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Psychology and Developing Societies 22(2) 299330 2010 Department of Psychology, University of Allahabad SAGE Publications Los Angeles, London, New Delhi, Singapore, Washington DC DOI: 10.1177/097133361002200204 http://pds.sagepub.com

The Poor in the Philippines: Some Insights from Psychological Research

Ma. Teresa Tuason

University of North Florida, USA
Abstract The purpose of this article is to describe the face of poverty in the Philippines. Specifically, through a review of literature, it enumerates the features of destitution in the Philippines, identifies the problems that create, maintain and worsen poverty, and illustrates the coping processes of Filipinos who have made it out of poverty. Empirical studies discussed perceptions of the poor, homelessness and subhuman living conditions, marginalisation from economic growth, mental and physical health concerns due to socio-economic deprivation and deficiencies in health care, family stressors, overseas working, increased violence and social injustices to children, increasing numbers of street children, and the cultural values in the Philippines (e.g., pagpupunyagi: perseverance and resourcefulness, pakikipagkapwa: reliance on others). Based on the study by Tuason (2008), the model of coping processes of those who were born poor and became rich is illustrated. The model includes the domains such as: the experience of deprivation; negative emotions of self-pity, insecurity, envy and anger; intolerance for continued poverty; praying to God for change; dreams for self and resourcefulness; education and drive; gratitude; helping those in need; and lucky chance events.

Address correspondence concerning this article to Ma. Teresa Tuason, Department of Public Health, Building 39, Room 4067A, University of North Florida, Jacksonville, FL 32224. E-mail: ttuason@unf.edu viixii Environment and Urbanization ASIA, 1, 1 (2010):

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For those born poor, the societal structures in the Philippines keep most everyone from being economically successful. Keywords Philippine poverty, features of poverty, coping processes, empirical studies on poverty Poverty is a problem concerning 28% of the world population (World Bank, 2000), which affects peoples lives in an all-encompassing way (APA, 2000). World Bank defines poverty as living on less than $1 a day. If this definition is extended to those living on less than $2 a day, then, the number of impoverished people increases to 61% of the worlds population. Out of the 6 billion people inhabiting the world, more than 4 billion live in countries classified by World Bank as having low or lowermiddle income (Harrison, 2000). It is not hard to imagine some of the concomitant cultural conditions faced by many of the poor in the world who live in developing societiesgreat economic inequality, oppressive structures and huge disparities in power. In order to understand pervasive poverty better, this literature review will paint the picture of destitution in developing countries through a focus on poverty in a specific developing country, the Philippines. Located in South-East Asia, the continent has two-thirds of the worlds chronically undernourished people (approximately 515 million Asians) (United Nations Economic and Social Commission for Asia and the Pacific, 2002). About 40% of the population (about 32 million people) of the Philippines was poor in 2000 (National Statistics Office [hereafter NSO], 2000). Based on the final results of the 2000 Family Income and Expenditures Survey, the number of families below the poverty line increased from 31.8% in 1997 to 33.7% in 2000 (NSO, 2000). Some other accounts report that in terms of the family population, 5.82 million families or 55.2% of all families live below the poverty line with income of $240 or less per year (Jimenez-David, 1993). The most distressing part of poverty in developing countries like the Philippines, as opposed to poverty in developed countries, is that the hunger rate is high. It is the authors hope that by describing the features of destitution in the Philippines, illustrating the coping processes of Filipinos who have made it out of poverty, and identifying the problems that worsen poverty,

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we will come to a better understanding of the poor in the Philippines. Culture provides an important backdrop to the processes of the poor and it is hoped that a singular focus on the Philippine culture will offer a unique paradigm for eradicating poverty.

Characteristics of the Poor in the Philippines

Poverty is often identified as a situational condition contributing to the possibility of further negative outcomes and consequences for people in abject poverty. The majority of the studies surveyed for this literature review focused on an indicator of poverty and described what it was like to be poor in the Philippines. Studies discussed perceptions of the poor, homelessness and sub-human living conditions, marginalisation from economic growth, mental and physical health concerns due to socioeconomic deprivation and deficiencies in health care, family stressors, overseas working, increased violence and social injustices to children, increasing numbers of street children and the cultural values in the Philippines.

Perceptions of the Poor

Several studies have surveyed other peoples perceptions of poverty and the poor, including those of elites, poverty activists and non activists. For instance, in an interesting study on perceptions of poverty, Clarke and Sison (2003) interviewed members of the Filipino elite about their views on poverty (how poverty affected them and others and how it could be tackled) and of people who were poor (and who they identified as not poor). They discussed the subjectivity of the definition of poverty and the social dynamics of economic and power disparities. In terms of the causes of poverty, the elite mentioned cultural causes (e.g., overpopulation, lazy attitude of the poor) and social causes (e.g., low levels of education) that highlighted how the poor were perceived. Clarke and Sison described the duality they found among eliteson the one hand, they condemned the poor as lazy, opportunistic and fatalistic, while on the other hand, they had sympathy towards the poor regarding their despicable

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circumstances. Another study surveyed anti-poverty activists and nonactivists in Canada and the Philippines to investigate their beliefs about the causes of poverty in developing nations (Hine & Montiel, 1999). They found that the respondents identified characterological weaknesses of the poor (e.g., low intelligence) as one of the foremost causes of poverty. A similar study also comparing poverty activists and non-activists from Canada and the Philippines on their beliefs about the causes of poverty in developing nations used causal mapping (Hine et al., 2005). They found that non-activists assigned individualistic (e.g., low motivation for self-improvement, lack of sexual impulse control) causes to poverty. Experiences of the poor about their poverty have also been studied. Guerreros (1973) study that examined 200 low-income Filipinos found that the poor expressed feelings of hopelessness or despair; disillusionment with the economic, social and political conditions in the country; but with only little sense of resignation or apathy. Filipinos, he found, were not resigned in their destitute conditions because they believed in their power to change these conditions using peaceful means. Findings also showed that the poor had few aspirations for themselves, but had high hopes for their childrens educational attainment and futures. Guerrero described their socio-psychological traits as: thinking that life was unfavourable, feeling dissatisfied with the discrepancy between their expectation and attainment, having high work orientation, relying on chance or luck, believing in the magical role of education, being halfoptimistic and half-hopeless, and being disillusioned with social, economic and political conditions in the country.

