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John G. Robertson - Schiller After A Century
John G. Robertson - Schiller After A Century
John G. Robertson - Schiller After A Century
OiFTER A CENTURY
SCHILLER
8.0. STIR K
hat Anlass gegeben, Schiller fiir den Er ist Dichter der Deutschen zu erklaren. dies aber nur in dem Sinne, dass er seine Nation ganz,
Schillerfest
Das
nationalsten
wie
sie sich selbst, verlaugnet und ihrem kosmopolitischen Zug, wie kein Zweiter, zum Ausdruck verhilft.
Hebbel.i
SCHILLER
Q4FTER A CENTURY
BY
JOHN
G.
ROBERTSON
MCMV
St
During
the
Lent
Term
of
1904
delivered
at
lec-
series
of ten public
set
my-
self the
of defining
the
Anglo-Saxon
stand-
German
poet.
may
be regarded as, in
lectures.
some measure,
chief
outcome
of those
Its
conclusions
were also
Modern
Language
Association
at
its
CONTENTS.
I.
SCHILLER'S
FAME
"
IL
III.
SCHILLER IN
DON CARLOS
....
AND PHILOSOPHER
.
23 43 69
97
IV.
AS HISTORIAN
V.
VI.
....
.
123 137
I.
SCHILLER'S FAME.
Grosser Manner bemachtigt sich stets die Sage das Volk arbeitet Ihr Bild nach seinen eig-nen Idealen
:
So ist Schiller fast eine mythische Figur geworden, und noch jetzt bemiiht sich eine wohlgemeinte Pietat, ihn etwa nach dem Schema des Max Piccolomini, oder des Marquis Posa zu idealisieren.
aus.
Schiller ist solchen Schimmers nicht bediirftig er ertragt das Tageslicht, ja er wird uns werther, je deutlicher seine Gestalt uns entgegentritt.
;
Julian
Schmidt
(iS^g).'^
SCHILLER'S FAME.
It
is
hundredth anniver-
unanimous opinion
and
in that of the
own
literature
world.
from a wider
distance,
or
it
may perhaps
attainable.
poet,
To
this small
"
whose hundredth
death day
;
on the
there
no reason
re-
why
opinion should
still
be at variance with
And
yet,
more
teenth century.
Schiller
is
objective indifference,
but indifference
as serious a
ship.
sympathy which drawback as excessive partisanIn Germany, on the other hand, there
apt to imply a lack of
of indifference
is
:
can be no question
by many
still
extolled as the
The
vicissitudes
of the
poet's
fame form an
interesting commentary on German intellectual and political life in the nineteenth century.
During
in
his lifetime, as
may
German
his
indeed,
as
earlier critics,
later, is
generation
of respect.
the tone
Schiller
own
position,^
and he
come when
in
The appearance
of Wallenstein
Schiller's fame.
gifts;
and the
Wallenstein to
Wilhelm Tell w^as hailed on every side as a safeguard against the threatened degeneration of the
German
stage,
But
world
of thought in which he
theirs.
moved was
different
from
Although
the
profoundly
influenced
by
Schiller,
neither Kleist
nor
Werner
many
about
years after
the
poet
died,
young
Grill-
genius.^
Schiller's
tragic
death
at
sympathies of the widening circle of friends who had already been attracted to him as a poet. But, in general, it was felt between 1805 and 1813
that he
age,
and that
6
the
German
would only
factor.
abandoning the poetic Middle Ages to enter the service of the national cause, had become the
leading intellectual force, and, whatever Schiller
least
With
was rediscovered
of freedom,"
"poet
and Wilhelm
was
enthusiastically
Napoleon than
fell
victim to an even
which
made
however,
remained the poet of the dreamers of national " " Burschenschaften or liberty, the poet of the
students'
societies
at
the universities.
An
un-
"
and
''Schiller
haters"
became
acute,
even at
Apart from these considerations, the rise of Hegelianism and the passing of the Romantic
ideals
were both
steadily
and rapidly
in
was
losing.
The Hegelians
believed
that, as far as
cerned, they had sufficiently improved on Kant to rule a mere Kantian like Schiller out of court
;
system was deep in the poet's debt,^ and the philosopher's famous theory
but Hegel's aesthetic
of tragedy, which for half a century influenced
the European
single dramatist,
Schiller's
plays in
Greeks.
