University of Leeds

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200578416 MA Social & Political Thought SLSP5142M Globalization and International Social Change Professor Nick Ellison Does the Proliferation of the Business Improvement District model constitute an indicator of Globalisation?

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5382, Plus Bibliography

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Does the Proliferation of the Business Improvement District model constitute an indicator of Globalisation?

Cities have long been key sites of sociological enquiry. Arguably, the discipline itself is an urban pursuit, born of the socio-economic conditions created by accelerated industrialisation in nineteenth century Europe. The rapidly increasing rate of urbanisation ensures that cities in the twenty-first century continue to be dynamic and challenging spaces, both for their residents and the theorists that seek to better understand them. Much has been made of what Saskia Sassen (1991) famously terms global cities those densely populated metropolises which act as geographically strategic nodes for the movement of capital and the provision of specialised services. Undoubtedly, it is images of locales such as New York, London and Tokyo, with their sprawling streets, ethnically diverse populations and perpetual business cultures which most readily come to mind when we conceive of globalisation. It is important, however, that our understanding not be limited solely to the macroeconomic processes which are manifested most conspicuously in only a minority of cities. Indeed, some of the most poignant markers of the extent to which the world is globalising are to be found outside of the largest urban centres. With that point in mind, this essay seeks to acknowledge the importance of thinking big about small cities (Bell and Jayne, 2009: 683). The study of Business Improvement Districts (henceforth referred to as BIDs) potentially allows us such an opportunity. Over the past three decades, BIDs have proliferated in a number of globally diverse locations. The purpose of this essay is to expose their movement and workings to a wider framework of critical globalisation theory. In doing so, BIDs will be situated at the junction between the local and the global. This will be attempted in four broad steps. Firstly, along with arriving at a workable definition of BIDs, their origins in an unassuming 1960s Toronto neighbourhood shall be discussed. Secondly, we explore the concept of policy transfer. The focus will fall on the mass adoption of the BID model in towns and cities across the United States and the subsequent movement of the policy to other countries. Thirdly, the concept of glocalisation shall be deployed as a means of reconciling conventional top-down conceptions of globalisation with the reality on the ground. Finally, and perhaps most critically, the notion that BIDs represent an attempt to subsume urban areas within a greater program of neoliberal logic shall be examined. Due to the nature of pre-existing research, this essay will primarily reference the activities of BIDs in English-speaking nations, namely the United States and Britain.

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1. What are Business Improvement Districts? Despite their increasing ubiquity and the controversy with which they have been met in certain academic and policy circles, the beginnings of BIDs are somewhat innocuous. During the late 1960s, business owners in the Toronto neighbourhood of Bloor West Village were faced with a problem. The recently completed Bloor-Danforth subway line, which traverses the entire city east to west, had resulted in significantly decreased footfall. Not only did this new infrastructure cause people to circumvent the streets which once formed the traditional core of urban existence, but the arrival of out of town mall developments presented consumers with new and perhaps more desirable destinations in which to spend their leisure time and money (Hoyt, 2006: 229). These circumstances, coupled with inner city decay, resulted in dwindling profits. A consortium of small business owners sought to combat this decline by imposing on themselves a levy which would be used to enhance the aesthetic appeal of the area (Yang, 2010). It soon became apparent, however, that a system based solely on voluntary contributions would yield insufficient funds and encourage free riders those business owners who were not willing to commit financially but would nonetheless benefit from any improvements made to the area (Hoyt and Gopal-Agge, 2007: 947). Undeterred, they sought provincial legislation which would subject all business owners within Bloor West to compulsory taxation in addition to their current property taxes. This would be turned over by the City to an elected board of BIA representatives and budgeted as agreed (Bloor West BIA website). The legislation was enacted in 1970 as Section 217 of the Ontario Municipal Act, thus bringing into existence the worlds first BID. The Bloor West BIA is still in operation in 2011, somewhat tellingly marketing itself as a small village in a big city, which provides a shopping experience devoid of the typical mall attitude, more akin to Europe (ibid). It is important to note at this stage that the problems experienced by business owners in Bloor West Village were not neighbourhood-specific but reflective of wider structural changes which were taking place in cities across the globe, not least of all in North America. The latter half of the twentieth century saw a number of factors contribute to the decline of city centres. These include the atrophy of traditional industry and employment, the decentralisation of government services, the rise of suburban living and mass car ownership (Symes and Steel, 2003). Also factor into this the devastation caused by war in Britain and Europe and later the destruction of innumerable long-standing communities under the apparently benevolent guise of planning legislation and social democracy (Bullock, 2002). The actions of business owners in Bloor West Village represent in the first instance an effort to form locally-orientated solutions to problems of a global nature, a rhetoric which is present in much contemporary pro-BID literature (Hull BID website; Ruffin, 2008; Stokes, 2007; Torbay Council website). The extent to which this is true is a line of questioning that informs much of this essay.