Homelessness and Sub-human Living Conditions

The consequences of urban growth in a developing export-oriented economy, have only piled up more misery on the urban poor of the Philippines. Constantino-David and Valte (1994) found that the living standards, especially of the poor, have been deteriorating at a rather rapid pace in Philippine society. They noted that slums or squatter areas were increasingly becoming more unsanitary, crowded and lacked water and electricity, making it hard for people to live and work. In the Philippines, it is particularly difficult for the urban poor to gain access to decent shelter

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(Llanto, 2007). Most of the poor are squatters; they live in temporary dwellings in slum areas, with no access to potable water and sanitation facilities. In his discussion on financial strategies for the poor, Llanto details ways about how the poor obtain affordable, tenured and serviced land, and acquire shelter financing, and find targeted and sustainable subsidies and means to provide for their own shelter. Mitchells (2006) study too found that the urban poor lived in dilapidated homes which lacked community services and amenities. It was, especially, the children who bore the brunt of their parents poverty.

Marginalisation from Economic Growth and Society

Due to overpopulation, more and more people compete for limited resources. The Philippines is known to be the 12th most populous country in the world, with a population of 88.57 million in 2007 and a projected population of 94.01 million in 2010 (National Statistics Office, Republic of the Philippines, 2010). The United States Department of Commerce (1996) extrapolated that the Philippine population, in the year 2020, will be 113 million Filipinos. Clarke and Sisons (2003) study on Filipino elites attributed poverty to causes such as overpopulation and laziness of its people. Hine et al., (2005) in their study on poverty activists and nonactivists also identified overpopulation as an internal societal cause of Philippine poverty. Because of the constantly growing population, it is not surprising that more and more people are marginalised in Philippine society. Constantino-David and Valte (1994) reiterated that the poor remained marginalised from the benefits of economic growth as they continued to be largely unemployed despite urban growth. Constantino-David and Valte argued that empowering marginalised communities was the only way to deal effectively with the needs of the poor. This structural and physical marginalisation of the poor by the citys wealthy and powerful is listed as an etiological factor, along with dirt, weather and poverty, for childrens illnesses (Mitchell, 2006). In addition, such marginalisation can be seen as multigenerational, given that poverty itself is multigenerational.

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Mental and Physical Illness and Health Care Deficiencies

The poor in the Philippines carry far too many mental and physical health concerns. In a study specifically looking at mental health in the Philippines, Conde (2004) found that due to very high levels of poverty, malnutrition and communicable diseases continued to be the major cause of morbidity. For almost five decades, Filipinos with mental illness have been treated in a mental hospital setting. Therefore, plans for establishing psychiatric wards in university and private hospitals and communitybased mental health care are encouraged. Constantino-David and Valte (1994) also reported that health in the Philippines continued to deteriorate with no improvement in the infant mortality rate, which was 61 deaths per 1,000 live births during the decade of 198090. Additionally, a study by Mitchell (2006) looked at Filipino children and their own perceptions about their health and security, about their body and illness. Based on her fieldwork in an urban community in the Visayan region of the Philippines, Mitchell found that children who lived in abject poverty also rated high on incidence of hunger and social marginalisation. These children regularly played and lived amidst mountains of garbage and all kinds of waste matter. She also examined how they viewed their bodies and illness in such an impoverished environment and their sense of place, agency and vulnerability in such conditions of destitution. The children reported that they had fever, body aches and cuts because of the environment they lived in and faced, such as, the weather (bathing in the rain, facing of cold wind and exposure to heat of the sun) and the filth (drinking unclean water, eating rotten food from the dumping site). Given these health concerns, the parents told Mitchell of the financial burden due to the ill health of their children. They were required to pay for the medicines, doctors visits or emergency room visits. Childrens health concerns underscore chronic suffering and the everyday hazards of their environment manifest the painful realities of living in poverty (Mitchell, 2006).

Family Stress
Due to poverty, it is the family which comes under a lot of stress. Gss and Tuason (2008) studied life quality of the jeepneys (which are public Psychology and Developing Societies 22, 2 (2010): 299330

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transportation vehicles) and their drivers. The results they obtained zeroed in on the pervasive poverty in the country. They analysed artifact data (200 jeepneys) and interviewed drivers about their problems, goals and dreams. They were able to capture the important social values which got reflected in the everyday life of the people in the north and south regions of the country. The jeepney decorations reflected values related to religion, identity, Western commercialism and political and civic themes. The interviews of 200 jeepney drivers from both regions, about their life problems and aspirations, expressed financial and familial concerns. Drivers from the northern region put greater emphasis on financial problems such as earning more money, while their wishes concerned familial relationships and improving their families quality of life. Drivers from the south showed greater concern with family problems, while their aspirations related to financial issues, such as, better job opportunities and they yearned for more money to spend on their families. Another study focused on investigating family stresses that are brought on by conditions that exacerbate poverty. In a study which looked at family stresses that were possibly caused by the socio-political crises in the Philippines, Carandang (1989) found that wives ranked their husbands (specifically their infidelity) as the highest stressor. On the contrary, husbands ranked their wives as the lowest stressor. They ranked money as their highest stressor because not earning enough meant not being able to provide for their families needs. Children ranked their need for parental attention as their highest stressor. In the Philippines, where the socio-political crises exacerbate, poor economic conditions and poverty levels, Carandang found that families, and especially the children, experienced great amount of stress. Another characteristic among families in poverty in the Philippines is the multigenerational poverty. Poverty runs in families. Because of the paralyzing conditions, the family usually stays poor, their children stay poor and their childrens children stay poor.