The conception
tragic fate
of the "
like
a strait-
by the
series of tragedies
from Wallenstein to
Tell^
works
like
Gotz von
all
Berlichingen and
in
Egmont
sense
the
Hegelian
rose in
of
the
word.^
Thus
stage;
Schiller
favour on the
German
had
way
to a
they
lines;
Wallenstem rather
the
Homburg was
model
this
period.
The
writers
grouped
at
first
together
as
'*
Young
con;
inclined to look
Schiller's
moral idealism
to
but
the
end
they were
obliged
admit that
frivolous
German than the own French models. They may not have found much in Schiller to
moral
idealism
was
more
tone
of
their
of that
Goethe
by them as a convenient foil to the older poet. For this reason men like Borne and Menzel
proclaimed Schiller
the
who
incorporated, as no other,
German
idealism
And, as a
was discovered
in
him,
pedagogic value
Schiller's fame.
man
principles,
the
minds of
It
in
was thus only to be expected that when, 1859, the hundredth anniversary of the poet's
birth
in
high
extra-
honour;
no
one
anticipated
the
The whole
nation gave
that
literature,
evolution
There
Hebbel,
who
Otto
felt
keenly
un- German
Schiller's
first
and
cosmoor
like
politan
elements
work,
a
Ludwig,
who
;
expressed
definite
critical
while among the more antagonism immediate moulders of popular opinion at the
Julian
time,
Schmidt,
at
least,
was able to
commonmore obexpected,
In Austria, where
standpoint
might
have
been
Grillparzer,
in
who by
this
time
had withdrawn
moody
10
had long recanted the heresies of his youth, and was satisfied to ** stand where Goethe and Schiller stood." ^^ But doubtless
theatre,
man
not
a few Austrians felt dimly, what only Ernst von Feuchtersleben had the courage to
that
Schiller
had become, like Lessing, a poet of the past, and that Grillparzer stood nearer to the life and thought of 1859
expressjii
than he.
These
But the
Centenary
was
not
its
it
universality,
but
the
of
premisses on which
was based.
Not one
tenaciously
explanation,
if
we
are
all.^^
to
believe
that
they
place,
Schiller
was hailed
as
But
were a foreign reader, ignorant of this claim, to " enumerate the *' Volksdichter of German literature,
list.
Schiller's
name would
'*
hardly be
is,
on
in "
;
his
fact,
Abstractly regarded,
Schiller
he
SCHILLER'S FAME.
is
II
**
far
more
than Goethe, but also one of of an aristocrat " " volkstiimlich the least poets that ever lived.
It
it
is
not in this
is
popular
is
that
in
to
say,
:
world
which he
lived
and moved, lay obviously beyond the comprehension of the ordinary man but he was the
;
in
vibrate with
He
is
"
Volksdichter
in
a pictorial sense;
and the
picturesque
Schiller's
a plays
^^
picturesque-
and
scenery was
him
to
the
Germans
of 1859.
must be
re-
membered, too, that at this date the power of " " means exhausted
Young Germany
philosophy.
itself,
force
in
The
ideal
of literature
which
"Young Germany" had imported from France, and the Hegelians approved of, was not very
exacting; naivete was tabooed and literary con-
12
echo of national
admirers in
ternals,
or
sentiment.
satisfied
Schiller's
with ex-
and accepted the characters of his plays as genuine embodiments of their own sentiments
and aspirations the eloquent rhetoric of Max Piccolomini and Wilhelm Tell was held to be
;
ings of a real
" Volkslitteratur."
^*
Schiller
was
which
use the expression of a later date was not yet " Goethe-reif."
to
He was
is
further,
we
are told
by the orators
This,
again,
it
difficult
understand.
It
is
obvious
that
Schiller's
early
and
in
this
sense
he was, as we have
seen,
first
his
friend's
work,^^
;
political
freedom
it
an inner freedom of
soul, a
harmony
In
of thought
his
and
feeling,
of will
and
desire.
riper
SCHILLER'S FAME.
of freedom, as the
I3
to
the Revolution
and this was another of the strange 1859 he was the poet of patriotism.
this is still a
minds
and
the
German schoolmaster
loves
dwell.
It
Tell and
which
also, to
some
gave
;
among
he
who
Swiss
fatherland.
In
which the Holy Roman Empire came to an end, there was no German fatherland, and the
innumerable principalities in which the German tongue was spoken could hardly inspire any
Schiller, by large-minded national sentiment. birth a Swabian, w^as no more a Swabian in
Wieland, and
favour
of
his
still
less
was he prejudiced
country,
the
in
adopted
Saxe-Weimar.
stand
it
In fact, patriotism, as
is
Duchy of we under-
to-day,
for in this
cosmopoHtan
century.