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Due to the multifarious locations in which they are found, and the particulars of local legislation which texture them, arriving at a single definition of BIDs is problematic. To further compound this, they may exist under various names such as, but not limited to, Special Service Areas, Special Improvement Districts, Community Improvement Districts, City Improvement Districts and Downtown Improvement Districts (Hoyt, 2006; Mitchell, 2008; Ruffin, 2008). Regardless of the title which they operate under, it is the model itself which is of concern to this essay the manner in which it has become globally dispersed and enacted as a means to govern shopping precincts and urban centres. To this end, Kevin Ward provides us with a working definition which both captures inherent similarities and is open-ended enough to allow for deviation. In the very least, BIDs are ...public-private partnerships, in which property and business owners in a defined geographic area elect to make a collective contribution to the maintenance, development and marketing/promotion of their commercial district (Ward, 2007: 658). BIDs then bridge the gap between the public and private sector (Mitchell, 2008: 5), a position which is both applauded by their advocates and admonished against by critics. The fact that their creation is enabled by law and that they in some cases receive financial contributions from local government suggests that they are publically sanctioned. The spaces which they manage typically high streets, but in some cases parks and even industrial estates - are generally regarded to be public, subject to no restrictions other than municipal law. In theory, the services which they provide, broadly under the headings of marketing, maintenance and security, are not intended to supplant the work done by local government but be undertaken in addition to it. In practice, however, critics have suggested that they are in themselves private entities with little in the way of public accountability (Minton, 2009). In support of such claims, commentators have pointed to the lack of public representation, both on the boards of BID management and amongst their stakeholders. Prior to the inception of a BID, it is business owners whose opinions are balloted. Residents are not consulted. Once formed, their managerial structure resembles that of a modestlysized private company. Generally, a team of professionals with various specialities are headed by a paid administrator. Critics have suggested that this concentrates the power to shape the character of urban spaces in the hands of a minority business elite, delegitimising the voices of residents and, potentially, the public sector (Hoyt and Gopal-Agge, 2007: 951). The precise constitution of BIDs may vary from location to location. Nationally and even transnationally, however, the functions which BIDs perform exhibit little variation. This raises questions of suitability, adaptability and consideration for the areas in which they are found. Upon their inception in Britain, BIDs were generally situated in mid-sized cities which were seeking to position themselves within the post-industrial economy (Figure 1). However, their presence in wealthy areas arguably suggests that the motivation for BIDs goes beyond urban regeneration and raising local businesses out of the economic mire. In
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Britain, the financial contribution made to the BID by business owners is based upon a percentage of the value of the property which they occupy, referred to in legal terms as the hereditament. This typically equates to one percent annually (Blackwell, 2005). As such, BIDs in an area with high land value, such as Central London or Manhattan, will generate a considerable income for themselves. For example, the 2007 budget of the Bryant Park BID, located in Midtown Manhattan, exceeded $900,000 (NYC Planning Commission website). By 2010 this had risen to over $8.7 million, with assets totalling over $10.8 million (Bryant Park BID website). Even Rugby First, Warwickshire, a relatively small BID, exhibited a first year income of close to 600,000 (National BIDs Advisory Service website). Furthermore, particularly powerful BIDs frequently act as property developers and political lobbying groups (Lloyd et al, 2003). This gives certain BIDs considerable scope to intervene in the areas which they inhabit. As such, this has led commentators, particularly those on the left, to suggest that an ulterior agenda of BIDs is the regulation and privatisation of public space. Accordingly, BIDs have been criticised by Human Rights groups for the forceful removal of homeless individuals by private security staff. This has occurred in locations as diverse as Hull, Yorkshire and Milwaukee (Hull Business Forum; Ward, 2007b), suggesting that regardless of localised circumstances, there is a narrowly-defined socioeconomic profile from which BIDs desire patronage. As the anonymous manager of one British BID said, My job is to create an environment which will bring in more ABC1s (Minton, 2009: 45).