Overseas Working
Due to very high levels of unemployment (11.3% in 2005; 7.3% in 2010) and underemployment (16.1% in 2005, 19.7% in 2010; National Statistics Office, Republic of Philippines, 2010) in the Philippines, families Psychology and Developing Societies 22, 2 (2010): 299330

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are beset with economic hardship. For families, this gets manifested in husbands not earning enough to provide for the needs of their children and wives (Carandang, 1989). In a study on jeepney drivers problems and wishes (Gss & Tuason, 2008), drivers from the north and south regions of the country expressed that they had financial problems and they need to earn more money to spend on family. Mangahas (1995), using a subjective measure of poverty, found that the volatility of poverty was attributable to the changes in the rates of unemployment and inflation. In their study, Clarke and Sison (2003) found that Filipino elite identified the lack of job opportunities and inadequate incomes as causes of poverty. Due to the lack of adequate job opportunities and high unemployment and underemployment levels, it is quite common for a family member to migrate and work overseas in order to increase the household income and the familys standard of living (Semyonov & Gorodzeisky, 2004). Overseas workers, who make up about 11% of the Philippine population, are known as modern day heroes because they alleviate the national level of poverty. They are considered heroes because of the sacrifice they make by leaving their families behind in search of resources and opportunities that are not available in their homeland (Depasupil, 2005). According to Depasupil (2005), 11% of the countrys population, or 10 million adults, are overseas Filipino workers or OFWs. Such huge numbers of Filipinos working overseas reportedly generated $12 billion in remittances in 2005, which was equal to 15.8% of the countrys gross national product (Gima, 2006). Overseas workers are the largest export of the Philippines and are thereby invaluable to the Philippine economy. The remittances of these transnational workers are valued as the largest source of foreign currency for the nation (Parreas, 2005). Because of this exodus of the brightest, most persevering and most talented Filipinos, it is easy to see how the country is slowly getting depleted of its human resources (Lorenzo et al., 2007). Even hospitals and clinics do not have the adequate number of nurses and doctors because they often find jobs abroad that pay them far more than they could ever earn in the Philippines. In a study describing patterns of nurse migration, Lorenzo et al. (2007) found that nurses chose to work overseas in countries such as, Saudi Arabia, United States, United Kingdom, United Arab Emirates and

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Ireland because of the Philippines economic and socio-political instability. Nurses were pulled to work overseas because they could not find jobs in the Philippines and whatever jobs were available in health care were characterised by poor working conditions and low salaries. Lorenzo et al. argued that overseas working had, in fact, improved the quality of life for migrants as well as their families. Of course, the shortage of highly skilled nurses and the retraining of doctors to become nurses overseas also had led to serious problems in the Filipino health system. It has resulted in the closure of many hospitals. What is the consequence of overseas working on the poverty levels of the family? Some studies of overseas working have examined the psychological consequences for the families. Specifically, Filipino adults from families of different income levels and with or without a family member working overseas were compared in terms of their anxiety, symptomatology and family functioning (Tuason, Rearick & Gss, under review). They found that families with a member working overseas that had either the lowest or the highest income, had lower anxiety and symptomatology, while middle-income families with a member working overseas experienced higher anxiety and symptomatology. The middleincome families were the most likely to question whether the money coming from abroad was worth the family members absence. In terms of the family dynamics, conflict within the family was significantly higher when the mother worked overseas (as opposed to the father or a sibling) and expressiveness within the family was significantly higher for the female participants (Tuason, Rearick & Gss, under review). Additionally, a qualitative study investigated the childhood experiences of Filipino adults raised in a family with at least one parent working overseas (Taylor, Tuason & Gss, under review). Based on interviews conducted with 12 adults from families with an overseas worker, the researchers found that family members had to fill in for the role of the overseas worker during the workers absence. They also had to emotionally adapt to an overseas parent coming home and leaving again, and rely on others in the community to help with childrearing. The adult children were ambivalent about their mother, father or sibling working overseas because of the economic benefits they enjoyed juxtaposed with the sacrifices they were required to make.

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Childrens Experiences of Assault on their Basic Needs

Several studies have focused on the childrenhow they were affected and what they did to cope with poverty. Most children investigated lived in low-income neighbourhoods that had very high rates of child malnutrition and families that lived below the poverty line (Murphy, 1990). In a study on childrens bodies and illnesses, Mitchell (2006) reiterated that children in poverty bear the sudden and unpredictable emotional and violent outbursts of adults around them who are angered by having too little money or by their subservience to those who were rich. Moreover, children often get neglected. They do not fall within the health priorities of the government and of their own parents and other adults around them (Mitchell, 2006). Durbrow et al. (2001) discuss the similarities they found across three groups of poor mothers in a Filipino village, a Caribbean village in St Vincent and an inner-city American shelter for the homeless. All of them reflected parallel concerns in coping with poverty. They found that mothers in all three groups described their children as competent when they were well-behaved, obedient, good students, helpful in doing the chores for the family, and friendly with peers. Another study by Sta. Maria (2006) focused on childrens participation in insurgency groups amidst the backdrop of severe poverty in the Philippines. In her interviews, she found that children and adolescents were vulnerable to become members of such groups due to poverty; and also because they lived on their own because of parents death or absence (due to working away from home) or because their parents were busy fighting in the insurgency. Sta. Maria argues that such young persons readily join insurgency groups because they offer them sustenance, opportunities for social interaction and work, for instance, as combatants, couriers or medics.