14
The
eulogists
of
to
1859,
however,
delusion
were
not
perhaps so
bHnd
the
which they
helped to spread as
we
They
their
knew
that
Schiller
was not a
sense of the
word
patriotism were to
warmly
their
to
beyond
own
German
of the
liberation,
German
after
one defeat
**
another;
"
German Bund
"
;
had
"
been
**
Carlsbad Resolutions
hetze
Germany
emanci-
nothing;
fresh hopes
were awakened of
political
crushed.
Thus
in
1859 the
German
people had
had given place to indifference liberty had become a dream of over-rash souls, and unity was
;
Under these
cir-
the reformers
who had
set
their
hearts
freedom was
SCHILLER'S FAME.
a freedom of soul
hearts
in
;
15
in
he kept alive
"
('*
drooping
faith
what
noble in liberty
").^^
den Glauben an
those crying for
To
a fatherland, Schiller, with his imperturbable idealism, held out a fatherland of the spirit.
If,
in
often quoted,
was
in the
German
would
be ''brothers in Schiller," rather than from any belief that real political union was possible.
Lastly, as his
Schiller
is
the poet
German
race.
When we
we do
"
assert
that
Schiller
that, as
was an
Goethe
ideal,"
^^
idealist,
not only
mean
said, his
but that
aesthetic
he maintained certain
clearly
defined
and moral
ideals.
It
was obviously
Schiller's
this
second
view.
They
believed that
works em-
peoples of
pened
time.
l6
that of a
it
was assigned
its
delicately poised
life.
place in
idealism,
the
economy
of
human
This
which was perhaps the most vital thing that the epoch of Goethe and Schiller had to bequeath to posterity, passed unscathed through the individuaHsm of the Romantic School, and
was
fostered by the
;
movement
of later
German
thought
and
this again to
the world.
appointment
the
clung
the
late
in
nineteenth
century,
novelists
and
outlook upon
life.
Above
which was
meaning
of Schopen-
bold,
simple
lines
of
Schiller's
ethical
system
Schiller's fame.
indisputably appealed.
ing
Schiller's
fates
17
heroes,
fight-
against
untoward
and
triumphing
spiritually
while
mortal
penance
violated
duties,
were
the
when
"most national
is
Centenary celebrations.
rectifying her
than
in
Schiller's
letters
were published late and reluctantly, and earlier editors and biographers were more intent on
fostering the
popular idea
life.
than on getting at
The
first
satisfac-
Schiller's
Stuttgart
between
a beginning
:
adequate biography of the three or four larger biographies, not one is even yet within measurable distance of completion.^^
to be
It is
thus hardly
wondered
at that the
Life of Schiller
Palleske
by
is
in
l8
maintained in undiminished
and
books
on similar
the
from which
German
public
draws
its
knowledge
and
But
the
in spite of this, a
attitude
of
the
German
Centenary of 1859. Had that event fallen only a few years later, it would not have met with so unanimous a response; and
Schiller since the
when,
in 1871,
Germany
**
at last
"
!
became a
nation,
when
the poet's
seid einig
no longer the
even hardly his
tude.
man
fair
of the hour,
The kingdom
Germans was no
Schiller, the cos-
was but
sentative
indifferently
German Empire
the
of
1871.
tion
under
guidance
of
scholars like
Scherer,
and Erich Schmidt, discovered that not Schiller but Goethe was the embodiment of Germany's
spiritual aspirations
;
the
new and
healthier out-
look on
life
and
literature stimulated
an interest
19
in dramatists like Kleist, Grillparzer,
and Hebbel,
and awakened
Schiller
the
"
Deutsche Reich
thus
the
and
aureole
disappeared
which,
for
thirty years, had surrounded the poet's head.-^^ There is, however, one hindrance to the Ger-
man
and that
is
man
the
school.
We
have
1859,
at
Centenary of
perhaps
was brought
the
The
most absurd rodomontades were, on that occasion, due to the schoolmasters, and it is difficult
to avoid the impression that the celebration
in great
was
measure pedagogic
in
its
origin.
The
of
German
in
the
main to the
traditional
standpoint
to
1859, t)ut
main-
and warp
ditions of
ideas to
the
changed
unreal
con-
German
nationalism.