Figure 1: the distribution of BID pilot schemes in England and Wales, January 2003 June 2005

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2. Business Improvement Districts as Policy Transfer In seeking to understand how and why the BID model has become globally dispersed, we must address the political framework, actors and knowledge-based networks which support transnational policy transfer. While, as the previous section illustrated, BIDs originated in Canada, it can be argued that they did not take on the ideological characteristics which have prompted academics to study them until their adoption and dispersal in the United States. Over the past three decades, the process of policy transfer has become an increasingly common feature of the political landscape. This is in itself emblematic of the extent to which the world is globalising. An increasingly small policy environment is reflective of the changing role of nation-states and the manner in which new communication technologies have compressed time and space (Evans, 2004). It is difficult, however, to gauge the extent and frequency with which policy is transferred as governments do not always acknowledge such external influence. As such, it often falls to academics and policy analysts to identify common ideological tracts and objectives. With regard to the development of BIDs, there fortunately exists considerable evidence, academic, anecdotal and otherwise, that clearly demonstrates that the model was wilfully and purposefully transported to the United Kingdom from the United States. Whilst British borrowing of American policy has accelerated since the time of the Thatcher and Reagan administrations, particularly in the field of active labour market policies (Dwyer and Ellison, 2009), the relationship actually constitutes a longstanding and reciprocal epistemic community (Daguerre and Taylor-Gooby, 2004: 27; Hoyt, 2006). For example, during the 1920s, the Regional Planning Association of America looked to the garden city principals, as expounded by British urbanist Ebenezer Howard, as an antidote to unsightly urban sprawl and suburban monotony (Schaffer, 1992). Later, the British Urban Development Grant would closely replicate the American Urban Development Action Grant (Mossberger and Wolman, 2003). Dolowitz et al (1999) suggest that this political symbiosis may be attributed to two factors. Firstly, the two countries share a common spoken language. This removes any potential communicative barriers to mutual policy analysis and lesson-drawing. Furthermore, the fact that English also acts as lingua franca for many globally-orientated political bodies may also mean that ideas become more readily available to third party observers. Secondly, there is a shared ideology underpinned by neoliberalism. This will be discussed further in section four. There is little debate that the New Orleans Downtown Development District, formed by Louisiana State legislation during 1974, constitutes the first assessment-based BID in the US (Briffault, 1999; Lloyd et al, 2003; New Orleans Downtown website). Whilst this much is clear, the manner in which BID policy initially migrated from Canada is a source of some uncertainty (Hoyt, 2006). Conversely, Ward (2005, 2007) suggests that the appearance of BIDs in the US represents a separate and markedly different event from those which took place in Canada. The BID model continued to spread across the country over the next two
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decades, taking root in urban centres large and small. Due to the fragmented nature of the American legal system, each time the model crossed state lines, local policy actors would be subject to the particulars of state legislation. As such, the initial growth of BIDs in the US may have been much slower than it would be elsewhere. Less than one third of BIDs currently operating in the country were in existence pre-1990 (Ward, 2007: 660). During an April 2001 speech in which Tony Blair announced the creation of BID-enabling legislation, little secret was made of the Prime Ministers admiration for the American BID model. In a manner which was very much in keeping with the New Labour rhetoric of communitarianism (in itself a highly Americanised idea, largely derived from the work of Amitai Etzioni), he stated; When a neighbourhood declines, local business suffers too. Businesses, like individuals, have a major stake and role to play in improving local areas. I can tell you today that we decided to introduce legislation to create Business Improvement Districts. These will be similar to the successful US examples where local businesses help pay for projects that improve their local area (Tony Blair, cited from Ward, 2006: 65) This was the culmination of at least two highly significant developments. Firstly, the idea of introducing BID-like organisations had been discussed in British policy circles since the 1990s (Minton, 2009: 43). This was no doubt fuelled by Coventry hosting the First World Congress on Town and City Centre Management in 1996. This brought together representatives from a number of influential bodies, including the Association of Town Centre Management and their counterparts from the other side of the Atlantic, the International Downtown Association. Notably, also in attendance were officials from the Johannesburg Inner City Development Forum, who were considering the BID model as a means of reducing crime and regenerating the city following the end of apartheid (Hoyt, 2006: 232). Such events are constitutive of the knowledge-based networks which have supported transfer of BID policy. The convergence of actors with mutual interests, be they policy entrepreneurs, government officials, public bodies or property owners, facilitates the formation of alliances and the swift dissemination of ideas from a diverse range of geographic and political contexts (Cook, 2008a: 779). Secondly, in an effort to reduce public sector expenditure, New Labour had continued in the vein of the previous Conservative government by looking to US think tanks and state legislation for ready-made market-based solutions to policy issues (Giddens, 1998: viii). As was the case under John Major, the states of New York and Wisconsin served as fruitful sources of learning (Dolowtiz et al, 1999: 729). Ian Cook argues that the transfer of BIDs from the US to UK was not the end result of lengthy and detailed government research but was instead accelerated by a process which is referred to in the literature as (often uncritical) policy tourism(Cook, 2008a: 781). During June of 1997, shortly after New Labour came to power, a number of senior MPs visited the Bryant Park BID in New York City. This included Deputy Prime Minister John Prescott and
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Minister for the Environment Richard Caborn. Amongst the recipients of these visitors was Dan Biederman; Chairman of multiple BIDs, policy entrepreneur and, as the New York media has referred to him, the Mayor of Midtown (Briffault, 1999: 432; CIPFA website). The location of these visits is not insignificant. New York is doubtless one of the most evocative cities in the world, potentially conjuring up any number of emotions. These inherent associative discourses, Cook (2008a: 784) claims, served to decontextualise the experience, leaving open the imagined possibility that British cities could be as vibrant and economically buoyant as the busiest and most upmarket areas of New York. As with the visit of any foreign dignitary, it is likely that no expense was spared in providing a memorable, provocative and ultimately successful time. It would be understandable if these politicians came away feeling a little more than impressed with what they had seen. One of the main functions of BIDs is to delight visitors, leaving them with a positive impression of the area and a desire to return. It would seem that this function was fulfilled. Owing largely to this limited experience, it was decided that BIDs had been successful in New York and that this could be replicated in the UK. Biederman would later be invited to act as consultant to Downing Street during the implementation of the BID model (Ward, 2006). Policy is not formed in a social and political vacuum, nor does it transfer of its own accord. Its movement is in the first instance hinged on a particular political relationship. BIDs are reflective of intertwined transnational networks of policy advocacy, entrepreneurship and transfer. Following Dolowitz et al (1999) this essay acknowledges the important distinction between policy transfer and lesson drawing. The latter, the authors suggest, is a voluntary process a characteristic which does not apply in all instances of policy transnationalisation. In the case of the UK, the majority of policy transfer, with exception to European Union directives, is voluntary (ibid: 719). However, the adoption of US policies, particularly of those related to economic welfare, may connote an acknowledgement on the part of the UK of the United States political hegemony. Such a position has clear ramifications for any potential conceptions of globalisation. It is vital to note that, whilst the US is a heavy global exporter of policy, it no longer imports many ideas from abroad.