Street Children
Another form in which poverty surfaces in the urban areas of the Philippines is in the form of street children. The presence of street children is an alarming reality that calls for taking serious steps for poverty

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reduction and for social development in society (Volpi, 2002). Volpi also emphasises that it is absolutely necessary to make urgent efforts to keep children from being marginalised in society. An article elaborates on the root causes of the phenomenon of street children in the Philippines (Silva, 1996). Silva asserts that the existence of street children only showed that there is uneven development and social inequality influencing socio-economic, political and cultural realms, which had a direct impact on the families and children. In her article, Silva discusses the manner in which poverty left families and children utterly helpless and powerless, and noted that developing nations were unable to provide the basic needs of their people. In identifying the causes and characteristics of street children, Le Roux and Smith (1998) described Filipino street children as experiencing loneliness, neglect and abuse, and suffering from drug addiction and many other medical problems. Street children are homeless, separated from their families, are out of school, and work to survive by begging, selling flowers, cigarettes or newspapers, sweat shop working and prostituting (West, 2003). Their lives are characterised by domestic and sexual abuse, dangerous and abominable working conditions, exploitation, drug and substance abuse, HIV/AIDS and problems with law enforcement (West, 2003).

Cultural Values in the Philippines

Part of the understanding of poverty requires knowledge of the origins of economic inequality. According to Harrison (2000), the crucial elements in explaining povertys persistence are the culture, values and attitudes that obstruct progress. A recent qualitative study by the author (Tuason, 2008) highlights the cultural conditions of poverty in the Philippines by comparing two groups of Filipinos who were born poorone group which became rich and another which stayed poor. In the interviews I conducted to investigate the effects and consequences of being raised poor, I found that the perceived causes, coping mechanisms and cultural factors that either perpetuated or liberated persons from poverty, were not very different. For instance, both groups similarly experienced unmet basic needs. They also experienced negative emotions such as anger, self-pity, envy, fear and pain. Moreover, both groups similarly attributed

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their destitute conditions to the family circumstances, such as, parents unemployment, death of a parent, parents marrying early and having many children and parents engaging in substance abuse. They coped with poverty by receiving and giving assistance and by imploring God for help. Helping the immediate members of their families of origin was a priority for both groups, even in times when they had very little to give. The cultural values of the community helped them to cope with poverty better. For example, their relationships with others and close emotional ties and reciprocal obligations to family, were guided by pagka-pamilya (orientedness to family) (Grimm et al., 1999). Similarly, the value of utang na loob (debt of gratitude) which is concerned with helping when asked to, receive help when needed, is emphasised by Madigan (1972) as another basis of relationship between the poor and others in the society. Enriquez (1977) points to the value of pakikipag-kapwa (smooth interpersonal relations) in Philippine society which supports people to feel concerned about other humans and engage in social interaction which greatly enhances the sense of security of the poor as they are not left bereft of the social support and therefore, are able to cope better. In the Philippines, governmental infrastructural facilities are unable to provide social, economic and health security, leaving the poor to rely on each other. The authors study (Tuason, 2008) also emphasised the values of perseverance ( pagpupunyagi), resourcefulness, and reliance on others ( pakikipagkapwa), and faith in God, which worked in similar fashion for both groups of persons, i.e., those who had remained poor and those who had been able to come out of the poverty trap and become rich. Other beliefs, norms and values ascribed to by both groups included debt of gratitude (utang na loob), reliance on luck (suwerte), hard work, honouring the needs of others and letting go (bahala na). Bahala-na or letting go implies faith in God accompanied by optimism and responsibility (Marcelino, 1990) and, in that sense, is different from fatalism. The poor employed these values and beliefs to survive their current difficulties, while in the case of the rich, they were used to distance themselves from their past lives of poverty. From the study, the most significant difference between both groups was the occurrence of certain chance events that provided access to those who had turned rich of education, and also opportunities to emigrate. Those who had remained poor missed out on

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these opportunities. The cultural values based on this study (Tuason, 2008) which helped in coping with poverty and which helped in coming out of the trap of poverty need further elaboration. I discuss them below: (i) Utang na loob (Debt of Gratitude): Utang na loob referred to carrying a feeling of indebtedness to people who had helped them. Those who have been helped remain indebted and are expected to return the favour, blessings or grace they had received from others. Utang na loob was expressed in the form of returning the favour and by lending money to their neighbours and acquaintances who were in needas part of showing their gratitude. It was expressed by helping others whenever they were in a position to do so. It was considered an emotional and social obligation to give and help as they too had received and been helped, previously by others. (ii) Suwerte (Luck): Luck was regarded as something showered upon themGods mercy or their rare good fortune. Though they had the belief that being poor was part of ones destiny or fate, there was also an attribution made to fate or luck that truly comes to those who engage in hard work. They referred to having suwerte, but as they talked about how things had worked out for them, they also referred to their labour and hard work. It was because they had worked hard, that they were ready to seize the opportunities which were presented to them, such as, of meeting the right people and being at the right place and right time for good things to happen. Herman, a participant in Tuasons study, pointed this out when he said: Of course, when I was in college I was lucky to get a scholarship so I helped out (the family) by paying for buying some land. No, it was an outright scholarship. I was lucky enough to pass these exams offering scholarships. In Pauls words We were still really poor, really poor. Fortunately, I enrolled there as a third year high school student because I was in the second year before the war. And as luck would have it, I also had the fortune again, of graduating as the valedictorian of the high school in the city.