German youths
biog-
are
brought up on fulsome
and
Gymnasium
pro-
20
fessors,^^
which
is
the
moral
significance
of
Schiller's
career
work
is
held up as an
eternal
model of what
the national
drama ought
himself, for the
to be.
The
school-
man shows
of
most
part, incapable
discriminating between what in Schiller is poetry and what is merely rhetoric, of realising
the changes which have
of the
technique
drama
human
be wondered at that, as soon as a young man escapes from the trammels of the gymnasium
and begins
first
to
is
impulse
*'
called a
Schiller hater."
ago Italy had occasion to celebrate the hundredth anniversary of the death
years
of
Schiller's
Two
contemporary,
articles
Alfieri
and
the
books
that
and
which were
characterised
published
on
occasion
are
by an
objec-
we
in the great
mass of
literature
on the German
poet.
Alfieri
SCHILLER'S FAME.
21
narrower poetic calibre than Schiller; he was never regarded in any wide sense as a national
Italian poet, but the relative position
which each
was
to
some respects analogous. Germany, it seems me, will not realise what manner of poet
and what he meant
is
Schiller was,
life,
until she
able to regard
him
as objectively
For, after
all,
was not the moral paragon his most ardent eulogists would have us believe, but a
very
human
struggler
and
fighter,
man whose
heroism lay in the obstinate battle he fought to maintain, amidst disheartening conditions, his
own
faith in the
beauty of
life
ceptional
gifts,
but his
national
;
special sense,
As a poet, he had exwork was not, in any still less was it for all
achieved, and
time.
To understand what he
what he might have achieved, it is necessary to study anew, and with unbiassed mind, the
conditions
under which
he
lived
and
wrote.
will the
the
biting
man
of
straw
*'
or,
to
use
Nietzsche's
expression,
"
^^
the
moral
Trumpeter
of Sackingen
of
1859.
II.
SCHILLER
IN
"STURM UND
DRANG"
Haben wir je einen teutschen Shakespear zu erwarten, so ist es dieser.
24, 1781.22
SCHILLER
A GREAT
IN ''STURM
UND DRANG."
not often for more
:
poet or thinker
is
either
ment," or he
is
left
behind by
it.
it
in either case
he ceases to belong to
lished Die Rauher,
and
this
was followed
in the
three
Kahale
und
Liebe.
With
in
prose
tragedies
Schiller
here, at
whatever
we may
in perfect
Die Rduber
is
and
vitality, as
modern
its
realist is obliged to
its
In spite of
lack of good
crudities,
exaggerations,
26
taste,
youth has a greater power of gripping an audience in the theatre than any of Schiller's riper tragedies.
ebullition
wonderful
of
Most remarkable of
all, is
have been written by a youth, who had seen no more of the world than was visible from the
strict
From
the
in
;
young
Goethe
who
rode
into
Strassburg
from the
stiff,
Academy"
in
author of inflated
no one
of gen-
for a
tragedy so
full
Much
lot as child
and youth
and
it
hood
in
Frankfort
Schiller's early
and preparation for the future tragic " sense for the poet they implanted in him that as Goethe finely observed, was a cruel," which,
distinguishing characteristic of Schiller's mind.
What
the
"
Missklang
impressed
itself
on him
27
at every turn
tions.^^
;
life
early
assumed
tragic propor-
possible, for
instance,
sense for
of
history
was
kindled by
some
measure
satisfied
;
in
Ludwigsburg,
difficult,
the
Swabian
Versailles
it
would be
indeed,
Solitude."
intuitive
Die Rduber
is
one of those
works of
genius which appear sporadically in a nation's history, and gather together all the threads o
vital
interest
peculiar to an age.
life
It
is
a play
of
its
own day;
of the "
the scene
laid neither in
as
was
"
usual in the
German drama
its
Geniezeit
nor, as in
past.
it
Moor that
appeared, modern
the
28
subHme
ways was
in
Had
the author of
Die
up to
theme.
its
ap-
pearance in the
German
literature of Schiller's
find
an echo
is
the
poet's
mind
of that
intense
in
Germanic type which had burst forth Klopstock, and discovered its affinities in
;
and
all
Plutarch, Rousseau,
all,
Shakespeare, Cervantes,
above
for the
und
Drang"
their
traces
on
Die
Rduber,
The student
nises, as
more or
tions,
and characters of
Schiller's play.