3. Business Improvement Districts as Glocalisation This purpose of this section is predominantly to facilitate the discussion which will take place in section four by providing a theoretical framework on which to build. Conventional conceptions of globalisation often characterise it as an ethereal force, relating solely to economic activity, which acts in an inevitable and uniform manner. This is potentially misleading and fuelled in no small part by the manner in which global capital flows operate. Since the abandonment of gold as the basis of monetary value during the inter-war years, financial systems have largely become dematerialised and abstract (Harvey, 2003: 62). However, as the previous section sought to illustrate, the global movement of the BID
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model takes place under the physical tutelage of autonomous actors. It is a wilful undertaking. It has been suggested that globalisation means little to the everyday existence of people until it touches down and becomes articulated within a local context (Mittelman, 2004). Put another way, globalisation cannot simply bypass locality, but is only realised through an interaction with places and people. To this end, glocalisation is a concept which offers us an opportunity to interrogate the acclaimed local qualities of BIDs. Glocalisation is often used in reference to the manner in which large TNCs adopt a strategy which is sympathetic towards the needs of a local market; however it may also refer to the appropriation of more abstract cultural ideas (Ritzer, 2006: 337; Robertson, 1997; Svensson, 2001). Whilst organisations such as Civitas and the International Downtown Association do indeed sell information regarding the implementation and continuing operation of BID strategies (Symes and Steel, 2003: 308), there is no single centralised body which presides over the diffusion of the model. As such, we must continually ask what causes it to perpetuate and whose interests this serves. American BID advocate Professor Jerry Mitchell states that no two BIDs are exactly alike because each is an experiment in public service administration for a particular area (cited in Symes and Steel, 2003: 303). Ian Cook situates this in the UK context; Whilst there was a widespread and a somewhat uncritical belief that [an emulation of East Coast American BIDs] would be successful in England and Wales, this was tempered by a widespread understanding that these models could not simply be dropped unproblematically onto towns and cities...the aspects that were transferred were often reshaped to fit perceived national and local contexts and requirements (Cook, 2008a: 784-6). Whilst there are differences in the composition of BIDs, this generally relates to naming conventions, enabling legislation, taxation mechanisms, and relationship to local government. Their principal objectives remain roughly the same, regardless of location provision of private security, maintenance of the public realm and the marketing of the area (Cook, 2008b). Despite the rhetoric which has convinced policy actors that the most efficient way to address urban issues is via the transfer of ready-made best practice policies, it is clear that all cities do not experience globalisation equally. We need only consider how the growth of outsourcing and foreign imports has affected the American motor industry and, in turn, Detroit. Equally, the decline of traditional industries such as fishing, coal mining and textile production has left a deep and enduring scar on the local economies of northern England. While some cities will prosper immensely, others seem unable to compete in a post-industrial and increasingly globalised market place. Much of the criticism surrounding globalisation, and indeed BIDs, points to the potential for homogenisation and the production of Disneyfied experiences. There are innumerable examples to which we may
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point in an effort to qualify this position, particularly with regard to consumptive practices and the high street (Smithers, 2011). Critics claim that these ersatz spaces are effectively removed from their immediate locality and mediated by a singular rationalised ethos which is alien to its surroundings. Whilst there has been considerable thrust behind this perspective, it is wise to strive for a degree of moderation. Therefore we must not neglect the stark fact that globalisation, whilst undoubtedly beneficial for many, also creates difference due to the inherently uneven nature of capitalist accumulation (Held and McGrew, 203: 29; Stiglitz, 2003; Ward, 2007a: 667.) It has been claimed that BIDs seek to cater only to those who have the wealth necessary to consume, creating cities within cities or micropolises (Graham and Marvin, 2001: 261). Ultimately, this poses a fundamental question; what is the purpose of cities and urban space?

