process used for post-conflict situations, whereas peacekeeping and peacemaking are more relevant for current conflict situations. My research will likewise not address other approaches to peacebuilding, which are just as important as developmental approaches to building sustainable peace. There is a range of approaches that involve holistic and transformative peacebuilding which must be taken into account in any given situation. Approaches vary from trying to reform judicial systems to using the arts as a tool for transformation to post-trauma healing to spiritual or faith-based approaches. These are all important aspects of peacebuilding that should be a part of any process. However, for the sake of making a strong case for community development, I will focus specifically on the developmental approach to peacebuilding. Lastly, this research will not address the different levels at which peacebuilding processes and projects occur. Again, there is an assumption that peacebuilding must occur at different levels of society for it to be sustainable and holistic. For example, when reforming judicial systems in order to bring about peace through justice, the processes focus on working with what Lederach called top leadership and middle range leaders (political leaders, leaders in respected sectors, ethnic/religious leaders) (Knox & Quirk, 2000, p. 25). Similarly, within developmental approaches to peacebuilding, many projects work at a macro-level with top and middle range leaders. A more sustainable approach, though, would involve grassroots leaders along with the support of upper-level leadership to accomplish the intended goals. Hence, community level peacebuilding through development projects will be my focus. Literature Review Community Development According to Ferguson and Dickens (1999, p. 5) community development is asset building that improves the quality of life among residents in a troubled area. In the community development field, assets take five basic forms: physical capital in the form of buildings, tools, and so forth; intellectual and human capital in the form of skills, knowledge, and confidence; social capitalnorms, shared understandings, trust, and other factors that make relationships feasible and productive; financial capital

(in standard forms); and political capital, which provides the capacity to exert political influence (Ferguson & Dickens). There are two predominant approaches to community development that shape various community development strategies: needs-based development and asset-based community development. According to UN-Habitat, community development strategies aim to help residents/community members address three issues: (1) self-help (or self-sufficiency); (2) technical assistance; and (3) conflict resolution. As I will demonstrated presently, the two aforementioned approaches deal with these issues in different ways. Table 1.1 Issues Addressed by Community Development Strategies

ISSUE ADDRESSED
Self-help (or Self-sufficiency)

PURPOSE
Enables residents to mobilize and manage assets Capitalizes on individual talents and skills Leverages collective assets and resources Transfers financial, organizational, and political assistance from external sources to needy communities Boosts self-confidence in marginalized communities Explores avenues for conflict resolution within communities Encourages consensus on shared interests and visions

Technical Assistance

Conflict Resolution

Note: From An Asset-Based Approach to Community Development and Capacity-Building (pp. 5-6), by UN-Habitat, 2008, Nairobi, United Human Nations Settlements Programme Needs-based Development. This type of development focuses on the needs of communities. Needs-based development is based on identifying and responding to the needs in poor communities. This approach focuses on what communities are lacking, not what they have, and is also termed the Deficit Model. Within this approach, the needs of communities are assessed by agencies and technical assistance is provided through top-down policies. Criticisms have been raised regarding the needs-based development approach to community development, including issues of deficiency and equity, perpetuating a culture of poverty, dependency, and patience (UN-Habitat, 2008). In spite of this, needs-based development remains an effective tool for mapping and quantifying the needs of distressed communities (UN-Habitat, 2008).

However, with the emergence of asset-based community development, needs-based development is being used for the beginning stages of development and then an asset-based approach for the remainder of development projects (i.e. assessing the needs of the community in the beginning and enhancing local capacities for development and transformation). Asset-based Community Development. A model of community development that has become essential for community developers to work with has been Kretzmann and McKnights Asset-Based Community Development (ABCD) model. ABCD, also referred to as the Dynamic Model, considers local assets as the primary building blocks of sustainable community development (Northwestern University, 2009, para. 1). ABCD builds on the skills of local residents, the power of local associations, and supportive functions of local institutions (para. 1) in order to organize existing community strengths and thereby build stronger, more sustainable communities. ABCD assumes the need for external resources and aid while focusing on the assets of [troubled] communities (Kretzmann & McKnight, 1993, p. 8). However, it stresses that outside resources will be more effectively used if the local community is itself fully mobilized and invested, and if it can define the agendas for which additional resources must be obtained( p. 8). Below, the principles of ABCD are listed: Table 1.2 Principles of Asset-Based Community Development

PRINCIPLE Asset-based
Internally-focused Relationship-driven

DESCRIPTION Starts with what is present in the community: the capacities of its residents and workers, and the associational and institutional base of the area Concentrates first of all upon the agenda-building and problem-solving capacities of local residents, local associations and institution. Stresses the primacy of local definition, investment, creativity, hope and control Constantly builds and rebuilds relationships between and among local residents (bridging and bonding social capital, respectively), local associations and local institutions

Note: From Building Communities From the Inside Out: A Path Toward Finding and Mobilizing a Communitys Assets (p. 9), by Kretzmann & McKnight, 1993, ACTA Publications The success of community development strategies, according to Kretzmann and Knight, lies in the ability to rebuild relationships and address local assets (p. 10).

Needs-based vs. Asset-based. These two approaches to community development have created a variety of strategies to help, empower, and transform communities around the world in a wide array of situations, including in a post-conflict situation. Figure 1.1 below is taken from UN-Habitat (2008). It shows how these two approaches each address the different categories tackled by community development.

Figure 1.1. Community Development: Approaches and Issues Addressed From An Asset-Based Approach to Community Development and Capacity-Building (p. 4), by UN-Habitat, 2008, Nairobi, United Human Nations Settlements Programme Community Organizing & Building. Community development will often be intertwined with community organizing or community building. The purpose of both fields is basically the same: to build capacity that improves the quality of life among residents of low- to moderate-income neighborhoods (Ferguson & Dickens, 1999, p. 11). According to Linthicum, Community organizing is that process by which the peopleorganize themselves to take charge of their situation and thus develop a sense of community together. It is a particularly effective tool for the poor as they determine for themselves the actions they will take to deal with the essential forces that are destroying their communities and

consequently causing them to be powerless (1991, p. 31). Of the several definitions offered for community organizing, Linthicums captures this fields purpose most clearly. Community building, like community development and organizing, is defined in various ways, but one can easily point out similar themes within these definitions. Community building has a common emphasis on organizing residents, social capacity building, and grassroots participation (Ferguson & Dickens, 1999, pp. 9-10). Likewise, community development should be neighborhood oriented, resident driven, and empowerment focused (Ferguson & Dickens, p. 13). Upon reviewing community development literature, it is safe to say that community development uses both community organizing and community building within its framework to enhance local capacities for change. Social & Human Capital. The contribution of social capital theory to community development has been significant. Social and human capital are two assets on which community development seeks to build for social transformation. Human capital is tools and training that enhance individual productivity (Putnam, 2000, p. 18). Social capital theorys core idea is that social networks have value[they can] affect the productivity of individuals and groups (Putnam, p. 19). There are two forms of social capital, each of which has different outcomes. Bonding social capital is good for undergirding reciprocity and mobilizing solidarity[it is] inward looking and tend[s] to reinforce exclusive identities and homogeneous groups (Putnam, p. 22), whereas bridging social capital generates broader identities and reciprocity[bridging social capital is] better for linkage to external assets and for information diffusion (Putnam, pp. 22-23). Both forms of capital are vital to community development, as community development only works in the context of maximizing bonding and bridging social capital. Community development sees problematic situations within communities as a result of weak social ties within the community and weak social ties between the community and outer forces. Post-conflict Peacebuilding Definitions of Peacebuilding. Post-conflict peacebuilding is a newly emerging concept that Boutros-Ghali defines as an action to identify and support structures which will tend to strengthen and

solidify peace in order to avoid a relapse into conflict (cited in Lambourne & Herro, 2008, p. 277). Peacebuilding encompasses various lines of work including political, developmental, humanitarian and human rights programmes (Lambourne & Herro, p. 278). According to Luc Reychler, sustainable peace is characterized by the absence of physical violence; the elimination of political, economic and cultural forms of discrimination; self-sustainability; a high level of internal and external legitimacy or approval; and the propensity to transform conflicts constructively (as cited in Lambourne & Herro, p. 279). Lederachs definition of peacebuilding, an array of processes, approaches, and stages needed to transform conflict toward more sustainable, peaceful relationships (cited in Lambourne & Herro, p. 279), comes from a Mennonite approach to peacebuilding. The basic theme of this peacebuilding approach is to engage with local institutions that contribute to the growth and maintenance of peace, offer support and help to local endeavors on their own terms, rather than seeking to impose a vision of what a final peace should look like (Mitchell cited in Sampson & Lederach, 2000, p. 223). The Mennonite peacebuilding tradition has contributed to the research mostly by emphasizing the need for long-term relationship building as a primary component of achieving sustainable peace. Lederach, a major contributor to peacebuilding research, has developed his own peacebuilding model. In his model he makes three observations about classical peacebuilding initiatives: 1) there is an over-emphasis on short-term tasks which are often separated from the longer ranging goals of social change necessary to sustain any macro political achievements made; 2) there is a hierarchical approach to peacebuilding instead of an organic approachmuch of the activity is focused on top level leaders and the macro level political activities; 3) There are political changes which are integral to the process of transition in divided societiesWhile these political changes are necessarymoving beyond transition to transformation requires a more comprehensive approach involving social, economic, sociopsychological and spiritual changes (Knox & Quirk, 2000, pp. 24-26). Figure 1.2 shows Lederachs peacebuilding model, which has been shaped by his aforementioned criticisms. Lederach summarizes his model in the following way:

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We must move beyond a short-term crisis orientation and toward the development of a capacity to think about social change in terms of decades and generations. We must move beyond a hierarchical focus on politics and toward the construction of a more organic, broad-based approach that created the space for genuine responsibility, ownership and participation in peace building (Lederach, 1996, p. 53).

Figure 1.2. Lederachs Web of Reconciliation. From Peace building in Northern Ireland, Israel and South Africa (p. 27), by Knox & Quirk, 2007, New York: St. Martins Press, LLC. As seen above, peacebuilding takes place within various spheres of life and at different levels. This thesis will focus on the socio-economic level of post-conflict peacebuilding, which deals with financial aid, retraining, employment, and the encompassing work of development. Within the socioeconomic component of peacebuilding, Lederach proposes that contextualization and empowerment are tools that are required within peacebuilding frameworks. Michael Pugh says that, the ownership of peacebuilding needs to be in embedded in local communities (cited in Lambourne & Herro, 2008, p. 280). Sustainability and legitimacy are the results of local ownership of peacebuilding according to Barnes (Lambourne & Herro, p. 280). The need for social reconstruction must be contextualized and

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adapted to each unique post-war settingbeing informed by the opinions, attitudes and needs of the local population (Stover & Weinstein as cited in Lamborune & Herro, p. 280). Lisa Schirch also offers important information for peacebuilding research. She has observed that peacebuilding prevents, reduces, transforms, and helps people to recover from violence in all forms while at the same time empowering people to foster relationships at all levels to create structural justice (in Mertus & Helsing, 2006, p. 64). Schirch emphasizes the important concept of just peace which recognizes that justices pursued violently contributes to further injustice and human rights violations (in Mertus & Helsing, pp. 64-65). Therefore, peace without justice is unable to meet the basic needs of people living with the aftermath of conflict. She goes on to note that because peacebuilding coordinates the activities of a wide range of actors at all levels of society over a period of months, years, and decades, it is necessary to have a variety of different, collaborative approaches (Schirch in Mertus & Helsing, p. 65). Lastly, in Building Sustainable Peace Andy Knight gathers insights from many experts in the field of peacebuilding. For example, he approvingly quotes Kenneth Bush, who states: In the broadest terms, peacebuilding refers to those initiatives which foster and support sustainable structures and processes, which strengthen the prospects for peaceful coexistence and decrease the likelihood of the outbreak, reoccurrence, or continuation, of violent conflict. The process entails both short- and long-term objectives, for example, short-term humanitarian operations, and longer-term developmental, political, economic and social objectives (cited in Knight, 2004, p. xxxvi). Peacekeeping & Conflict Management. Peacebuilding transcends the concepts of peacekeeping and conflict management, says Knight (2004), in that it embodies more than simply band-aid and reactive solutions to dealing with violent conflicts (p. 356). The underlying structural causes of conflict must be addressed by peacebuilding through decentered socioeconomic and political structures and bottom up processes (Knight, 2004). This type of critical peacebuilding is currently being promoted as more sustainable and effective than more contemporary problem-solving approaches. Workers in the peacebuilding field are realizing that critical and problem-solving approaches need to be combined. For this reason, Knight argues that it would be futile to pour resources and personnel into

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every problem associated with complex humanitarian emergencies and violent outbreaks if the peace that results cannot be sustained (Knight, 2004, p. 357, emphasis added). Thus, seeking sustainable peace in post-conflict areas must be intentional when deciding to intervene with resources, aid, or projects on the ground in any way. Characteristics of Peacebuilding Strategies. According to Reychler and Paffenholz (2001, p. 12) there are four aspects that make up the necessary requirements needed for the creation of sustainable peace: (1) Effective communication, consultation, and negotiation at different levels; (2) Peace-enhancing structures; (3) An integrative moral-political climate; (4) Objective and subjective security.