The
idea
of
two
ture,
which
:
had a
regime,
by Gessner and
SCHILLER IN
a similar conflict
is
29
to be found in
century
his
the
real
contemporaries were
concerned loved
The
addi-
complication
is
in
fanned into flame by his love for his brother's betrothed had come into vogue
Moor's hatred
The by Richardson and Rousseau. motive was a favourite one with the dramatists
''
;
Sturm und Drang " Klinger employs it again and again in his early plays, and it is introduced into the tragedy which left the deepest
of the
The
with
Die
Zwilliifge
were
his
immediate
of the
plot
des
main
incidents
story,
Zur
the
Geschichte
Herzens,
by
Swabian
poet,
Schubart.
The weaknesses
and dramatic
Actual characterisation
members
poet's
30
acters,
on the other hand, like the old Graf, Daniel, Hermann, and the heroine Amalia, are
shadows
not one
is brought to a clear focus either by the he speaks or by the actions he takes part words
in.
Karl
Moor himself
is
that
is
he
is
a champion of
humanity who
been
an apter
motto
for
In
title-
who
one
us in
that
died
out
or,
in
with
the
eighteenth
century,
at
least, early in
the nineteenth.
In Franz
Moor
there
(in
something of Richard III., of Edmund Lear), and of lago, and his monologues are
is
But
Schiller
his villain
is
drawn without
reserve
Franz's
philosophic quibbling
and medical
ostentation
lore
is
he
humanly
impossible.
And
yet.
31
monologue of the Last Judgment, which precedes his death, there is a grandiosity which
terrible
its
power
to
move.
The
interest
lie in
men
the
one
all
ing intellect
are
the social
life
crashed
together
the
French
Revolution.
Franz
is
Karl the
man
of feeling,
:
whom
Rousseau
dis-
it
is
German, but
European work.^*
standpoint of the stage.
From
the technical
is
Die Rduber
the
first
:
Germany produced
Emilia GaloUi, nor
like
restless
and unwieldy
of the plays
many
of the ''Sturm
ities,
is
und Drang."
it
Flaws, improbabil-
excrescences,
has
in
abundance
;
Pelion
piled on Ossa
at every opportunity
the char-
acters of the
play are
deficient in
the variety
32
humanity which we find in the Goethe just mentioned; above all, tragedy by the language of Die Rduber is too often bombastic
and the
and without
real
may
all
said
action,
of
;
the play,
we
is
see
everything.
And
which go towards making a genuine tragic conflict. As Bulthaupt rightly says, the real German
tragedy arose with Die Rduber
^^ ;
was
another,
has
remained
the
the
Germany
is
until
on
present
day.
critics
are in remark-
able agreement
Schiller's
most epoch-making
achievement as a dramatist.
No
is
other of his
still
able to
;
its
grip as this
to witness
the
Meiningen
ago
that
will
Court
readily
Theatre
some
fifteen
years
understand
is
how
the
opinion
Die Rduber
to
be,
Schiller's
greatest
tragedy
came
at
SCHILLER IN
that
33
time, a favourite
German
student
circles.
The
task which
Schiller
set
himself in
his
second play was a more difficult one than that which he had so successfully carried out in
Die Rauher,
of Fiesco,
the
conspiracy
su-
Genoa being
histori-
demanded a
of view;
dramatic
conclusion.
There
is
which
:
is
sometimes
is
that original
its
Fiesco
more
is
than
more
original
We
know
of no proto-
Gemmingen's
Der
deutsche
Keeping
speak
Fiesco.
this in view,
is
is
manifestly unjust to
so
it
disparagingly,
If in
as
often
done,
of
nothing
else,
is
an advance on
we have
seen,
34
creative
capable
of giving
voice
to
the
dramatic instinct.
showed that he
also
power of effectively handling a dramatic action and disposing of it in attractive stage pictures.
This tragedy has an
trigue
is
irresistible
swing; the
in-
As
weak
want of understand-
is
much
Even
The secondary
characters
are
less
plastically
members of
the
admirable figure
Muley Hassan, Spiegelberg's successor, alone But Fiesco himself is by no means excepted.
Moor some
Goethe's
critics
would
have us believe
from the
Egmont
is
from
35
Gotz, he shows a similar development in the " beautiful direction of On the humanity."
whole,
be said that the most conspicuous superiority of Fiesco over Die Rduber is one of
it
may
technique;
The same
encroachment of
in the
excesses of speech
sincerity
are
still
abundant,
but
the
earlier
of
tone
work
is
too often
aphoristic cleverness
Schiller's
left
of Lessing,
favourite
its
model,
traces here.
Liebe.