4. Business Improvement Districts as Neoliberal Urbanisation Section two sought to illustrate how the BID policy was transferred from the US to the UK under the New Labour government. This was reflective of a shared ideology of neoliberalism between the two nations and a continuation of lesson-drawing practices which had become prevalent during the 1980s. Indeed, a consideration of the geographical dispersal of BIDs goes some way to elucidating their political and ideological nature. The countries in which BIDs are most prominently used as a means of city centre management Canada, the United States, Australia, New Zealand, South Africa, and the United Kingdom - share common political characteristics in that they are all liberal democracies. It is such countries that have shown a particular predilection towards emulating one anothers policies and a commitment to market-based welfare reforms in the vein of neoliberalism (Dolowitz and Marsh, 2000; Ward, 2007a). Perhaps more revealing is the recent growth of BIDs in countries with little to no history of city centre management schemes, such as Albania and Serbia, both of which previously fell under the auspices of communism (Cook, 2008a). Of particular note is the implementation of BIDs in four Serbian cities - Kruevac, Ni, Valjevo, and Zrenjanin. This formed part of an effort to improve civic participation and government performance at local level, funded by the United States Agency for International Development and chaired by Steven Rosenberg, a former counsel to the New York City Office for Economic Development (Hoyt, 2006: 233; USAID, 2005). This section broadly asks the question, what are the implications of neoliberalism for cities and how is this manifested in the BID model? Chris Brown (2003: 571) identifies two key assumptions which underpin neoliberalism. Both of which would seem to be present in BID rationale. Firstly, the free market economy is seen as the optimum environment in which to trade. This is exhibited by the extensive use of private sector services such as security firms, cleaning contractors and marketing consultancies within BID areas. Secondly, it is assumed that free trade will be beneficial to all, including the poor. Anna Minton (2009) points to the trickle-down effect that many
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urban regeneration projects in post-1980s Britain were intended to have. That is, it was believed that the wealth created by private commercial developments would benefit the surrounding area. This is consonant with the tenets of the policies associated with New Labours intended urban renaissance (Imrie and Raco, 2003). In reality, this has more often than not created areas of stark economic and social contrast. In order to illustrate this point, Minton cites Canary Wharf and its contiguous relationship to the Isle of Dogs, one of the most deprived areas of the country (Minton, 2009: 6-9). This essay suggests that the imposition of BIDs has two main consequences for cities, both of which are consistent with neoliberal urbanisation; (a) public space becomes subject to privatisation, and (b) urban centres become commodified. BIDs are firmly entrenched in a culture of entrepreneurial innovation and privatism (Lloyd et al, 2003). They are financially sustained by businesses in order to ensure profitability and protect their ongoing interests. As such, it is the voice of business owners which is given a platform and privileged over that of local residents. Due to the absence of formalised performance benchmarks, BIDs are arguably accountable to nobody but their stakeholders (Symes and Steel, 2003: 308). BIDs are therefore based not on a democratic model, but an economic one. In order to protect the trading environment, BIDs have in place a security detail which includes extensive CCTV networks, uniformed guards and smiling ambassadors the eyes and ears of the police (Ward, 2006). Their relationship with police is such that new equipment may be purchased for the local force and paid for out of the BIDs income pool (Vindevogel, 2005). The Times Square BID even funds its own misdemeanour court, referred to as the Midtown Community Court (Sviridoff et al, 2000; Symes and Steel, 2003: 309). The removal of political activists, unsolicited street performers and the homeless all point to narrowing terms of access to public space. Indeed, this has led critics to argue that the main priority of the BID model is the securitisation of consumptive practices. In doing so, city centres become transient spaces, more akin to an airport in their singular purpose and distance from the social fabric of the city which they are intended to represent. Due to globalisation levelling-down markets (Lloyd et al, 2003), cities must not only be economically competitive regionally or nationally but also internationally. In the UK, fast and affordable transport provided by budget airlines and links to the continent by rail and sea have made short excursions such as city breaks an increasingly common occurrence. Furthermore, internet shopping represents a contemporary incarnation of the suburban mall developments which blighted cities in the latter decades of the twentieth century. The choice of products available, the convenience of shopping regardless of time or place and lower prices due to fewer overheads are a trio of customer-winning advantages which the high street simply cannot match a mall without walls in the truest and most literal sense. These factors combine to create a particularly footloose form of consumer. Schaller and Modan claim that BIDs are entrenched in public choice theory, a set of concepts which exhibit very clear parallels with neoliberalism;