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(iii) Bahala na (Letting Go): There is also another culturally defined attribution to fatebahala nait is a generally fatalistic view requiring one to let go and allowing things to take their own course and implies acknowledging ones lack of control of things. Bahala na could also pertain to a feeling of positive uncertaintycomfort and consolation with the unknown, a blind faith (in good things) due to positive beliefs and the reason for their successes and survival in the past. This expression of bahala na was also related to the way participants had made themselves available for grace and blessings to happen, living by the premise that, God knows better than I do and provides more than what I need; I desire to be available to the future, to grace, and to God. This availability created room for grace and came naturally for people who were poor because in their deprivation they had experienced destitution. This, in a manner, psychologically, the possibility of good things happening to the person grew into a shield to provide internal security to them. This attribution of letting go to fate or to God showed the participants spirituality and a belief in the role of faith in their endeavoursfor the poor to survive in poverty and for the rich to get out of poverty. They spoke of a deep faith that the blessings they had received were from God, and that it was due to Providence that they were provided with what they needed or that situations of concern to them had worked out. They believed there would be Divine intervention to provide what participants asked for, needed or wanted that was usually beyond their expectations. These beliefs created internal feelings of security about their future. Juan expressed it, thus: It has been years of grace. I will go on. I will not fear what the future holds for me. When I was young, I charted my own course. I did, what I wanted to do. The requirement is that I should be listening more instead of acting but still I guess that is what Im trying to do now. (iv) Pagpupunyagi (Perseverance and Fortitude): The poor had become very adaptive to deprivation and poverty and had learnt to value hard work. They depended on themselves and persevered and thereafter only, they depended on Gods grace. It was only Psychology and Developing Societies 22, 2 (2010): 299330

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when they had tried hard and realised that they could not achieve things on their own, that they asked for Gods help. All of the participants, whether those who continued to be poor or had turned rich had prayed to God for help, for a miracle, for salvation, for pity and for mercy. God had become an important companion to them, to take them through the difficult times, and of grace and the blessings they received. Persistence and perseverance for them involved working hard to get out of conditions of poverty. This required, on their part, maintaining a desire to keep working hard for making life different for themselves and also for their children. Tito stated, I think it taught me how to be more flexible, more resilient, or something like that. If you encounter something that will really discourage you, you dont let it really get you down. You have to try and try again. I always think that there will be good days and bad days. You just have to weather it because if you let it beat you, where are you going to be? Youre still alive. Having lived in poverty enabled participants to live without much. They came to appreciate feelings of security and remaining content even in absence of material possessions. They had learned to be flexible and, because they had lived without much possession, they knew they could face any calamity. This resilience could be seen in the way they discovered resources within themselves and used whatever opportunities they were presented in order to become successful and create changes in the circumstances of their lives and the lives of their children. Pakikipagkapwa (Reliance on Others and Social Security): Filipinos maintain strong interpersonal relationships with family, relatives and friends, since they heavily rely on their help. Even when there are few resources that they possess, they give to those who ask for help so that they will be able to rely on them when in need. There is a sense of security that comes from social relationships that is rooted in the knowledge that people will reach out and help because they are confident that they also will be helped in return.

(v)

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(vi) Strong Family Ties: Family is an important part of the Filipino culture and has an essential influence on Filipinos lives. In participants stories, they continually mentioned family and their contribution to the household through chores, financial provisions and emotional resources, even from an early age. They frequently spoke of working on the farm, selling newspapers, cigarettes, flowers or food, to help add to their parents income. For instance, they talked about not being able to play when they were young because they had to care for an ailing parent. They often had to stop studying because money was needed for a siblings illness or food needed for the family. As children, the participants had learned to work hard and had become responsible for providing help to the family. Also, most of the participants had sent one or more siblings to school and had given their parents money to help out at home. In the narratives, there always was a parent, sibling or a relative whom participants had cared for or who had cared for them. Togetherness is valued in the Filipino culture, so family had become an integral part of the living of these participants. There was a strong sense of caretaking of siblings and parents, both for those who had stayed poor and for those who had become rich. Both the rich and poor groups still sent money to their family or goods like food, clothing and toiletries. And if they were not able to, because they could not afford to, they expressed guilt and disappointment that they could not help. Since they had been helped, they had the intention of giving back the help in returnthere was a sense of reciprocity or indebtedness to those who had helped them. There was a debt of gratitude felt that drove participants to help one another, especially when they had the means to do so.

A Model of the Coping Processes: From Rags to Riches

The model to be presented here is based on an empirical study of the experience of poverty in the Philippines (Tuason, 2008). This qualitative research by the author was guided by the work of constructivists Psychology and Developing Societies 22, 2 (2010): 299330

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(Guba & Lincoln, 2005; Lincoln & Guba, 1985), critical theorists (Kincheloe & McLaren, 1994, 2005), and used grounded theory (Charmaz, 2000; Corbin & Strauss, 1990) as methodology. Although, the original study involved 25 Filipino participants who were born poor, the narrative obtained from only 12, those who had became rich, will be discussed here. The model and the illustrations or quotes included here have not been used in the Tuason (2008) article. Figure 1 shows the coping processes of those who were born poor and became rich. These processes validate the long-term movements in coping with internalised poverty. They also illustrate that the process is cyclical, for example, gratitude prevails until the next time an event (i.e., a comment or behaviour by others) triggers the previous experience of poverty, which leads to emotions of self-pity, anger and insecurity. Then, the cycle begins anew. For those who came from poverty but who had become materially successful, this upward cycle began again with the constant sense of deciding to leave poverty behind, imploring God for the strength and courage to change their life situations, acting to make changes in their lives such as persevering in education or work, or being available to chance opportunities. Although actual poverty was now behind them, they continued to cope with its remnants internally. Though eventually coping might become easier, for them it was a process of letting go of poverty.