Figure 1.3. Essential Characteristics for Sustainable Peacebuilding. Adapted from Peace-building: A Field Guide (p. 12), by Reychler & Paffenholz (Ed.), 2001, Boulder: Lynne Rienner Publishers. Additionally, peacebuilding must include two strategies and two different levels. (1) the level of regional and international regimes and (2) in-country peacebuilding measures (Keating & Knight in Knight, 2004, p. xli). It is the latter strategy on which this paper will focus. In-country peacebuilding is defined by Keating and Knight as: National and local level efforts, involving both governmental and civil society actors, that are aimed at economic development, institution building and, more generally, the creation or restoration within countries of the conditions necessary to bring about stability and sustain peace (p. xli). It is necessary to note the importance of the role of regional and international regimes along with in-country peacebuilding: the latter is aided by the former. One must compliment the other.

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Development History of Development. Hart explains that the idea of development assistance came out of a need to reconstruct countries after World War IIwhich created an awareness of the need to eradicate poverty (2008, p. 4). The development process started out as a linear one in which the goal was to get underdeveloped countries up to par with the developed world. Since then, this approach has had its share of criticism because of its paternalistic and colonialist underpinnings (p. 4). Moreover, there was a paradigm shift in regard to development in the early 1990s. This shift occurred because there were issues, as there are now, regarding access to resources and the abundance of poverty despite tremendous progress in health care, education and other standards (p. 4); this added to the perception that development strategies were generally ineffective and in need of review. Galtung (1994) speaks to this idea of progress within development strategies when he discusses three development concepts: blue development, red development, and green development. Blue [development], Galtung explains, [is] economic growth [that] is spearheaded by an entrepreneurial class unfettered by state control or imitative, guided by the market (p. 109). Red development is the reaction to blue development. It is economic growth controlled, even initiated by a state bureaucracy, but spearheaded by the labor movement (p. 109). The third kind of development, the green kind, is a reaction to both blue and red development. It is based more on the autonomy of local level and the presumed beauty of the smaller economic cycles, also for world solidarity, and spearheaded by the new social movement. Think globally, act locally in other words (p. 109). According to Galtung, the history of development indicates that there four styles of development varying on two dimensions: (1) level (macro-oriented vs. micro-oriented), and (2) aspect (onedimensional vs. multi-dimensional). Macro-oriented development builds strong countries with strong entrepreneurial and/or bureaucratic elites [with] an international order accommodating the power and privileges of these interest elites (p. 110). Micro-oriented development builds strong human beings and strong local communities (p. 110). One-dimensional development tends to focus one dimension of growth, be it economic, institutional, ecological, cultural, etc. Multi-dimensional development seeks a

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more holistic approach to development taking the totality as the focusencompassing a number of dimensions (p. 110). Table 1.3 Development Styles


ASPECT One-dimensional Macro-oriented Macro-oriented & One-dimensional Macro-oriented & Multi-dimensional

LEVEL Micro-oriented Micro-oriented & One-dimensional Micro-oriented & Multi-dimensional (Green Approach)

Multi-dimensional

Note: Adapted from Human Rights in Another Key (p. 110), by Galtung, 1993, Cambridge: Polity Press. Galtung, J. (1994). Human rights in another key. Cambridge, UK: Polity Press. Galtung observes that what has mostly been seen is a macro-oriented, one-dimensional approach and that a shift to a greener approach is beginning to occur. It is not necessary to be encompassed within one style of development because our current development framework is a macro-oriented, onedimensional one, and it takes a proper balance to be successful. This is not to say that we should not think about green approaches to development, but in the unbalanced developmental system in which we find ourselves, it is correct to emphasize the importance of micro-oriented, multi-dimensional development. The goal is to develop greener approaches, not necessarily completely green ones. Such a development approach will leave communities isolated without a state to unite the economies together. A greener approach can be found in the concept of human development. Conceptual Framework. The United Nations Agenda for Development first expressed the concept of human development, which says that human development strives to promote freedom from fear and want, emphasizing participatory processes and improving the quality of life for all peoples (Hart, 2008, p. 4). Allowing people to engage in development strategies through participatory process places human needs at the center of development goals. Human development focuses on issues such as poverty reduction, employment, social integration, and environmental protection (Hart, 2008).

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Two concepts have emerged out of international development: participation and sustainability (p. 5). Participatory development is an approach that recognizes that for a project to be successful over the long-term, it must be based on the needs, wishes, and participation of local or recipient actorsSustainability [means that] the development project does not consume more economic, environmental or human resources than are available in any given setting, thus limiting its long-term viability (p. 5). Jennings refers to participation as the involvement by local populations in creation, content and conduct of a program (2000, p. 1). Participation can be achieved through the building of local assets and capacities which helps to avoid the imposition of priorities from the outside, increases the likelihood of programs staying on target and will result in higher sustainability. Participatory development promotes equality and the idea that local decision-making is just as important as top-level mandates in regard to development projects, and it is driven by the importance of entrusting citizens with the responsibility to shape their own future (Jennings, 2000). The World Bank, the Canadian International Development, USAID, and the International Relief/Development Project have examined participatory approaches in various case studies. Each review concluded that while participatory methodologies may require greater up front investment in staff training and operation expenditures (up to 15%, on average, according to the World Bank study), through the life of programs overall costs average lower in programs that do not rely on local capacities (Jennings, 2000, p. 3). Linking Peacebuilding and Development in Post-Conflict Areas Peacebuilding has many different approaches. Peacebuilding synthesizes the values, relational skills, analytical frameworks, and processes used in each of these fields or approaches (Schirch in Mertus & Helsing, 2006, p. 65). The figure below represents peacebuilding approaches from many different fields. Although there are many different fields, this paper is concerned with peacebuilding through a developmental approach (economic, social, and political development) when differences are viewed in the context of the Peacebuilding Nexus.

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Figure 1.4. The Peacebuilding Nexus. From Human Rights and Conflict: Exploring the Links Between Rights, Law, and Peacebuilding (p. 66), by Mertus & Helsing, 2006, Washington, DC: United States Institute of Peace Press Barry Hart developed the Peacebuilding Wheel shown below. The Peacebuilding Wheel is a model that shows the interface of the tangible and intangible elements of peacebuildingCulture and contextis always assumed in this model as the need for gender mainstreaming (Hart, 2008, pp. viii-ix). Each section of the wheel contains elements of peacebuilding needed for initiatives to be transformative and holistic. In terms of the Peacebuilding Wheel, this paper will focus on Humanitarian Assistance & Development.

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Figure 1.5. The Peacebuilding Wheel. From Peacebuilding in Traumatized Societies (p. ix), by Hart, 2008, Lanham: University Press of America. Development and Conflict. As noted earlier, most of todays violent conflicts are taking place in developing countries (Leonardt in Reychler & Paffenholz, 2001, p. 238). This means that there is a need for development projects, primarily conflict-conscious ones. Development projects in these struggling areas must take into account those areas social, political, and conflictive contexts. An increasing number of conflict-related humanitarian emergencies have diverted scarce resources from

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long-term development to humanitarian assistance (Leonardt in Reychler & Paffenholz, p. 238). This sparked a discussion regarding the relationship between aid/development and security/peace. The discussion within the development community included the need for socially sustainable development. Firstly, there is growing consensus that development projects should not just produce economic growth within a community but also create socially sustainable structures that prevent violent conflict and are intentional in building peace. Secondly, the discussion focused on the negative effects of aidany development project has the potential for peace and reconciliation or can further propagate violent conflict through unstable power relationships and unfair access to resources. Thirdly, the reactive approach to conflict has to be revised, which corresponds to the general shift in development thinking toward enabling environments, which emphasizes good governance, rights-based development, and a strong civil society (Leonardht in Reychler & Paffenholz, p. 239). Humanitarian aid, development, and the ways in which conflict is dealt with need a new proactive approach. This poses new challenges to aid agencies because they need to acquire additional instruments and tools: conflict analysis, socially sustainable planning, identifying peace constituencies, and monitoring impact of aid activities on conflict. There are three main areas in which development aid can play a positive role in promoting peace: long-term conflict prevention, supporting peace processes, and addressing localized violence (Leonardht in Reychler & Paffenholz, p. 240). It is imperative that development projects understand and embrace their peace-enhancing components so that developers can simultaneously address the material conditions of violence and empower people to resolve their conflicts peacefully (p. 242). Local Capacities for Peace Framework. Perhaps one of the most important contributions to the field of community development and peacebuilding was the Local Capacities for Peace framework (LCP). World Vision, a Christian humanitarian organization, has gotten a hold of this framework and has aided them in making their community development approaches conflict sensitive. This framework provides a method of analysis that assists NGOs towards achieving the goal of doing no harm while providing aid and helping NGOs to

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recognize and support the peoples local capacities for peace (Lowery in Garred, 2006, p. 2). External assistance to conflict situations has the potential to either alleviate or worsening a conflict: it can free intergroup tensions and weaken intergroup connectionsConversely, aid can help war to end by lessening intergroup tensions and strengthening intergroup connections (Anderson, 1999, p. 69). Figure 1.5 shows the interaction of aid to conflict. This framework has three basic steps and a feedback process for ongoing assessment of a situation and appropriate program redesign (p. 69). The first step is to identify the dividers, tensions, and war capacities in the context of conflict and assessing their importance. The second step involves identifying, and assessing the importance of, the connectors and local capacities for peace in the same context. The third step involves identifying the pertinent characteristics of the aid agency and its program and assessing (reassessing) their impacts on the dividers, tensions, and war capacities and the connectors and capacities for peace (Anderson, 1999).