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The BID concept developed largely out of planning perspectives that are rooted in public choice theory. Public choice theory defines both the notion of citizenship and the role of government within economic parameters. The persuasive power of public choice theory resides in its espousal of individual [consumer] freedom and choice...Aggregate choices made by self-interested, rational individuals within a sufficiently competitive arena are considered to produce efficient and optimal social outcomes in the provision of public services and good (Schaller and Modan, 2005: 396) In order to attract the patronage of customers and continual investment from businesses, BIDs must engage in what is referred to as place marketing (Lloyd et al, 2003: 296). As Sharon Zukin (2005) suggests, the economy of a city is not dependant solely on material goods and wealth, but also on the management of its symbolic economy. It is such ideas that form the perceived identity of a given city; aligning it with a particular set of expectations for those who live and work there. Culture is therefore the motor of economic growth (ibid: 284) and an asset which BIDs seek to capitalise on in order to gain an advantage over their competitors. A common means of doing this is to invoke a sense of evocative community-based nostalgia by emphasising the industrial past of a place. Notable examples of this include Manchesters Spinningfields district and Baltimores Inner Harbour, though place-specific interpretations can be found in many gentrified areas throughout the world (Jayne at al, 2010). The representation of space as analogous to any other commodity and a means to generate profit was prefigured by Henri Lefebvre, who said that The entirety of space must be endowed with exchange value (Lefebvre, 1991: 337), an assertion that resonates strongly with the market-based strategy of the BID model. Conclusion The academic study of BIDs is a burgeoning field and justifiably so. Not only are they characteristic of key changes which have taken place in the political sphere since the 1980s, but they can tell us much about the nature of public space in our towns and cities. In seeking to ascertain if their proliferation constitutes an indicator of globalisation, it becomes clear that any answer must be nuanced and take into consideration a number of factors. When viewed through the lens of policy transfer, we are able to see that nation states, when faced with issues of an increasingly global resonance, are no longer able to be politically self-determining entities but must look beyond their borders for policy solutions. The networks and epistemic communities which this essay has sought to identify exemplify the relationships which facilitate such lesson-drawing. Furthermore, recognition of these relationships allows us to begin to critique the ideological grounding of any policy transnationalisation and indeed globalisation itself. A worthy interjection into the debate is that which is provided by Michael Peter Smith (2005), who claims that much globalisation theory is centred on an unnecessary and