Coping Processes for those Who were Born Poor and Became Rich Experience of Deprivation
For those who were poor and had become rich, the return of the emotional cycle of climbing out of poverty usually was triggered by an event or a comment or a behaviour of another person that pertained to what the participant did or did not possess. The cause was often external and led the participant to compare his or her possession against someone elses, thus recycling the experience of deprivation. The experience of poverty may be long-lasting in that, although conditions had changed for the better, the feeling of being deprived remained. As opportunities for comparison arise, a person is again reminded of what he or she does not have. Psychology and Developing Societies 22, 2 (2010): 299330

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Figure 1. Psychological Experience of Poverty: Movement from Poverty to Economic Wealth

Source: Tuason (2008).

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Given such a cyclical process, then, the definition of being poor is relative, as poverty becomes an internal embedded experience even when it is no longer outwardly apparent. For participants, the triggering event had significance because it rekindled the fear that poverty might return again to them or to their children. For them, the triggering experience sets off feelings of self-pity, insecurity, anger or envy. These emotions seemed to revive the reactions and issues that occurred during their previous experience of poverty. This is noted in Pauls account:
When War broke, generally our food was lard and one piece of dried squid and rice. I was receiving the measly sum of 80c per 8-hour working day. And we would eat and cook our rice out of the hubcap of the truck. It was hard life, but in my life actually nothing came easy. Everything came the hard way. We were used to being poor, and so we took it in strideI think it was all for the good that we were poor. Life could have been different if we were afuent. Because, under dearth, poverty can help in building a very good character.

Negative Emotions: Self-pity, Insecurity, Envy and Anger

For these people, there were often feelings of loneliness and self-pity. For instance, there were periods when they felt that they had been left out and there were times when they isolated themselves from people who had more things than them as they felt sorry for themselves. The experience of self-pity was particularly sparked off by situations that brought about making comparisons of their possessions with the possessions of others. Insecurity primarily had to do with the material things participants did not own, opportunities they had not been given, and feelings that had been denied to them due to the poverty. Accompanying the feelings of insecurity, were fears about poverty. They did not want their children to experience what they had gone through. They felt pity for their parents or for themselves. Their self-pity stemmed from fears of not having enough, and from a feeling of discontent. There were also experiences of fear, such as, being afraid to apply for scholarships, for work in Manila or abroad, or to take risks that had to do with business like borrowing money to open up a small business. They spoke of periods in their lives during which they had felt much pain and

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emptiness, often moving them to tears. Laura shared this when she told us that, Going to school, I wore the same clothes every day. My brother and I had no sandalsI think our brains must not have been functioning, because you know, every day we ate dried fish and rice. They expressed that they had felt envy in the past towards people who had much more in life than they had, for instance, towards those who had better snack food in school, or who had more toys, better clothes, or better home appliances and furniture, or who could afford to watch a movie and go out with friends. Juan recalled feeling envious:
I would know by when we would eat during the recess. There were children who ate so much more the nicer foods. They could afford to buy other things. They could buy more of candies and things like that. I would have to content myself with one cracker and one coke, which at that time was fairly cheap but compared to my allowance it was expensive. So I guess those are the clear envies that I remember experiencing. I really felt inferior. I was riding the school bus and my classmates were being picked up by cars.

A reaction to poverty, envy, fuelled an obsession with obtaining material possessions in extraordinarily huge amounts, and of the highest quality. To them, acquiring these things somehow acted as a compensation for their poverty. By obtaining material possessions that previously had not been accessible to them, they were satisfying what they had missed out on during their childhood. Accumulating material wealth seemed to cover up the feelings of self-pity, insecurity and envy that got triggered for a certain period of time. Often, anger about being deprived and poor was directed towards participants parents or siblings. Participants usually blamed their parents for not having resources, for having too many children, for marrying too early, or for not thinking about how to provide for the children. Some were angry with siblings who they felt did not work hard enough and were lazy. They did not have the drive to achieve, had given up on having a better life, or who had begun abusing drugs and not finished school. There were also times when the anger was not directed at anything other than the fact of poverty. There were feelings of resentment and hatred towards their situation in general, towards themselves for being poor and towards others. They thought of poverty as a curse. There was anger at the rich for having what the participants did not have and at everyone

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else for not working hard enough to correct the unfair societal situation. There was anger at those who wasted time (their own and others), those who bragged and flaunted their wealth; who felt superior towards others because they were rich; those who did not keep their word, people who came to them for help or who made them feel that it was their responsibility and obligation to help, and also at those who wasted for which they had worked so hard. However, the experience of having survived poverty, to become rich, gave participants courage, strength and hope, which they now could use to overcome their feelings of self-pity, anger, insecurity and envy. Moreover, their current situation of material success served as a reminder to let go of these negative emotions; although, they also could choose to dwell in these emotions until they were ready to let go of them again. They usually arrived at the realisation that they had not been destroyed by poverty, but instead had survived it through the help of someone powerful, who instilled in them feelings of resourcefulness and gratitude. A return to reliance on their internal resources was what helped participants move through this insecure, angry or acquisition stage.