Figure 1.6. The Impact of Aid on Conflict: Categories of Dividers and Connectors. From Do No Harm: How Aid Can Support Peaceor War (p. 74), by Anderson, 1999, Boulder: Reinner Publishers Inc. Other Important Contributions. Viven Erasmus contribution to Reychler & Paffenholz Peacebuilding: a field guide is important in coupling development and peacebulding into a community

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development framework through LCP. According to Erasmus, community mobliziation is a means of tapping into the knolwedge and resources of the local community and fostering a spirit of community ownership (Erasmus in Reychler & Paffenholz, 2001, p. 249). It is one of most effective tools for minimizing dependency and reducing conflict at a grassroots level. In the LCP framework, community mobilization would most likely occur at step two: identifying, and assessing the importance of, the connectors and local capacities for peace. The purpose of community mobilization should be: To create dialogue between the community, donors, and service provides; to promote structures and systems for involvement of the community; To optimize utilization of existing community resources; to ensure full cooperation and collaboration between all stakeholders; to advance community empowerment and ownership; and To resolve conflicts and grievances (Erasmus in Reychler & Paffenholz, p. 249). Here, community mobilization resembles asset-based community development, capacity building, community organizing and community building techniques. Indeed, these are overlapping concepts. One starts to see the importance of involving the community in, even letting the community take leadership of, the development projects; even though doing so may redefine objectives and priorities. Furthermore, adding to the need for community development strategies within mainstream development projects, Stiefel states that the external assistance must be carefully timed to local dynamicsThey must move away from a preoccupation with urgent action and quick fixes and define their role in a medium- to long-term perspective (Stiefel in Reychler & Paffenholz, p. 272). Sustainability is more readily achieved when development projects promote local and national ownership. On another note, there is a need for development to happen in impoverished communities as, oftentimes, one of the determinants of whether crime and conflict will arise again may be the degree of economic and social development that has been achieved in the mean time and the fair distribution of its fruits to different groups of the population (Junne & Verkoren, 2005, p. 1). Development projects can be seen as an instrument to conflict resolution. As the UN Secretary-General, Kofi Annan, says, The

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prevention of war begins and ends with the promotion of human security and human development (cited in Junne & Verkoken, p. 114). Community Level Peacebuilding through Development Projects Andrew Sheriff, Program Manager of Development & Peacebuilding in the London based organization Dolby House, understands the importance of addressing issues at the community, national, regional, and international levels in mutually reinforcing ways (2002). He observes that an important key to building sustainable peace and development is supporting community-based peacebuilding (p. 1). Moreover, Sheriff encourages the acknowledgement of the complimentarity between community development and peacebuilding (p. 2). After reviewing the literature and seeing the need to connect post-conflict development and peacebuilding initiatives through participatory methodologies, community developers and noncommunity developers alike can see the overlapping themes. The main element connecting peacebuilding and post-conflict development is a participatory approach, given that both fields have an understanding of the social context of the post-conflict area and its populace.

Figure 1.7. Community Development Strategies Encompasses Peacebuilding and Post-Conflict Development. The field of community development encompasses peacebuilding and post-conflict development. Researchers and workers in both fields are looking for ways, and have come up with frameworks and models, to accomplish more sustainable and effective development and more holistic peacebuilding. Peacebuilding from a developmental approach requires community development strategies that can work

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in aiding development projects to achieve peacebuilding in post-conflict areas. Furthermore, community development is inherently a method by which sustainable peace can be established. This should enable community development workers to constantly have the goal of peace in view during their efforts. Additionally, it should allow current developmental approaches to peacebuilding, and indeed any peacebuilding initiative, to simplify their methods in regard to researching effective strategies. The closer to a community development strategy a peacebuilding or development project looks, the more effective it should be. Theological Framework Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr., a prophet of peace and justice, proclaimed, Without justice there can be no peace (Lame, 2009). This has also been a rallying cry among peace activists demanding that the establishment of justice act as the foundation of peace. Biblical insight agrees with this notion. The prophet Isaiah says this: The way of peace they do not know, and there is no justice in their paths (Isaiah 59:8, New Revised Standard Version). One would do well to recall that the ultimate goal of community development is social justice. Development projects seek to improve standards of living. As previously stated, some indicators that social justice is occurring are decreased infant mortality and increased life expectancy. Interestingly, the Hebrew Bible regards such a change in trends as being a part of the new creation, a peaceable realm founded on justice that would come with the establishment of the Kingdom of God. Isaiah 65:20 says, No more shall there be in it an infant that lives but a few days, or an old person who does not live out a lifetime (NRSV). These improved living conditions lead to peace within a community, and this is the goal of development projects at community, national, regional, or international level. Development projects can lead to peace by establishing relationships in the process, which is in the end what the Kingdom of God is abouta relational kingdom. The theological framework in this research is heavily influenced by Eric Jacobsen, who stresses the importance of physical development projects not as and end in and of themselves but as a means to an end. Jacobsen and Peterson(2003) says that perhaps what [is] being accomplished [is] the shaping of a people more than the shaping of a city

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although the shaping of the city may [be] an important means to an end (p. 71). Moreover, he says that, the conditions of city life create opportunities for the fruits of the spirit to grow (p. 72). This indicates the it is important to give importance to the physicality and the structures, or lack thereof, of the places in which we live. Its design, placement, and functionality affect communal relationsthey can aid in fostering peace or conflict. The building of peace can only be pursued wherever there is a foundation of justice. Justice, achieved through participatory development at a community level, cultivates relationships and leads to the building of peace. Methodology Approach, Procedure, and Analysis The approach of this thesis is an extended literature review. In chapter 2, various sources will be reviewed in order to provide descriptions of different community development strategies and how they have an inherent capacity to build peace. In the third chapter, case studies will be reviewed and analyzed. There are various criteria for the choosing of these case studies. The case studies are chosen if they show that: It takes place after a situation of conflict, violence, civil strife, or war. Development projects are initiated to rebuild the loss of, or simply obtain for the first time, infrastructure and improve the quality of life. Project initiators (whether external or internal) are aimed at involving the community through participatory processes The procedure of analysis will consist of evaluating each case study by how it incorporates all the different asset-based community development characteristics shown in Figure 1.1. In the evaluation of each characteristic, the analysis will mention how these components enhance local capacities for peace.

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Significance of Study Those involved in community development need to be aware of the potential community development strategies have for building peace within a region. The need for civil and peaceful relations in any area where tensions are high and interests are conflicting is vital. This need is constant within any country or culture. It is vital in downtown Miami where luxury residential apartment complexes make life harder for those in the surrounding poor community, thus creating animosity among local poor residents toward those in power. It is likewise vital in post-genocide Rwanda where infrastructure development may benefit one group of people and not another, thus straining group relations, rehashing old ethnic rivalry, and triggering more violent conflicts. Community developers work within a community to develop active and sustainable communities based on social justice and respect (Community Development Exchange, n.d., para. 1). Furthermore, community development approaches recognize that economic, environmental, and social challenges are interdependent, complex, and ever-changing (Canadian CED Network, n.d., para. 2). The implementation of community development strategies to manage community inequality and accompanying conflicts results in the building of social capital through the establishment and cultivation of cooperative relationships. When interdependent relationships are cultivated in a region, within groups and between conflicting groups, the potential for peace is greater, as the need to work together for the common good becomes more relevant to group interests. Community development strategies incorporated in peacebuilding initiatives lead to more sustainable peace. At the same time, community development strategies help development projects take advantage of their peacebuilding potential by involving the community, specifically conflicting parties. Therefore, research should look into how community development strategies can be included in postconflict development projects. This is what I intend to do here. This will allow for the establishment of community development as a key peacebuilding approach in post-conflict areas by synthesizing peacebuilding and development projects. Those involved in community development at any level should

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harness the peacebuilding capacity of their strategies and work in their communities with the ultimate goal of building sustainable peace.

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Chapter 2


COMMUNITY DEVELOPMENT STRATEGIES

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Capacity-Building Development Capacity-building refers to a development approach that enables people to develop their resources together in order to increase their capacity to meet their communitys new needs, engage new opportunities, and let go of things they no longer need (Faculty of European Studies, 2009, slide 6). As we settle into the 21st century, the shift in development approaches has been toward sustainability. In order for capacity-building development to have more sustainable results, it requires people, as a community, to keep aware of their situation, to integrate the various resource development domains, and to bring new people in to sustain the communitys ongoing capacity development efforts (slide 6). Capacity-building development relies heavily on indigenous empowerment and skills development, with the focus being on building local capacities, both individual and communal, in order to advance developmental visions for a particular community. According to Eade (2008, p. 27), key questions of capacity-building are: Who are the poor and oppressed in this society, why, and in what ways? How will supporting structure X or activity Y help to change the overall balance in favor of those who lack access to power and resources? An easy way to understand capacity-building is to think of it in terms of helping people and communities manage change. The way in which communities manage change depends on the skills they possess to do so. There are several capacity domains that have to be properly developed and nurtured for communities to feel empowered enough to take on challenges with a positive return on investment: human, organizational, infrastructure, and financial. These four capacities develop an overarching capacity to manage change. (Fettig, 2007). Fettig says that that development strategies may vary but all development requires capacity (2007, p. 2). One begins to see that capacity-building is being understood not just an approach in and of itself, but as an integrate part to development projects across the board. Aside from enabling change management, capacity is also the key to discovering development opportunities and implementing successful projects (2007, p. 5). Eade, et al. assert that, strengthening peoples capacity to determine their own values and priorities, and to organize themselves to act on these, is the basis of development

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(1995, p. 9), and it is this foundational philosophy that must be integrated into all development projects. Development projects certainly require external organizations, but it is more important that these external entities enable communities to maintain long-term sustainability, capacity, and success by supporting a locally driven grassroots effort. This type of development should focus on the capacities needed by a range of different people working in the same environment and addressing a common concern (Eade, 2008, p. 28) rather than on a particular organization. Since capacity-building is more of a critical part of development, rather than a more definite approach (e.g. women-centered development, economic development), the purpose becomes different at different stages of the development process. Capacity-building can be the means to, the process for, or the ends of a specified project. Figure 2.1 elaborates on the different purposes capacity-building has. This paper is concerned mainly with capacity-building in civil society.

Figure 2.1. Stages of Capacity-Building in NGOs and Civil Society. From Capacity-building: An Approach to People-Centred Development (p. 35), by Eade, 2008, London: Oxfam Publishing. Source: Eade, 2008, p. 35 Capacity-building is continual; both a goal and a process. For this reason, it is hard to measure qualitative learning and growth even though it is essential to healthy development. Aside from this, capacity-building can go wrong when it creates dependency, weakens the state, is viewed as a separate activity from the development process, or concerns itself soley with financial sustainability.

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In light of all of this, one can reflect on the previous statement made by Eade, et al. that strengthening peoples capacity to determine their own values and priorites, and to organize themselves to act on these (1995, p. 9) is the basis of development; all the more so with capacity-building. When development projects are working with a range of different people in the same environment and addressing a common concern, then local capacities for peace are nurtured. Capacities for peace are certainly developed when the capacities of primary stakeholders to implement defined activites are strengthened because of the empowerment experienced. This empowerment may enable groups to analyze and choose to carry out non-violent methods of acquiring what they need. Fostering communication plays a central and vital role in peacebuilding, thus making capacity-building a must in the peacebuilding process. Finally, strengthening the capacities of primary stakeholders to participate in the political and socioeconomic arena is critical for peacebuilding: for peace, justice, and a fair democratic process go hand in hand. Community Economic Development Community economic development (CED) is a community-based and community-directed process that explicitly combines social and economic development and is directed towards fostering the economic, social, ecological and cultural well-being of communities and regions. As such it recognizes, affirms and supports all the paid and unpaid activity that contributes to the realization of this well-being (Simon Fraser University CED Centre, 1997, para. 2). Like capacity-building, CED is an evolving, on-going process which has emerged as an alternative to conventional approaches to economic development (para. 3). Also like capacity-building, economic developers are understanding the need for sustainable economic development, which means involving the communities by allowing them to directly face the problems affecting them. A participatory economic development process allows for needs to be addressed holistically and sustainably. According to the Simon Fraser University CED Centre, these are the general values for CED: equity, participation, community-building, cooperation and collaboration, self-reliance and community control, integration, living within ecological limits, capacity-building, and diversity. Furthermore,

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appropriate indicators of success are defined by the community rather than through conventional measures and standards (1997, para. 15). Figure 2.2 shows four components of local economic development which have evolved over time into new concepts which increase strategy effectiveness and sustainability.

Figure 2.2: A Reformulation of the Component of Local Economic Development. From Planning Local Economic Development: Theory and Practice (p. 67), by Blakely & Bradshaw, 2002, Thousand Oaks: Sage Publications, Inc. Community economic development is important, as will be seen in the next chapter, because, as noted in Chapter 1, violence and communal conflict is often triggered by unfair access to resources, economic marginalization, and unstable power structures. Local economic development initiatives started by community members are usually sustainable, respected, and help build trust within communities and conflicting people groups. Social Capital Formation Because economic marginalization leads to conflict within communities, social capital is an important factor in the success of community development programs. To form social capital is, essentially, to build relationships. Thus, social capital formation can be used as a tool to reduce such injustices and poverty, thereby leading to a reduction of conflict.