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ultimately misleading dichotomy between the local and the global. This is succinctly echoed by Roland Robertson; There is a widespread tendency to regard [the global-local] problematic as straightforwardly involving a polarity which assumes its most acute form in the claim that we live in a world of local assertions against globalising trends, a world in which the very idea of locality is sometimes cast as a form of opposition...to the hegemonically global (Robertson, 1997: 29). Globalisation does not simply happen to cities but is the result of human endeavour. Regardless of how we choose to conceive of globalisation, there is undeniably a global character to BIDs. This much is evidenced by the widespread diffusion of the model and, if we choose to adopt a critical perspective, its ideological foundations in neoliberalism.

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Symes, M. and Steel, M. (2003) Lessons from America: The role of Business Improvement Districts as an Agent of Urban Regeneration in Town Planning Review, Volume 74, Number 3, pp. 301-313 USAID (2005) Local Economic Development in Europe and Eurasia Region: Strategies that Work, Final Report, February 2005: United States Agency for International Development, available at http://pdf.usaid.gov/pdf_docs/PNADC163.pdf, accessed May 2011 Vindevogel, F. (2005) Private Security and Urban Crime Mitigation: A bid for BIDs in Criminology and Criminal Justice, Volume 5, Number 3, pp. 233-255 Ward, K. (2005) Entrepreneurial Urbanism and the Management of the Contemporary City: the example of Business Improvement Districts, unpublished Conference Paper, available at https://www.ideals.illinois.edu/handle/2142/3512, accessed April 2011 Ward, K. (2006) Policies in Motion: Urban Management and State Restructuring: The TransLocal Expansion of Business Improvement Districts in International Journal of Urban and Regional Research, Volume 30, Number 1, pp. 54-75 Ward, K. (2007a) Business Improvement Districts: Policy Origins, Mobile Policies and Urban Liveability in Geography Compass, 1/3 (2007), pp. 657-672 Ward, K. (2007b) Creating a Personality for Downtown: Business Improvement Districts in Milwaukee, unpublished working paper, available at http://www.sed.manchester.ac.uk/geography/research/publications/wp/iufp/documents/i ufp_wp4.pdf, accessed April 2011 Yang, J. (2010) The Birthplace of BIAs Celebrates 40 Years, The Toronto Star, 18/4/2010, available at http://www.thestar.com/news/gta/article/797286--the-birthplace-of-biascelebrates-40-years; accessed March 2011 Zukin, S. (2005) Whose Culture? Whose City? in Lin, J. and Mele, C. (eds.) The Urban Sociology Reader, London: Routledge

Figures Figure 1 The Location of BID Pilot Schemes in England and Wales, from Cook, 2008a

Websites Bloor West Village BIA - http://www.bloorwestvillagebia.com; accessed March 2011

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Bryant Park BID - http://www.bryantpark.org/static/pdfs/reports/Bryant_Park_FY_2010.pdf, accessed May 2011 CIPFA - http://www.cipfa.org.uk/pt/pt_details_c.cfm?news_id=949, accessed April 2011 Civitas - http://www.civitasadvisors.com/, accessed March 2011 Hull BID - http://www.hullbid.co.uk/page/about-hull-bid, accessed March 2011 Hull Business Forum - http://www.hullbusinessforum.com/resources/bid_survey_results.pdf,
accessed April 2011

National BIDs Advisory Service - http://www.ukbids.org/, accessed February 2011

New Orleans Downtown - http://www.neworleansdowntown.com/site22.php, accessed

March 2011 NYC Planning Commission - http://www.nyc.gov/html/dcp/pdf/cpc/080079.pdf, accessed May 2011 Torbay Council - http://www.torbay.gov.uk/bidtorquay, accessed May 2011

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