Intolerance for Continued Poverty

These poor who had turned rich did not accept their deprivation when they were poor. They did not want their children to experience poverty, nor did they want to live in poverty themselves. They studied hard, worked full time even while studying full time and attended their classes even when it was raining. They had no shoes and would have only rice to eat. They had encountered many difficulties, but chose to persevere through hard times in order to survive and to study. It did not matter whether the work was physical and tedious, they did it anyway, as they saw it as helping them to get out of poverty. Tito narrates: I think I have a strong willpower. Just like when I was growing up I hated to be poor, I didnt like to be poor, so that gave me the drive. It was the same reason why I quit drinking and smoking. The participants constantly struggled to change the circumstances in their lives. They looked to God for help to take risks, continued to study despite being hungry or tired, sought out opportunities and mustered

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confidence in themselves to be able to take benefits of the opportunities that came their way. They were reassured by their past rewarding experiences during which their needs had been met despite difficulties. They were driven to do something to get out of poverty as they felt they could not tolerate its harshness. As for helping their families of origin, they decided to stop helping them, after some time, for the sake of their own children and for themselves. They decided to stop helping because they recognised that some of their family members had become dependent on their help and had continuously relied on them. Although, they felt guilty for this decision, they said they had done so in order to have enough resources to better their own quality of life and of their own immediate families. They had worked hard to get out of poverty because they wanted to provide better facilities to their children. Thus, they were committed to supporting all of their children and putting them through college. They were not only finding the means to achieve what they wanted, but they also realised that, ultimately, deprivation had not been a barrier to realising their dreams and ambitions. The themes of courageousness, resilience and of being a survivor resonated with them. They developed a sense of self-care in which they thought of giving or earning for themselves, apart from giving and helping their families.

Praying to God for Change

Participants had a deep sense of trust and hope, a belief that as the Creator had provided for them before, He would provide again when they needed help. They recycled through the emotional movements in ways that deepened their understanding of how poverty had affected them. They prayed to God, not only for their survival but also to keep them away from accepting their situation, for courage and strength and to take risks to change their situation despite their fears. They asked Gods help to finish their education, find a job or a place to stay, earn money to pay for tuition, find the right person to marry, etc. They progressed through the life movements and the process with Gods help and their own fortitude and by using their internal resources.

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Dreams for Self and Resourcefulness

It is undeniable that these poor-turned-rich persons had a strong sense of ambition, will and determination. They reported more career interests in pursuing school and inherent interests in computer science, chemistry, physics, law, accounting, cosmetology and nursing. Almost all (10 of 12) participants had dreamt of going abroad to work, and those who had that particular goal, fulfilled it. All but one, finished college, even if it meant going to a vocational school first, stopping their studies only to continue again when school became affordable again. They supported themselves by working, or starting their own small business in order to be able to finish school. They kept on trying until they fulfilled their dreams. Moreover, they also had some plans for how to fulfill their dreams. For this, they engaged in saving money, borrowing money for school, trading labour in exchange for help with tuition fees, applying for scholarships, sending their children to school, working to send their siblings to school and by settling down well. Ten of the twelve poor who became rich applied for work to go abroad. Of the ten who applied, some were rejected, some had visa difficulties, some had to borrow money for their fares, but all ten eventually found work in the US. They developed resourcefulness as they had to draw on their resources often. Resourcefulness might take the form of asking help from a relative, talking to people to get a job, negotiating more hours to be able to earn more money, or stretching out interest and curiosity in a toy by taking it apart and putting it back together. Herman spoke of how learning to be resourceful piqued his interest in science:
So, well growing up as a poor, I could afford only one toy in a year. I had to make that last, so that in the end after the novelty of the toy was gone, my joy came from taking it apart and putting it back together again and seeing how it works. Thats how I got into the sciences.

Tito also recalled, We had to invent our own games. We used to make a ball and a net from palm coconut trees. Resourcefulness included the ability to be flexible, for instance, by learning to cope with and make the best of what they had. Participants also maximised their resources by selling things in school at an early age, learning how to substitute for

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things they did not have and to be creative. They learned strategies to effectively get what they wanted. For instance, they negotiated with friends and siblings. They were also resourceful in terms of learning from other peoples mistakes. They persevered at work and reported having endurance and a lot of patience. In their lives and in the values they subscribed to, a common theme was the ability to keep working or trying to find a job, as well as being able to withstand difficult labour. Additionally, they described themselves as honest and strong willed.

Education and Drive

Almost all erstwhile poor who had turned rich had completed a college degree and, in fact, half of them had also pursued graduate studies. All of them had valued education and had believed that doing well in that arena would somehow get them out of poverty. They had acquired certain skills and competencies on their own, such as, persisting through college, starting a business, developing an interest in chemistry or physics and speaking in fluent English. They would read books and magazines and they would ask their teachers and friends about matters they did not know. They also asked for help from more affluent relatives, and they generally learnt through trial and error. They went to school, and although they worked or started a business, it was mostly in order to have funds that will help them to go to school. Some had received help from their relatives and friends, but nearly all of them had been working students, i.e., they worked to earn money at the time they were also studying. They needed to earn money while studying because they had responsibilities to provide for their families. All the participants in our study valued education and worked to finish college, even when their families could not afford to pay for their education. Some applied for scholarships, some worked to earn money to pay for tuition and others excelled in school and got fellowships. They finished degrees that they hoped would get them jobs and would help them to get out of the country to earn enough money to break out of their existing condition of penury. Only one participant, Laura, did not finish college. It was, though, apparent that although, she had not finished college, she had learned things on her own. She believed in using her

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brains, so even without a college education, Laura started her own business, which gave her enough money to migrate to another country where she was able to create better opportunities for herself. Laura talked about her family and their inability to put her through high school:
I told my mother I wanted to go to high school. She asked me, Why? We cannot afford that you go to high school. When I started crying, my mother took me to a school for cosmetology, so that if I got a job, then I would be able to help them. Even though I did not want to do cosmetology, I accepted it [sic]. I was only 12 years old then, the youngest in the class, and I went to beauty school. You are supposed to be 16 years old to go to that school but I was only 12, little and chubby. I nished the beauty school in 6 months. I learned about the hair, make-up, manicure, pedicure, and I learned fast. My mom immediately found me a job, even though there was no salary in it for me, so that I may learn and get the job experience [sic.].