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Adler and Kwon make a note of the benefits of social capital formation on the economic situation of a person: social capital influences career successhelps workers find jobs...creates a richer pool of recruits for firmsand facilitates entrepreneurship (2002, p. 17). Social capital is simply the networks within and between groups of people that enable some form of action, in this case, development within communities. According to Woolcock, sets of social ties are crucial for providing informal insurance mechanisms and have important impacts on the success of development projects (2002, p. 22). For this reason, social capital formation is a crucial variable for community development. Community development must consider integrating the poor with the non-poor, thereby increasing bonding and bridging social capitalthe strengthening of social ties enable underserved communities to discover opportunities and achieve more. It is necessary to mobilize the poor if any changes in their living conditions are to occur. It is necessary to make the poor part of political life for their voices to be heard and for democracy to develop. It is necessary to open up and let the poor into civil society if they are to become part of society at large. It is necessary to increase the social capital of the poor if civil conflicts are to be avoided. For all these reasons, it is vital for the poor, as well as for the non-poor, that social capital formation among the poor be increased. Over time, and in conjunction with a whole set of other strategies, such as the redistribution of major resources, social capital may lead to poverty reduction. It may take a generation or more (Oliveira, 2002, pp. 13-14). The formation of social capital undoubtedly happens during times of social interaction. These interactions increase developmental capacity by expanding individual human skills (Parr et al. cited in Fred-Mensah, 2004, p. 444). Fred-Mensah agrees that opportunities and incentives must be created for people to grow their skills. Thus, capacity developmenttakes place not just in individuals, but also between them, in the institutions and the networks they createthrough what has been termed social capital that holds societies together and sets the terms of these relationships (p. 444). The formation of social capital is important to the success of development projects and especially peacebuilding initiatives. The strengthening of social ties is fundamental to the success of development projects and the furthering of community progress, especially in post-conflict situations. The reason being that, the norms of trust, which are essential elements of social capital, tend to become the chief victim of social strife, particularly in violent conflicts (p. 451).

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Asset-Based Community Development This section will recap what was thoroughly discussed in the first chapter about asset-based community development (ABCD). ABCD considers local assets as the primary building blocks of sustainable community development (Northwestern University, 2009., para. 1) and encourages communities to be directly mobilized and invested in the transformation of their communities while at the same time receiving outside resources. The three principles of ABCD is that it starts with what is present in the community, it is internally focused, and relationship-driven. Relationship-driven community development is essential for peacebuilding. As mentioned in the previous chapter, one of the central challenges for asset-based community developers is to constantly build and rebuild the relationships between and among local residents, local associations and local institutions (Kretzmann & Knight, p. 9). As we know, post-conflict situations are tense and are afflicted by broken relationships between people groups within a community. Stiefel states that the destruction of relationships and the loss of trust, confidence, dignity, and faith (Stiefel in Reychler & Paffenholz, 2001, p. 265) are problems that overshadow all the various problems in war-torn societies. When peacebuilding initiatives start with local capacities and create spaces for relationships to be built and nurtured, making peace last will be an easier task. In times of conflict, group polarization acts to break the trust within communities furthering the continuation of conflict in an area. According to Mathie & Cunningham, social capital is present in the networks, norms, and social trust inherent in associations whose members work together in concerted collaborative action (2003, p. 6, emphasis added). Thus, intentional grassroots relationship building while working with the capacities of the community is essential to sustainable peacebuilding making asset-based community development a development approach that acts as a peacebuilding tool. Action Research Organizations and groups engaging in community development adopt an evaluative procedure to measure results, community success and failures, and shape their programs according to their results. The evaluative procedure which community developers use is called action research. It is not

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so much research as it is learning through on-going monitoring and evaluation (Mathie & Cunningham, 2003, p. 11). Community development strategies are being documented as they are being implemented while paying attention to: (i) local adaptations of the approach that maximize its effectiveness in stimulating communitydriven development; (ii) the key enabling and constraining conditions at macro- and micro-levels that affect the application of this approach; and (iii) lessons learned about the optimal role for the NGO in the community, and its relationship to other external actors, particularly local government, when introducing this approach at the community level (p. 11). According to Gilmore et al. (1986), action researchaims to contribute both the practical concerns of people in an immediate problematic situation and to further the goals of social science simultaneously. Thus, there is a dual commitment in action research to study a system and concurrently to collaborate with members of the system in changing it in what is together regarded as a desirable direction (p. 161). The primary reason why this type of research is different than others is because it focuses on allowing the people on the ground to be involved in the research processpeople learn best, and more willingly apply what they have learned, when they do it themselves (OBrien, 1998). The main researcher remains open to suggestion about his or her research, unlike most research where the researcher takes an objective stance. Moreover, action research is set in a communitys social reality, thereby allowing it to solve real problems. Gerald Susman provides a model of action research in five steps: diagnosing, action planning, taking action, evaluating, and specifying learning (below in Figure 2.4).

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Figure 2.3: Detailed Action Research Model. From Action Research: A Sociotechnical Systems Perspective (p. 102), by Susman, 1983, London: Sage Publications There are several types of action research. Traditional Action Research tends towards the conservative, generally maintaining the status quo with regards to organizational power structures (OBrien, 1995). Contextual Action Research is contextual, domain-based, and stresses that participants act as project designers and co-researchers. This kind of research is more liberal, keeping overall social transformation in mind. Radical Action Research has its roots in Marxist philosophies and the practical considerations of Antonio Gramsci. It has a strong focus on emancipation and the restructuring of power imbalances and has often found itself accepted in liberation movements and international development circles. Educational Action Research has its foundations in the writings of John Dewey, the great American educational philosopher of the 1920s and 30s, who believed that professional educators should become involved in community problem-solving (OBrien, 1995). Educational Action Research is mainly practiced in educational institutions, and focuses on development of curriculum, professional development, and applying learning in a social context (OBrien, 1995). Researchers involved in educational action research generally work with primary and secondary school teachers and students on community projects. Whatever the type of action research one chooses to work with, the overarching research goal of the action research is to discover the extent to which a sustainable improvement in livelihood can be

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realized when people cease being clients of NGOs and government agencies and instead act as citizens (Marthie & Cunningham, 2003, p. 11). As Stiefel states, the basic principle of Participatory Action Research (PAR) is that researchers and social actors join forces in collective research and analysis (in Reychler & Paffenholz, 2003, p. 272). According to Stiefel, PAR can be conducive to peacebuilding in three ways. Firstly, PAR can promote a better understanding of the holistic nature of post-conflict problems. During and after conflict there are a host of different internal and external actors that represent different agendas, objectives, and mandates. It is not hard to understand why post-conflict peacebuilding should be approached holistically. The interrelated participation of policymakers in participatory action research may create problems of objectivity, but it provides access to information and increases the relevance of impact of the research (pp. 273-274). However, when PAR is led by impartial researchers, the subjectivity of participants may be counterbalanced and the researcher can call on specialized technical expertise if necessary (p. 274). Secondly, PAR can facilitate the search for more integrated policy responses by helping participants in a collective research process to see problems from the various actors perspectives (p. 274). This leads to not only a more holistic understanding but also quite naturally to more integrated policy responses (p. 274). This is crucial for, and has significant effects on, community development operations and programs, as it is the policies under which these programs are run and funded by that determine much of the programs perimeters, limits, and probability of success. So, it is important to carry out PAR on the ground, as well as within leading and governing agencies, during post-conflict development and peacebuilding. Moreover, when the actors are directly involved in the process and participate in the definition of policies [it] greatly increases the chances that they will actually be applied (p. 274), as well as encouraging democratic engagement. Finally, PAR can contribute to consensus building and to promoting democratic political culture. This is the most relevant benefit to community development out of the three outlined in this section. In order for consensus building to be reached the research process has to be inclusive, open to all main actors, and must maintain a balanced representation (p. 275). In a post-conflict region, there are worries

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about project legitimacywith the presence of mistrust and a tense political state. The inclusiveness of PAR projects as community development approaches provides necessary political legitimacy. It is important for these projects to last a significant amount of time, enough for respect and legitimacy to be gained. Allowing time for relationships to be built and trust to be gained (from the community to mediating agency, from agency to political leaders, from political leaders to community, and vice-versa) may develop the capacity to prevent conflict. Bearing in mind the complexity of the development challenge and peacebuilding process, it is clear that PAR methods have an important contribution to make in loosening up the knot of problems faced by war-torn societys. However, it is only a tool, and its effectiveness depends very much on the people who are using it and their ability to adapt to the complexity of a postwar situation (p. 275) Environmentally Sustainable Development As stated previously, most of the conflicts taking place currently are in developing countries. Some of these intra-state conflicts arise over resources. For a long time development projects have aimed to eradicate extreme poverty and improve the living standards in poor communities. In his critically acclaimed book, The End of Poverty, Jeffrey Sachs states that, as we invest in ending extreme poverty, we must face the ongoing challenge of investing in the global sustainability of the worlds ecosystems (2005, p. 367). Development, more now than ever, has to take an interest in the environmental effects of their projects on the communities and region with which they work. According to Barteimus, there has been many different ways of defining sustainable development. However, there was a definition provided in 1987 by the United Nations Commission on Environment and Development through the Brundtland Report. In 1992, the concept posited was formalized and has become the most widely accepted definition of sustainable development: development that meets the needs of the present without compromising the ability of future generations to meet their own needs (A/RES/42/187, 1987, para. 1). During the 1992 United Nations Conference on Environment and Development in Rio de Janiero, this was reasserted: Peace, development and environmental protection are interdependent and indivisible (International Symposium, 1996). This idea is further found in the International Symposium of Sustainable Development when it was stated that, the idea of peace forms an

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integral part of the idea of sustainable development (1996). It is important to make clear that this section will be significantly limited in trying to cover the concept of sustainable development and its impact on regional and communal peace. This section will limit itself to making the reader aware of the link between sustainable development, in regard to the environment, and peace and security. According to Kaplan, in order to understand the events of the next fifty years, then, one must understand environmental scarcity, cultural and racial clash, geographic destiny, and the transformation of war (Kaplan, 1994, p.54). Environmental issues are now prominent in development circles and are also being considered a key factor in disrupting security and peace. As Mafuta et al. (2004) say, the concept of environmental security is one of a number of new dimensions to the traditional understanding of security (p. 159). Combining security and environmental issues have brought about a new term, environmental security, which can be defined as the pursuit of human security through maintenance of the ecological support system (p. 159). McCartney et al. (1998) elaborate further on the concept of environmental security, describing it as a means of achieving long-term social, economic and ethical security through (1) the sustainable utilization of renewable resources and ecosystem functions, and (2) the protection from natural hazards and the conservation of other species (cited in Mafuta et al., 2004, p. 159). Krugmann understands the linkages between environmental change and conflict; this is important because it shows that environmentally sustainable development needs to be considered when formulating and implementing development projects, whether it be in pre-, ongoing, or post-conflict situations. According to him, there are three pathways that link environmental change to conflict: Simple scarcity conflicts (resource wars) between and within states; Group identity conflict arising from the scarcity-induced population movements; and Deprivation conflicts resulting from resource scarcity induced by economic hardships and socioinstitutional disruption (1998, p. 159) Moreover, Krugmann explains how environment-based conflicts occur at many different levels: at the micro, national, regional, and global level (1998).

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An example of how environmental scarcity caused conflicts can be illustrated by the situation that prevailed in South Africa during the apartheid era (Figure 2.6), when millions were forcibly moved to the least productive and most ecologically sensitive territories (Mafuta et al., 2004, p. 161). This can serve as a model of how environmental scarcity can propagate conflict, although every situation is not entirely similar.

Figure 2.4: Sources and Consequences of Environmental Scarcity. From Environmental causes of conflict in the Southern African development community (SADC). Demilitarisation and Peace-Building in Southern Africa: National and Regional Experiences (The International Political Economy of New Regionalisms) (3rd ed.) (p. 160), by Mafuta et al., 2004, Hampshire, England: Ashgate Publishing. Having looked at the connections between environmental realities and conflict it is clear that sustainable development represents an opportunity to construct a new approach, and the success of that effort has powerful implications for issues of peace and security (International Symposium, 1996, para. 8). A more specific issue that sustainable development deals with is environmental degradation and rapid population growth. Former U.S. President Bill Clinton once said that large scale environmental degradation, exacerbated by rapid population growth, threatens to undermine political stability in many countries (Bill Clinton, 1995, p.vi). The International Symposium observes that a sustainable development strategy that is successful in bringing social justice is essential for promoting peace (1996). She goes on to note that a comprehensive sustainable development strategy involves not only a multi-disciplinary approach, "which acts not just economically, nor solely ecologically, not only politically, but on all of these fronts," (1996),

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but also has direct implications for improving institutional structures. "The modification or reform of institutions for the purpose of resolving potentially contentious situations," the Symposium notes, "democratically lies at the heart of the idea of sustainability." The Symposium uses the dispute over water rights that plague many regions of the world as an example of a useful development strategy that might work. In their regions conflicts erupt over the control of fresh water resources (1996). However, "Experiences of sustainable development in the area of management of supply and consumption of water have led to the creation of mechanisms which aid users to define the norms for allocation, use, and transfer of water rights in a democratic process" (1996). This democratic process thus replaces the conflicts that used to determine allocation, use, etc. In a beautiful and inspiring summary, they write, "At the local level, the gun has been replaced by meetings between neighbors or committees who must learn to share a watershed. On a macro level, international accords and committees can serve as substitutes for wars" (1996). Such a situation is indeed the goal for sustainable development. Women-centered Community Development The concept of women-centered development is important to address. It is an emerging concept with positive outcomes. There are various organizations choosing to invest in girls and women claiming that, when adolescent girls in the developing world have a chance, they can be the most powerful force of change for themselves, their families, communities, countries, and even the planet. One of these organizations is the UN Foundation through The Girl Effect campaign. In the case of developed countries, like the United States, the argument for women-centered development is that low-income women and their children are left to deal with their problems in isolation, without external support or public solutions (Smock, 2004, p. 165) because the issues affecting families are typically defined as domestic problems to be addressed in the private sphere. Smock maintains that, even though women have historically played a central role in building communities, they have largely been excluded from formal leadership roles (p. 165). As a result, institutions that serve families needs often fall short of taking into consideration the unique interests and

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conditions of the families. When private and public institutions that provide social services, schools, and housing design their services themselves, the programs usually fail to meet the reality of communities, especially the reality of the women in those communities. The realities of women in their communities are just as important as their role in their own families and households. For this reason, issues that are commonly perceived as private and domestic have to be confronted as a community with the provision of public solutions. One way of doing this is through women-centered community development. Within this approach of community development, women must be given the opportunity to develop a vision for themselves, their families, and the community as a whole (p. 165). The result of doing this is that it provides a basis for the creation of new programs and services to meet families needs. In women-centered development, it is important to build face-to-face interpersonal relationships and establish hands-on partnerships between neighborhood women and local public and private institutions (p. 166). Doing this creates a web of support of necessary resources and technical support. Those involved in women centered development go through similar processes of community organizing as other approaches of development by reaching out to local businesses, organizations, institutions, and governments to identify potential partners (p. 166). When these kinds of efforts are seen through, collaborative projects where community residents are the ones calling the shots, and local partners provide essential funding, in-kind services, and support (p. 166) are sustained. Most importantly, the role, opinions, ideas, and priorities for women are considered in community development initiatives. The impact on peacebuilding initiatives is obvious: the less gender gap and inequalities and the more womens opinions are taking into consideration, the less conflict there is within the community and the more progress is achievable.

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Chapter 3


CASE STUDIES

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Case Study 1: The Aman Shanti Community Development Project in Shankernager, India Background In the Indian city of Hyderabad, communal riots have been the norm since 1983. Since the early 1980s, sporadic instances of communal violence have resulted in a climate of mistrust and fear among Hindus and Muslims, especially in those places where both communities reside together (Rajeswari, 2003, p. 122). At the same time, disparities between groups were increasing and lines were being drawn between the communities that led to misunderstandings and broken relationships. According to Rajeswari, this tension erupts from time to time in communal clashes, which result in the loss of human life, loss of property, and loss of social harmony (p. 122). There is an organization in Hyderabad, India that has been there since 1969. The mission of the Henry Martyn Institute (HMI) is: The Henry Martyn Institute (HMI) based in Hyderabad, India since 1969, promotes reconciliation between people of different faiths and cultures. It encourages practical grassroots involvement with the objective of improving relationships between divided groups and communities. HMI achieves its goals through a variety of academic and community-based programs, most of which are targeted to women as they are seen as active agents of peacebuilding and conflict resolution at local levels (p. 122) HMI became increasingly concerned with the dynamics of in the community in 1990. They assessed that there was a need for reconciliation and relief work in order to intervene in the communal riot and violence. HMI brought people from the divided Hindu and Muslim communities together and facilitated the establishment of the Aman Shanti Foruman organization aimed at promoting peace through reconciliation and healing processes with members (both men and women) from Hindu, Muslim and Christian communities. After some time, conversations led the Aman Shanti Forum to conclude that long-term intervention in the hardest hit communities was needed. As a result, in 1996, HMI laid the foundations of its grassroots community development work in Sultan Shahi, the most prominent area of violence in the Old City and the worst affected area during the 1990 communal violence. HMI started a similar project in

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2000 in another area of Hyderabad, Shankernager, a slum with wide caste disparities. These projects are called as Aman Shanti Community Centres (p. 122). The situation in Hyderabad, India provides an example in which community development projects are used as a tool for social cohesion, improvements in quality of life, and peacebuilding. As stated above, the goal of HMI is to reconcile people of different faiths and cultures. They do this primarily through community projects that address practical needs and concerns at a grassroots level. The Aman Shanti Community Centers were established as a result of HMI's commitment to addressing a community's economic, social, cultural, and political needs as an essential part of the process of building sustainable peace (p. 122). The principles guiding the work of HMI, as well as the Aman Shanti Centers, are the following: Development work, if done intentionally, can be a means through which communities come together Building trust through relationship Using an empowering process of working with a community strengthens leadership, resulting in people's greater confidence to deal with challenges, taking action that makes a difference locally. Involving communities is the aim of HMIs community development programs. They specifically focus on encouraging the Hindu and Muslim women in their communities to participate in grassroots work and leadership in order to improve the quality of life based on expressed local needs. The reason why the projects started off targeting women is because they felt that women could promote healing and reconciliation across ethnic divides more effectively (p. 122). Rajeswari states that by empowering the women in local communities to effect change HMI hoped to encourage attitudinal changes and to broaden both womens and mens efforts at building a peaceful society in which they all could live (p. 122). Structure of Development Project In the table below, the structures of the Shankernager project are provided. There are five main structures off of which programs are created and through which transformation and sustainable peace are achieved.

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Table 3.1 Structures of the Aman Shanti Community Development Program


STRUCTURE Relationship-building Classes DESCRIPTION The Shankernager project in includes a women's unit that offers structured classes for tailoring to provide women with useful skills as well as help build their confidence and leadership abilities. The unit also fosters communal harmony by giving Hindu and Muslim women a place where they can share their increased awareness on health issues, on day-today news, on issues related to women, and on communal matters, such as their relationships with their families and their neighbors The women have started self-employment and income-generation programs to increase their economic independence. For example, a micro-credit program was put in place to enable the purchase of sewing machines. The program is run by women from the local communities who decide on who gets loans and on the mode of repayment. Working together has empowered the women and help them improve their standard of living. It has also led to new friendships among women from these divided communities The Sultan Shahi project has a school that caters in particular to dropouts and young children who are unable to attend the local schools for various reasons. The school is specifically aimed at fostering goodwill and tolerance to help bridge gaps between the divided communities Health clinics in each of the projects focus on the health needs of the community. Health education of the community is a central focus of the clinics' activities Literary programs and reading room sessions aimed at equipping people with the knowledge and skills that can help them to grow as leaders are also central to each of the development projects

Economic Development Initiatives

Youth Assistance & Development

Health & Wellness Literacy

Note: Adapted from Women and Peace-building: Community Development (p. 123), by Rajeswari, 2003. Specific Programs. The Aman Shanti Community Development projects have several programs and activities to foster peace while developing the community. The Womens Unit includes the following activities: tailoring classes, arts and crafts training, self help groups, income generation programs, student meetings, and outings (Henry Martyn Institute, n.d.). The Inter-Faith Primary School includes: regular classes up to 4th standard, nutrition programs, play for peace programs, parents meetings to motivate them to get involved in the peace process, and picnics (Henry Martin Institute). Health Clinics include: a regular clinic, specialized health camps, referral services, and health talks. The Inter-Faith Programs include: inter-faith festival celebrations, inter-faith politics, capacity-building sessions on peace & conflict transformation, and general and social awareness (Henry Martin Institute).

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Case Study 2: The National Solidarity Program in Jurm, Afghanistan Background Ever since 2001, Afghanistan has received billions of dollars for development projects from the United States and its Western allies. Many have criticized the effectiveness of these funds because of the level of political corruption and the frustration of many large-scale development efforts caused by the Taliban insurgency. According to Tavernise (2009, p. 1), much of the money given to these projects has been funneled through the central government[and] even more has gone to private contractors hired by the United States who siphon off almost half of every dollar to pay the salaries of expatriate workers and other overhead costs. However, there is a valley in the province of Badakhshan in northeast Afghanistan called Jurm where people have taken charge of themselves. The main tools of community development come in the shape of village councils. They have been using their village councils and direct grants as part of an imitative called the National Solidarity Program, introduced by an Afghan ministry in 2003 (p. 1) Before these development projects were underway, Jurm had no electricity or clean water, its main crop was poppy and nearly one in 10 women died in childbirth, one of the highest maternal mortality rates in the world (p. 1). There was significant distrust of central government structures because, according to Jelani Popal, a member of a state agency that appoints governors, they ignored the people in district and villagesthis caused a lot of indifference. Popal understands the reasons why people were not siding with the governmentthey had no reason to side with a government that did not exist in their lives. Another problem in Jurm was the oppression caused by the presence of warlords in the 1990s and literacy, with only one third of the Afghan population having the ability to read. Connected to literacy, the lack of educationespecially within the female populationwas a problem for the community. The National Solidarity Program took a relatively distinct approach in tackling these issues they allowed the community to have a voice and empowered them along the way. The results have been exemplary and serve as a model of development in conflict and post-conflict regions.

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Structure of Development Project This project ran on a simple idea: people elect the most trusted villagers for leadership and the Kabul government helps through foreign donors and gives them direct grantsthis is money they can use to build infrastructure that the villagers themselves determine they need (e.g. water systems and girls schools). The local residents agreed that councils work best because it took the development process down to the most basic levels and decided to use the councils for the progression of their goals. This was a smart approach since the middlemen, local and foreign, were cut out, as well as much of the overhead costs and corruptions, when villages directed the spending of their funds to improve their own lives. According to Tavernise (2009), the overseers of this development project viewed the participation of the local people as essential, even if the baby steps taken toward success took years. The consent of and connection to the community, through grassroots participation and guidance, was imperative. Table 3.2 Structures of the National Solidarity Program
STRUCTURE Community Representation Capacity-building Initiatives DESCRIPTION Facilitates elections to establish Community Development Councils (CDCs) Builds the capacities of CDC and community members (both men and women) to identify priority subprojects, prepare Community Development Plans, and implement approved subprojects. This includes developing skills in participation, consensus-building, accounting, procurement and contract management, operations and maintenance, and monitoring Provides direct block grant transfers to fund subprojects Links CDCs to government agencies, NGOs, and donors to improve access to services and resources

Resource Provision Strategic Partnership Development

Note: Adapted from About NSP How NSP Works. The largest peoples project in the history of Afghanistan., by NSP Aghanistan, n.d.b, Retrived March 11, 2010, from http://www.nspafghanistan.org/about_nsp.shtm

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The 5-Phase Project Cycle. The NSP project cycle has five phases designed to be completed generally within a two-year period. Figure 3.5 shows this cycle.