Gratitude
All the participants in our study expressed their gratitude towards God for His blessings and had a solid belief that only God knew about their plight. When they pondered what they presently owned, who they had become and where they had come from, it only made them express a sense of gratitude and they also felt contented. This, during the course of time, enabled them to stop comparing themselves with others and helped them to realise their present worth. Such ruminations provided a sense of being settled and comfortable rather than feeling put off, shortchanged, or feeling that they have been dealt with unfairly, or they needed to compete and prove themselves. This state provided to them an experience of richness, a state in which poverty was not central. On the other hand, it opened other vistas of life beyond material possessions. For them, such realisations validated that there indeed was the hand of God. As the meaning of poverty and the comparison group changed for the participants, they experienced growth that was internal which allowed them to move on from self-pity, anger and accumulation, to consolation, security and detachment from the material world. They had developed a deep sense of trust that God would provide to them in ways much beyond their expectations. They had become full of gratitude for God and were able to focus more on what they had, than what they lacked.

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The participants expressed positive affect that included feeling happy and satisfied in life and proud of themselves for what they had attained in life. Participants mentioned feeling happy over little things, apparently due to their growing up poor and because they knew what it meant to live without much. Thus, even simple things could capture their soul and bring happiness to them. Herman tells us about this:
Like when I was in college, I think two of us had already nished [college], we still lived with our parents. All of us stayed on the porch and would be very noisy and happy telling stories to each other. My mother would be in the kitchen and when we would come in to eat, she would ask, You were so happy, who was your visitor? We didnt have a visitor, it was just us, we will tell our mother something like that.

Helping those in Need

Spiritually, the participants defined life and success as beyond material things. They had come to the realisation that money was temporary thus, what they sought was a simple life, happiness within their families, and enough to provide for them. When they were approached by others who were in need, or when they witnessed others having a difficult time, they always offered to help, giving them a sense of fulfillment that came from the satisfaction of having the capacity to help others and the gratification of knowing they had lightened the load of another.

Lucky Chance Events

The poor who had become rich reported miraculous events that gave them opportunities to rise above their present status. They believed in luck, i.e., in the undeserved and immediate grace bestowed upon them by fate, destiny or karma. Although they identified such situations as luck, they recognised an opportunity presented to them by being at the right place at the right time. By working hard, they actually chanced upon events that were abundant with opportunities for good things to happen, i.e., getting a promotion at work, receiving a fellowship for graduate studies in the US, meeting the future Presidents in the guerrilla

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warfare, marrying a foreigner, meeting a good spouse, or being offered a job transfer that included emigration to the US. It is worth highlighting that the structures in Philippine society are so oppressive and the features of poverty in the Philippines so debilitating that it is almost impossible to conceive of prospering economically without the presence of these lucky chance events.

Conclusion
This review of the literature was conducted in order to have a comprehensive and accurate picture of poverty in the Philippines. Through research that has been carried out on destitution in the Philippines, we sought to understand poverty, identify its features and characteristics that are unique to the poor of the Philippines. We have also described the coping processes of those who were born poor and who have become economically successful. Many South East Asian countries have advanced rapidly in terms of industrialisation, technological development and economic development, while the Philippines lagged behind with progressively increasing poverty (Boyce, 1993). Why has there been so little improvement in the conditions of the poor in the Philippines? The problem lies in the impossibility of moving upwards. The powerful and oppressive societal and global structures that keep people poor are prevalent graft and corruption in government, lack of poverty alleviation efforts and global issues, such as, exploitation by multinational companies. For instance, bribery, cheating and pocketing of money is not just prevalent in the higher positions in the national government, but it is also widespread and almost an intrinsic part of local government functioning. Because graft and corruption is so endemic that it has almost become part of the system, Filipinos no longer complain and fight it, but rather accept it and work within such structures. Corruption is clearly seen as one of the political causes to poverty (Clarke & Sison, 2003; Hine & Montiel, 1999; Shatkin, 2000) that continue to keep improvements in poverty negligent and minimal. Also, there is a lack of substantial efforts on poverty alleviation. The governments attempts to eradicate poverty are too little and are of no consequence to the mounting poverty that the Philippines experience.

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There is indeed lack of government commitment for poverty alleviation (Clarke & Sison, 2003). Additionally, an identified cause of persistent poverty is exploitation by multinational corporations and foreign countries (Hine & Montiel, 1999; Hine et al., 2005). Such exploitation of the Filipino human resource, the acceptance of such treatment by Filipinos and the continued economic inequality may also be rooted in events in history such as the Spanish and American colonialism and occupation (Clarke & Sison, 2003). The Philippines is wrought with problems that not only create, worsen, but maintain abject poverty and make upward mobility difficult. Finally, although these studies shed some light on the phenomenon of penury in the Philippines, much needed research remains to be conducted, particularly in those developing countries where poverty is at its worst, for an accurate picture of the state of poverty to emerge. It is our responsibility, as scientists, researchers and teachers, to expand on povertys alleviation efforts and to use whatever leverage we have in terms of time and resources, to eradicate poverty, at the individual as well as community levels. We cannot simply afford the prominent neglect and noticeable absence of discourses on social class and poverty (e.g., Lott, 2002; Smith, 2005). Ignoring the poor would be the ultimate injustice. This is a plea to everyone who cares for the Philippines, and who cares enough to lessen poverty in every form. References
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Ma. Teresa Tuason was born in the Philippines and did her Ph.D. in Counselling Psychology from the University at Albany, State University of New York. She is currently Associate Professor in Counselling at the University of North Florida. She is also a licensed psychologist. Her

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research interests address such social issues as poverty and inequities, and social justice issues related to counselling of minority populations. In research, as well as advocacy, she focuses on the role played by culture, specically, in developing countries, such as the Philippines, in the face of globalisation.

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