Figure 3.1. The 5-Phase Cycle of the National Solidarity Program. Adapted from About NSP How Project Cycle. The largest peoples project in the history of Afghanistan., by NSP Aghanistan, n.d., Retrived March 11, 2010, from http://www.nspafghanistan.org/about_nsp/project_cycle.shtm According to the Afghan Ministry of Rural Rehabilitation and Development (MRRD) website, the NSP seeks to build capacity at the community level to enhance competence of CDC male and female members in terms of financial management, procurement, technical skills, and transparency (NSP Afghanistan, n.d.a, para. 1). In this cycle Facilitating Partners are NGO(s) or international organization(s) contracted by MRRD to facilitate the entire NSP processes in the community (NSP Afghanistan, n.d.). In Phase III, the subprojects include those that are carried out independently and those that require NSP or other outside support. Together, these comprise the Community Development Plan. Selected subproject proposals are submitted to NSP for funding (NSP Afghanistan, n.d.a, para. 4). In Phase IV, the CDC understakes subproject implementation (often through commitees) and reports to the community on progress and use of funds. Then, program partners monitor on-going subprojects.

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Management Struture. The responsible agency is the National Solidarity Program which is a structure created under the MRRD. The Facilitating Partners come from 28 NGOs and one UN Agency (UN-Habitat) to work directly with targeted communities. Of course, the communities are included in the magement structure as they spearhead their local initiatives with the support of the NSP. The Management Support Consulstant was contracted by the MRRD. A British consultancy firm, Maxwell Stamp, provides complete oversight and technical assistance. Program donors are essential in continuing these programsthey are international and national. Lastly, the NSP Steering Committee is an interministerial committee established to provide advice on overal program direction and policies. Specific Programs. Various development projects have transpired under this program. Tavernise says that today, many people have water taps, fields grow wheat and it is no longer considered shameful for a woman to go to a doctor (p. 1). The lack of education has been replaced by the building of schools for both boys and girls. Smaller grants, specified objectives. Working with various councils, each council spoke for the communitys needs and was allocated enough grants to meet these needs. As opposed to providing millions of dollars in funds to central government agencies, smaller grants were given, often less than $100,000. These grants were given directly to the communities, eliminating possible corruption and theft. You dont steal from yourself, was how Ataullah, a farmer in Jurm who uses one name, described it (p. 1). Capacity-building. In order to build sustainable solidarity and peace, community members must first be empowered through capacity-building. This process is hard at the beginning because, according to Mr. Denka, a local worker with the Aga Khan Development Network, resident would say, For Gods sake, we cant do this, we dont have the capability (p. 1). Capacity-building initiatives taught them to have confidence. Tavernise states that Most projects, no matter how simple, took five years. Years of war had smashed Afghan society into rancorous bits, making it difficult to resist efforts by warlords to muscle in on projects (p. 1).

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Case Study 3: The Disaster Preparedness and Local Capacities for Peace Program in South Sudan Background Sudan is the largest country in Africa with an estimated population of 37 million people. There is great economic prosperity among people involved in extractive industries, and severe poverty coexisting in all regions. The average life expectancy is 39 years old and 17.2% of the people do not meet their daily food needs (Irish Aid Support, 2009). Sudan has a long history of national, North-South conflict with just 11 years of peace since independence in 1956. This conflict has put the mainly Arab people and their government in Khartoum (Sudans capital) against the non-Arab peoples in the south led by the Sudan Peoples Liberation Movement/Army (SPLM/A). Both groups have caused the death of Sudanese and have even recruited child soldiers. The cause for the intense violence, which has led to about two million war-related deaths and displaced millions more from their homes, lies in the Sudanese governments decision to redivide the countrys southern provinces and institute Islamic Sharia law. Exacerbating the tensions, this happened at the same time a serious drought hit the region, causing the distribution of food relief to lessen due to insecurity (Irish Aid Support, 2009). Moreover, although ethnic identity and religion were key elements in the conflict, there was an economic dimension as well: control over natural resources, in particular oil, which was discovered in the south in 1978. Therefore, the tensions over land and resources have contributed greatly to the conflict. In 1991, tensions worsened the conflict when the SPLM/A splitit aggravated existing political divisions and deepened ethnic factional fighting. This was particularly the case between the Dinka and Nuer ethnic groups and within Nuer sections and clans. Negotiations that transpired over two years led to the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) in January 2005, which was signed by the Khartoum government and the SPLM/A. This agreement provided for power sharing, the distribution of oil earnings, and a referendum on national unity to be held in 2011 (p. 9). Since the CPA, the South Sudan government has made significant progress on

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putting in place structures at State level but has had little success so far in putting government structures in place at a county level mostly because of lack of trained personnel in the region, poor logistics and lack of resources (p. 9). In fact, the education level of many local government officials, who are actually former SPLM/A members, were very low if present at all, and they had no background in civil services. Aside from this political situation, South Sudan has incredibly challenging environmental conditions in which one has to try to work. According to Irish Aid Support, South Sudan is one of the most environmentally challenging places in the world. The rainy season (May October) cuts off many parts of the country from road access. So significant is the strain this rainy season puts on development projects that projects need to be substantially implemented in the six months of the dry season. As far as security issues, the situation has improved to a significant degree since the signing of the CPA. Theft from or attacks on humanitarian organizations are relatively low. Lastly, the Irish Aid Support report on World Vision South Sudan stated the following:

The CPA brought thousands of returnees back to South Sudan, while there was severe food insecurity brought on by changing weather patterns and flooding throughout the region. These factors exacerbated an already tense situation, with host communities and returnees learning to live side by side with very limited resources. There is also a long history of inter tribal disputes around access to limited grazing and scarce water during the dry season, and cattle rustling between the Dinka and the Nuer peoples. (p. 10)
Structure of Development Project Shortly after warring factions signed the contentious Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA) in January 2005, World Vision South Sudan developed a project, the Disaster Preparedness and Local Capacities for Peace (DIPLCAP) program, to address the needs of remote communities, specifically the issues of service delivery, peacebuilding, disaster preparedness and livelihood development. This project addresses the needs of peacebuilding and disaster preparedness, as well as livelihoods in the communities of Mayendit, Tonj East and Rumbek North.

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Table 3.3 Structures of Disasters Preparedness and Local Capacities for Peace Program
STRUCTURE Service Delivery DESCRIPTION Aimed to assist the government to provide health and education in a conflict area in order to both provide these services and enhance peace by enabling the communities to access these services in a neutral place Intended to build capacity in the affected communities to facilitate peace between them Intended to enable the communities to protect themselves from flooding as well as provide early warning of attacks from hostile neighbors Intended to enhance food security in the area by facilitating vegetable gardening

Peacebuilding Disaster Preparedness Livelihood Development

Note: Adapted from Disaster Preparedness and Local Capacities for Peace Programme, South Sudan., by Irish Aid Support, 2009. Three Phases. The DIPLCAP project took on a 3-phase approachit was flexible and opened to redesign based on yearly evaluations and experiences. The goals of each of these phases is shown below.

Figure 3.2. Phases of the DIPLCAP Program in South Sudan. Adapted from Disaster Preparedness and Local Capacities for Peace Programme, South Sudan., by Irish Aid Support, 2009. Specific Programs The DIPLCAP Project brought about specific programs during each of the three phases. The first phase, DIPLCAP I, focused on the provision of resources and services to the communities in conflict in order to promote reconciliations and cooperation, and to mitigate disasters, particularly flooding (p. 13). This phase of the project established centers where services could be dispensed, a school, a clinic, a community center, and borehole wells with pumps and some storage tanks in the hopes of building peace in the community. The vision was for these infrastructures to be used by several communities leading to the fostering of peace (Irish Aid Support, 2009).

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Peace committees were created through the peacebuilding component in DIPLCAP II. These committees represent local government and key stakeholders include women and young men. Finally, the DIPLCAP III is the most recent phase that was scheduled to be implemented during Sept 2008 Sept 2009 and, consequently, has not yet been evaluated and was excluded from the assessment report by Irish Aid Support written on May 2009. This last phase had the goal of building on the gains made in peacebuilding and disaster preparedness activities, as well as some of the livelihood elements of the project (p. 14). For the purposes of this paper, only the first two specific objectives in DIPLCAP I will be evaluated. This is because DIPLCAP I has the intention to assist communities in post-conflict development in building sustainable peace. Also, these two objectives are the only ones that fit the selection criteria outlined in Chapter 1. The specific objectives of DIPLCAP III also fit these criteria, but because there is no evaluation report published on this phase of the project, there is no material by which to analyze whether the conflict-sensitive development has had an impact on peace relations and tensions between the different communities involved. Table 3.4 DIPLCAP Program Phases and Specific Objectives
PHASE DIPLCAP I DIPLCAP II SPECIFIC OBJECTIVES To improve access to functional community services To strengthen community resilience, disaster preparedness and mitigation capacities To promote local capacities for peace and foster inter-community peace discussions To strengthen community livelihood systems by improving agriculture production and managing flooding for agriculture production. To strengthen disaster preparedness capacities by focusing on community structures and community owned management to improve flood management techniques. To strengthen local capacities for conflict transformation by enhancing capacity for peace committees to promote non-violent conflict resolution, to prevent inter ethnic violence by promoting cooperation between communities and target these communities with knowledge of human rights and non-violent conflict resolution techniques. Enhanced capacity of civil society, local authorities and youth to prevent, analyze and transform conflict, thereby enabling conflict-sensitive development and promoting unity in the region. Strengthened community disaster preparedness and resilience through diversified agricultural practices, and community-based mechanisms to reduce vulnerability in face of disasters and resulting tensions and conflict.

DIPLCAP III

Note: Adapted from Disaster Preparedness and Local Capacities for Peace Programme, South Sudan., by Irish Aid Support, 2009.

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Chapter 4


EVALUATION & CONCLUSIONS

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Evaluation: Case Study 1 Table 4.1 Evaluation Chart for the Aman Shanti Community Development Project in Shankernager, India Aman Shanti Community Development - India
Asset Identification
Relationship-building classes provides women a space to identify leadership abilities as well as to foster their ability for communal harmony. Women talk about various issues and identify how to tackle them. All in all, all of the structures in this project identify assets through economic development, youth assistance, health, and literacy. Each of these structures work successfully as the community discusses what each member can do to help. The types of programs created by the resources at hand demonstrate that resources were mobilized and used with the inspiration and guidance of community members. Various programs and activities increased social capital. The literacy programs to help residents to engage socially. The Sultan Shahi school creates an environment for youth to interact in productive relationships. The micro-credit program allows women to run businesses, thereby, creating new relationships with each other, customers, and partners. Relationships-building classes build leadership and peace capacities within women. Literacy programs enhance social mobility capacities. Youth are given opportunities to use their skills in a productive way at the Sultan Shahi schools along with other youth. Women create opportunities to build and expand business and administration skills. Review of the programs demonstrate a high-level of social empowerment occurring as an interfaith communityworking together for the common good and stability at different levels of life. The establishment of the Aman Shanti Community Centers were facilitated by HMI but coordinated by community members. This is important as it shows that HMI, as the experts, guided the process but allowed indigenous leadership and local expertise to guide the vision, formation, and materialization. It has been made clear that community steering of the several aspects of this project has been significant. There seems to be no mention of partnerships with external organizations or agencies outside of HMI. A governmental partnership through the solicitation of government funds did not come through when the request was denied. Community members learned how to organize and coordinate programs for their benefit. This is sure to catapult them into engaging in relationships with external structures to seek beyond communal progress toward regional progress. The participation of community members all across the board is evident. The intentional coming together of different people helps build peace. Everyone from kids to youth to adults is involved in the process. All of the programs in this project were designed by community members and rose out of the concerns, needs, and capabilities of the community. Various spaces have been created for interfaith dialogue, raising awareness about different issues, health education, and youth education. Mutual learning, through conversation and sharing personal feelings, has been influential and intentional in achieving peace. Participatory process and communal governance were largely achieved through the forums created for conversation and participation to take place. This has been the driving force since the beginning and is still remains an essential element in helping bridge gaps amongst community members. As mentioned above, the women of the community gathered enough of their own assets to build a case for funding that they took to the government. Although, the request was rejected, the empowerment that allowed them to face authority in that way was surely a result of the political empowerment

SELF-SUFFICIENCY TECHNICAL ASSISTANCE CONFLICT RESOLUTION

Mobilization of resources Social capital

Capacitybuilding

Social empowerment Local & expert knowledge

Bottom-up / Grassroots Partnership

Technical empowerment Participation

Community design Mutual learning

Governance

Political empowerment

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Analysis & Implications for Peacebuilding: Case Study 1 The community development projects in Shankernager create a space where women from divided communities can work together for a common benefit (p. 123). In this way, HMI has facilitated the building of trust between communities with a history of inter-group conflict. Rajeswari talks about the role of social workers in community transformation. The HMI social workers play a crucial role in bringing communities to this stage, and particularly, in motivating women from these communities to participate in the programs (p. 123). This case study is an example of how working together to learn a craft or fulfill a need leads to feelings of solidarity as well as develops leadership skills amongwomen (p. 123). It is not far-fetched to conclude the same thing for men, although, as the HMI acknowledges, it is easier to tap into this capacity with women than menhaving never been given these kinds of opportunities before. In regard to this issue, Rajeswari states that, Women are empowered by participating in collective decision-making processes that were previously conducted only by men. They are further empowered by being provided with information about socio-economic concerns, health and hygiene issues, adult education, politics, communal violence, caste issues, etc. This is a development strategy that uses two-way communication to reveal the participant's underlying attitudes, to help them adapt their views and acquire new knowledge and skills, as well as spread new social messages to a larger audience (p. 123) An important accomplishment that HMI was able to achieve is creating a platform for interfaith dialogue by bringing Hindus and Muslims together, specifically through humanitarian and development projects. Sultan Shahi and Shankernager Centres, HMI's two development projects, provide a space where people from both communities can voice their issues and together clarify their misconceptions as well as develop new understandings. These programs are an example of the way in which women have contributed to peace-building initiatives in their communities. (p. 123) Conclusions: Case Study 1 The Shankernager Project shows clear community development strategies implemented as a means and process of building capacity and peace (as discussed in Chapter 2). Women, youth, and ultimately men as well, build their capacities to cooperate with previously conflicting groups with the

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presence of specific structures that enable them to do so. Local capacities for peace are nurtured through building relationships and trust. An important structure to recognize is the youth development structure. This program is intentional in building peace capacities with kids and youth. This has tremendous implications for sustainable peace because kids learn at a young age to handle conflict and live peacefully, and these are the future leaders of the community. Community economic development became a local initiative by the women in these communities. In the beginning of the article, Rajeswari mentioned that disparities have become both wider and wider, drawing lines between the communities and leading to misunderstandings and broken relationships (p. 122). Thus, economic development serves more than just the obvious purpose of improving quality of life; it also promotes peace. When the people in the community are working to find solutions for the disparities and economic injustices instead of warring about these issues, peace is a welcomed by-product. Mostly, this project is centered around women and their needs, ideas, and on the premise that working with the women of the community will make peacebuilding an easier task for the rest of the community. This development project did a great job at incorporating the communityespecially the womenby allowing them to take charge of their own destiny. Their concerns were taken seriously and ideas were supported by HMI workers. This shows just how community structures that are created out of the desires of the community to address specific needs and issues can serve as a peacebuilding tool. In the end, one can see how thorough this project has been by looking at the evaluation chart above (Table 4.1). There are various components all playing a role in community peacebuilding, and these are all components of the asset-based community development strategy which, of the two community development approaches (needs-based and asset-based), is the most widely used currently within development projects. The fact that this project was built purely around a community development strategy in order to achieve peace clearly demonstrates how community development strategies are peacebuilding strategies in and of themselves.

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Evaluation: Case Study 2 Table 4.2 Evaluation Chart for the National Solidarity Program in Jurm, Afghanistan National Solidarity Program - Afghanistan
Asset Identification SELF-SUFFICIENCY Mobilization of resources
Community electoral processes identify villagers leadership assets. Village councils aid in identifying assets on which to build infrastructure and development projects. Transparency was one of the goals for this project and they have done a great job in following up on their promise. The details about how many resources, and from whom, each village is getting is found on their website. The resources are given to the community allowing villagers to do with it what they best see fit; of course, with overseers in place. Village councils increase social capital for the better of the community. Productivity increases as villagers talk amongst each other about their visions, deficits, and hopes. There were clear capacity-building initiatives which developed skills in participation, consensusbuilding, accounting, procurement and contract management, operations and maintenance, and monitoring. Overall, villagers of Jurm have received significant social empowerment that has dissipated violence and communal strife and replaced it instead with social development projects. There is a great blend of local and expert knowledge with the amount of partners and workers involved allowing local residents to take charge under their monitoring. The projects initiated are proposed by village members and approved for funding by NSP. The MRRD gathered various support from many different national and international partners. Villagers have the opportunity to tap into the resources of many different governmental and nonprofit partners further empowering them. The NSP provides a quintessential structure for community members to take advantage of in terms of technical assistance. They are very well supported and funded. Participatory processes allowed the initiation, development, and implementation of community projects to raise living standards. All of the programs in this project were designed by community members and rose out of the concerns, needs, and capabilities of the community. Learning rises out of councils, project planning and implementation, and the direct impact that new schools have on the community. Village councils allow participatory processes to take place in order for the community to take leadership over the projects. The most trusted villagers are elected as village representatives decreasing the possibility of corruption, greed, and violence. Overall, villagers have gained political skills by participating in democratic processes furthering their empowerment politically and lessening conflict through proper political engagement.

Social capital Capacitybuilding Social empowerment Local & expert knowledge

TECHNICAL ASSISTANCE CONFLICT RESOLUTION

Bottom-up / Grassroots Partnership

Technical empowerment Participation Community design Mutual learning Governance

Political empowerment

Analysis & Implications for Peace: Case Study 2 According to Tavernise, Bringing development to Afghans is an important part of a counterinsurgency strategy aimed at drawing people away from the Taliban and building popular support for the Western-backed government by showing that it can make a difference in peoples lives (p. 1).

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Despite what this statement implies (i.e. the embrace of Western-backed government as an important task), the goal of these development projects is to build sustainable peace and bring stability to a region; whether its through Western-type governments or not. Aside from that parenthetical statement, the development projects in Jurm are an important part in the strategy of drawing people away from the Taliban and engage in constructive and progressive projects that have positive impacts for the development individuals and the community. These development projects have worked out better than expected in some casesthere have even been savings. For instance, when villages in the Jurm Valley wanted running water they did much of the work themselves, with help from an engineer. A private contractor with links to a local politician had asked triple the price. (The villagers declined.) (p. 1). This situation eliminates possibilities of conflict within communitiescommunities work together, foster trust and build relationships, and enjoy the sense of stability that comes with the fact of having financial funds to use on other projects. The National Solidarity Program understood the importance of having the community on their sideor rather, being on the side of the community. A good observation was made when they agreed that forcing conditions would have violated a basic principle of the approach and that they should never start a project that is not backed by all members of the community, or it will fail (p. 2). Aga Khans director in Badakhshan, Akhtar Iqbal, asserted that people have to be mentally ready and added that if they are not, the school or clinic will languish unused, a frequent problem with large-scale development efforts (p. 2). Working on small-scale development efforts with the communities, bridging the gap of misunderstanding and mistrust is really what allowed this program to succeed. Tavernise writes that evenmodest steps have not come easily. Jurm presented many obstacles, and it took a development group with determined local employees to jump-start the work here (p. 1). The implications for peace in this program are obvious in the comments by different people in the communityinspiring, really. Community members talk about how the government does not like them anymore and, as a result of what is going on in Jurm, the government wants the old system back. Jurm

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citizens find humorous irony in that. Perhaps most important, Afghans are tired of war, and seeing the benefits of a decade of peace might be enough to encourage new kinds of decisions (p. 2). The implications for peace found in these community development projects is better demonstrated by a village farmer mentioned by Tavernise in the closing excerpt of the article: Ghulam Mohaiuddin, a farmer, seethes when he remembers the past. The jihad was useless, he said, sitting cross-legged in his mud-walled house. Suddenly, a loud blast went off, startling his guests. He laughed. It was the sound of canal construction, not a bomb. Now weve put down our weapons and started building, he said, smiling. (p. 2) Conclusions: Case Study 2 The intentional use of community development strategies in Jurm is evident when various characteristics are evaluated. The NSP addressed, with great success, self-sufficiency and technical assistance. Even though conflict resolution was not outwardly addressed, the nature of these projects has allowed for conflicts to be dissolved through community discussions and visioning. The outcomes of these projects include the building of a girls high school improving literacy among women in the village of Fargamanch five years after the inception of the program. As a result, girls enrollment is up by 65 percent since 2004 and the number of trained midwives has quadrupled (Tavernise, 2009, p. 2). There has been improvement in health status as whole with 3,270 families acquiring access to taps for clean drinking water near their homes, reducing waterborne diseases. Corruption has gone down as the village councils act as a check for corruption. Lastly, technological advances have afforded a better life quality for villagers as growing modernization has allowed televisions to broadcast the outside world into villages and for phone networks to cover more than 80 percent of the province, which is triple what that figure was in 2001 (Tavernise, 2009). The use of community-building approaches, organizing, and empowerment are evident. Again, large-scale development was failing, and obviously so. Going back to the statement in the articlenever start a project that is not backed by all members of the community, or it will fail (p. 2)we can see that there is a growing need, and an admittance of that need, to take on development projects with the

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community. This requires that development workers and those in the field of peacebuilding acquire community development approaches, as it is only by developing communities strengths and capacities that sustainability and peace are achieved. Community development workers are essential for peacebuilding initiatives.

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Evaluation: Case Study 3 Table 4.3 Evaluation Chart for the Disaster Preparedness and Local Capacities Program in South Sudan: Part I DIPLCAP I South Sudan
Asset Identification
1) Assets of the community were limited to manual construction labor. There are no reports of intentional asset identification or development beyond materials they provided for construction. 2) Building a dike in Mayendit was not supported with identification of assets. Responsibilities were not assigned by randomly chosen with whoever was available to help. 1) As a result of misunderstandings and misconceptions, resources were mobilized in a way that did not really benefit the communities. There was too much external reliance. 2) Resources were given to communities to help with crop diversification and sustainability. Knowledge and resources were shared and multiplied within the community with great enthuasism. 1) Community discussions between the Mayendit and Tonj East communities were beneficial for inter-group cohesion. 2) In Tonj East, Community Disaster Prevention Committees were useful in building social capital and resolving important issues. The same was the case for Mayendit. 1) In relation to development and infrastructure projects, capacity-building was limited to building the capacity to reach consensus between the two communities; albeit with misconceptions. 2) The committees in both communities allowed for the building of leadership skills, listening, and constructive conversations. Other forms of capacity-building initiatives included disaster mitigation and agricultural sustainability training. 1) Although both communities were disappointed when their hopes had failed to be met, Tonj East community members felt pride in their newly built infrastructure. It was unclear whether this pride and hope to one day live in such structures constitutes as social empowerment in the context of self-sufficiency. 2) Overall, social empowerment happened through livelihood assistance programs. However, Sphere training was only given to WVSS staff and not to any community members. Also, the inability to assign responsibilities for building the dike had a neutral effect on empowerment, at best 1) There was an attempt to get a feel for local opinions, needs, and knowledge while expert knowledge failed to address risks and possible government incompliance. 2) In so far as disaster preparedness, conflict resolution, and agricultural assistance, expert knowledge was given to the locals most of the time. Locals were given the chance to decide various details about the dike, but seeing as though locals were not expert in dike digging, the presence of expert knowledge would have had better outcomes. 1) Projects were initiated by WVSS. They also provided much of the technical assistance in terms of facilitation between the two communities. The infrastructure proposals were developed by the community according to their needs. 2) The projects were started out of community felt-needs and WVSS took charge of how to address the issues according to the communitys needs. 1) Unreliable partners failed DIPLCAP I in the end, including: Sudanese government, Medicin sans Frontier, and an Italian medical mission. 2) The partnerships established for the second objective of DIPLCAP I consisted of the spontaneous connection made with the oil company in the nearby area. WVSS also partnered with local authorities. 1) Overall, community members were not empowered much in this area as it was managed by WVSS more so than the community. 2) Technical empowerment was provided through livelihoods assistance in which community members and farmers learned new skills and committed to teaching others. Technical disempowerment might have taken place when building the dike.

Mobilization of resources SELF-SUFFICIENCY TECHNICAL ASSISTANCE

Social capital

Capacitybuilding

Social empowerment

Local & expert knowledge

Bottom-up / Grassroots

Partnership

Technical empowerment

Note: The evaluation of DIPLCAP is limited to the first two objectives of the first phase, DIPLCAP I.

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Table 4.4 Evaluation Chart for the Disaster Preparedness and Local Capacities Program in South Sudan: Part II
Participation
1) Participatory processes were not designed in the best manner so as to get results aimed for. 2) Most participatory processes took place in the Community Disaster Prevention Committees. The communities did engage in all of the projects, not just disaster prevention, which allowed better relationships between Manyedit and Tonj East residents. 1) Development project locations were decided by both communities, however with no worst-case scenarios or risk assessments to discuss through. This led to mediocre project implementations and sustainability. 2) Most of the projects came out of the communities felt-needs but was mostly designed by WVSS and implemented with the help of the community. 1) It is hard to evaluate how much learning went on through the process when there were many misconceptions, misunderstandings, and false premises on which discussions and project development were based. There was an attempt. 2) Most learning during DIPLCAP Is second objective came from the top, as WVSS workers taught the community disaster preparedness and livelihood assistance skills. 1) WVSS led the efforts while seeking the engagement and approval of the community. 2) The Community Disaster Prevention Committees allowed for local governance while still being provided for by WVSS. There were a few elements that could have been executed in a way that would improve community ownership. 1) Overall, issues of sustainability was the deal-breaker during DIPLCAP I. Tensions remained between Manyedit and Tonj East community members as the former did not get any infrastructure in their village and the latter were not using their facilities due to lack of technical assistance. 2) Overall, the disillusionment with the Sudanese government and the failure to see the Sudanese government provide more. The leverage the communities and WVSS has with the government is little, furthering political apathy and disempowerment.

Community design CONFLICT RESOLUTION

Mutual learning

Governance

Political empowerment

Note: The evaluation of DIPLCAP is limited to the first two objectives of the first phase, DIPLCAP I. Implications for Peace: Case Study 3 DIPLCAP I Objective 1. When WVSS planned to improve access to functional community services in both Mayendit and Tonj East, they did so by consulting the communities. The original plan of building centralized infrastructure at a point where both communities had access to them was debunked by the desire of the community to build these structures in Tonj East. Their reasoning was that the flood basin swelled during the rainy season and having these structures in a more secure place would be more sustainable. Furthermore, according to the Irish Aid Support report, the area chosen in Tonj East is a settlement area for Mayendit communities during flooding period and care was taken to sensitize community in Tonj East that the services should be shared (p. 28). There were no risks considered for this project, which limited their critical thinking as to what might happen if?. An effort to have conversations with the community about worst-case scenarios would have perhaps revealed some risks that could have been accounted for. For example, there was an

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assumption that the Sudanese government would be providing health services or materials as a result of signing the CPA. The failure to see things through raises tensions and disempowers the people. It was good that the community was engaged in the building of the infrastructure. Although, it becomes apparent that there was no identification of assets to efficiently build infrastructure as the unskilled workers were used to lessen the costs of labor. Issues of infrastructure sustainability may arise in the future as a result. Moreover, previous training would have been beneficialit would have built capacities and technical skills that seem to be lacking in these communities because of the absence of education. Possible frustrations and headaches from a mediocre job might be lessenedempowerment and positive, productive attitudes would welcome inter-group interactions toward peace. Once Mayendit and Tonj East community members decided to build the structures in Tonj East, WVSS did not clarify that structure will not be built in later phases of the DIPLCAP program. When the Mayendit community saw service structures absent in their community and not in Tonj East, there was some resentmenteven though this was the decision made by both groups. Even more detrimental to the progress of both communities is that the school was not being used by a significant margin of the population. Lack of education is already a problem and a damper on development and peace; it must be addressed appropriately and intentionally with proper financial and staff support. According to the report, Commitments that the government would staff the school have not transpired as yet and it is not clear when this might happen (p. 29). Again, there seems to have been too much reliance on external partners who did not come through with their promises. Internal capacitybuilding, social empowerment, strategic partnerships, and technical empowerment should have been a pre-cursor to the DIPLCAP I phase. The building of the Primary Health Care Unit in Tonj East was futile as there were no fixed funding or resources to support it with services, staff, or materials, not from World Vision, the government, nor local authorities. The lack of supplies and health care obviously disappointed community members in both counties. On the other hand, the community center in Tonj East is used more regularly. On a positive note, the report shows an unprecedented result out of service provision:

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Several members, both women and men, said that the buildings gave them pride in their village. It showed that such buildings (fairly permanent structures with cement blocks and windows) could exist in their community. They felt that they may one day live in such a house. The development of this sort of community pride is an unforeseen consequence of building these structures. (p. 29). This unforeseen social empowerment should be capitalized on to increase local capacities for peace by using a more asset-based community development approach. DIPLCAP I Objective 2. The second objective of the first phase of DIPLCAP had an overall goal of strengthening disaster preparedness and community livelihoods systems. This objective included an element of conflict prevention that came up in community conversations and meetings. Community members requested two-way radios as an early warning system for conflict preventionthey were to be provided during DIPLCAP III. The provision of two-way radios for conflict prevention, with the ultimate goal of establishing peace, might not seem the most sustainable way of approaching conflict. However, when looked in context, it is understood that it is a complimentary tool to the peacebuilding work WVSS had been doing during DIPLCAP through their objective to enhance local capacities for peacewhich is not evaluated here. Another element of this objective was the rehabilitation and building of the dike. Proper organizational techniques were not applied when choosing people to work on the dike. Workers depended on who was available at the time there were particular needs, responsibilities were not assigned which means that proper asset identification did not transpire. In general, women did most of the manual labor. Sphere training, a set of standards for application in emergency situations in order to improve the quality of life of people affected (p. 26), was provided for WVSS staff but was not provided for committee members. This probably led to disempowerment and lack of local project ownership. It is not sustainable and does not build local capacities. Other disaster preparedness training was provided to community members by staff. Disaster preparedness, aiming to prevent social conflict, was delivered to the Tonj East community and households received vegetable gardening equipment and seeds (p. 27). This had positive outcomes within community residents.

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The Community Disaster Prevention Committee consisted of 20 members, six of which were women. The purpose of this committee was to develop action plans to respond to potential disasters using local capacities and resources (p. 27). By addressing issues of self-sufficiency through capacitybuilding, asset identification, social and technical empower, communities are able to work toward peace through enhancing social capital, building relationships, and working toward a common good. Self-sufficiency and technical empowerment were also addressed through the provision of agricultural extension services, conservation practices, and crop disease control. Those who participated in the trainings agreed to provide farmer-to-farmer extension services. Several women told of working with their friends and neighbors to help them learn about vegetable gardening (p. 27). In regard to the building of the dike, WVSS assessed that the community needed external technical assistance, as the community did not have the proper skills to do it themselves. They teamed up with an oil company that was drilling nearby to help build the dike. Although community and bulldozer operator decided the placement of the dike, external technical assistance and expertise was not sought outan unwise decision as both local and expert knowledge is needed for community success. This might have changed the actual outcome of this project, which resulted in community members noted that some other communities did not benefit from the dike and may even have been negatively affected as the floodwaters were redirected (p. 28). Conclusions: Case Study 3 According to evaluation chart above, much of the issues addressed by asset-based community development in this post-conflict region were not fully or appropriately addressed. The justification was that the projects arose out of the needs of the community, thus leading to the conclusion that DIPLCAP took more of a needs-based development approach. Luckily, the partial success of these two projects within DIPLCAP I was supplemented by the greater success of enhancing local capacities through peace committees and non-violent conflict management. The improper use of a sustainable community development strategy, that of asset-based community development, within post-conflict communities made room for unforeseen failures and little

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improvement in establishing permanent peace, in so far as that peace was intended to be established through the development projects. An intentional use of a community development approach when moving forward with development projects in these communities is certain to build sustainable peace, as there is an inherent sensitivity to conflict in the asset-based community development approach. The issues address within the conflict resolution element of community development helps mitigate conflict.

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Final Comments and Recommendations Dr. Paula Green writes, Everyone understands that there is no peace without development that impacts the lives of the marginalized and discontent, that no development can be sustained without human security and peace, and that skillful post-conflict development provides the strongest foundation for future conflict prevention (2007, p. 1, emphasis added). Furthermore, the World Bank (2004) asserts that countries affected by conflict face two-way relationships between conflict and povertypervasive poverty makes societies more vulnerable to violent conflict, while conflict itself creates more poverty (p. 14). These statements demonstrate the need for intentionally initiating development projects within peacebuilding programs. Junne and Verkoren (2008) state that economic development gives different groups something to work on together (p.1). Collaborative development projects that seek common good in post-conflict situations may allow groups to focus on the future, instead of the past. Lastly, economic development projects that do not create new systems by which to earn income, increase welfare, and impart reasonable progress and equitable standard of living for different groups will increase the chances of new conflicts breaking out (2008). Post-conflict situations are, like the case studies indicate, much different than normal emergency situations. When humanitarian aid is provided in a conflict-prone region with the same strategy as standard emergency situations and communal conflict is not considered, peace is pushed further away. Erasmus asserts that, focusing on community-based approachescan have dramatic results in improving the quality of life of communities trapped in these conflict situations (cited in Reychler & Paffenholz, 2001, p. 249). For this reason, the field of community development should be understood as a field that leads to the building of peace. It is imperative that community developers understand and embrace their fields capacity for peacebuilding and take that with them wherever they work. Peace Support Operations (PSOs) take the form of various projects with various objectives at many different levels. The figure below shows various objectives of PSOs which prevent and mitigate conflict before and during conflict, as well as build sustainable peace after a time of war. The horizontal

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axis is a nominal timeline running from peace-time (preconflict) through wartime to the difficult time period of recovery from war (Durch, 2006, p. 9). While the vertical axis situates activities according to their level of focus and effect: on international security (top of the chart), state security (middle), and human/personal security (bottom) (pp. 9-10).

Figure 4.1. Objectives of PSOs: Preconflict, During Conflict, and Postconflict at Different Levels. From Twenty-first-century peace operations (p. 10), by Durch, 2007, Washington D.C.: United States Institute Of Peace Press. Furthermore, Jeong (2002) says that, because peacebuilding is composed of sequential activities with a series of interconnected movements (p. 150), the presence of long-term development agendas are needed for substantive achievement in reconstituting war-torn societies (p. 150). Having said this, it is noticeable how much of the activities encompassed by post-conflict peacebuilding are related to the issues that community development strategies attempt to address. In fact, pre-conflict economic and human development and support for civil society fall within the scope of community development as well. Therefore, it makes sense to start thinking about peacebuilding in

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community development terms, employing community development strategies to achieve sustainable peace through the enhancement of local capacities for peace, development, and progress with the support of external structures and aid. Community development strategies are essential for the building of sustainable peace in post-conflict societies and, observing the similarities in objectives in the chart above, one may say that peacebuilding in post-conflict societies can be considered to be synonymous with community development.

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