The
This tragedy
in its milieu
life
and characters
is
left
In his
first
hemming, obstructing laws of society here he arraigns the spirit of caste which was so rampant
throughout Europe in the period prior to the
French Revolution.
petty
He
the
despotism,
his
on
which
own
life in
wrecked.
36
Schiller's
days
he
first
brooded over
Duke
of Wiirtemberg
condemned him
after
;
second surreptitious
visit to
Mannheim
the
drama accompanied him through all the miseries and humiliations that followed his escape from
Stuttgart; and
in
it
was written
in
for the
little
most part
village
peasant's
house
the
of
Oggersheim.
The
its
two
no
predecessors
not
to
be
mistaken.
In
of the tragedy,
here
the
plot
is
skilfully
al-
theatri-
now produce
Miller
;
the admirable
that,
after
of the musician
the
impossible
Schiller
women
of Die
Rduher
a
and
Fiesco,
should
have
created
character
of
heroine
as
so
relatively
is
human
as
Louise.
is,
As
far
style
concerned, there
apart
feeling.
37
less
bombast than
before,
few pages of simple, natural dialogue, where not a word is misplaced or superfluous.
This leap forward is not easy to explain, for Fiesco and Kabale und Liebe were practically
conceived and written simultaneously.
experience of
life
Schiller's
had been considerably widened leaving Wlirtemberg, and in Bauerbach, where the tragedy was finished, he had passed
since
the
rhetorical
odes
to
Laura.
But
again,
in
as in
the ad;
vance was
the
main a
literary
one
it
was
due to
Schiller's
contemporary drama.
is
*'burgerliche Tragodie," and is closely modelled on the other *' biirgerliche Tragodien " of the
time
life,
the
characters
are
drawn,
not
from
Gemmingen.
are
Indeed,
if
-
we
Hausvater by the
last
mentioned
that
we
Kabale und
Liebe
as far as plot
What
he has done
''
is
to
ore of the
Sturm und
38
Drang
playwrights
into
pure
metal.
*'
The
in
dramas he
"
took
*'
as
models were
Familien"
gemalde
first
and
burgerliche Tragodien
the a
instance,
and
love
tragedies
only
as
Schiller reversed
is,
above
**
all
drama
view
first
of
common
and motives.
This change
gain,
was an
important
for
it
was the
eterni
attempt to regard this type of tragedy suh specie it meant that the poet was on the right ;
*'
Sturm way towards raising the drama of the " " und Drang from a merely parochial Tendenzdrama" to what might have been in the best
sense a national drama.
which
in
are
even
It
more
has
conspicuous
re-
than those
Fiesco.
been often
marked,
denounient
depends on
trifle
single
word,
look,
Such things
are,
of course, admissible
in tragedy,
misunderstanding
necessity.
the
This
at
39
way,
and
he,
perhaps
more than
any
other
the
plot
service
is
of grave
tragic
issues.
Schiller's
not
inevitable
enough.
a
Nor do the
Both
v^hen
characters
bear
too
close
scrutiny.
Louise
and
Ferdinand
have
moments
regarded
Louise,
as
whole,
entirely
consistent.
The
not
who
Milford
the
who
is
torn
asunder
lover.
Nor, again,
can we believe that the Ferdinand who exult" Du, Louise, und ich und die antly cries,
Liebe
!
Himmel
liegt "
?
nicht
in
can
so
become
jealous
letter.
tyrant on a
suspicion awakened by a
that
is
that
can
be
brought
tragedy.
But
is
in spite of
dramas
the
eighteenth
century.
life
it
In
the
history of the
drama of common
occupies
40
a
central
it
is
the
fulcrum
round
which the whole genus turns. Lessing and the " Sturm und Drang " stand dramatists of the
on one
side,
later
development
of the tragedy of
common
life,
<
century.
There were,
of
course,
possibiHties
of
de-
The
realistic,
commonplace
successfully in
milieu
which
depicted
so
Kabale und
might possibly have had, as time went or his fatal on, an undue attraction for him
Liehe
;
love
of
rhetoric
might,
led
;
in
the
to
unrestrained
still
him
extravagances of speech
or most
greater
all
likely of
came
easily
and
him, might have led him to that slippery path on which so many of the French
the misunderstand-
ings and trivial accidents of Kabale und Liebe were a step in the direction of Kotzebue.^^
SCHILLER
IN
"
4I
;
But
a born poet
that
He had shown
own
any of
art
his
contemporaries
of reflecting in his
time,
cance.
and of giving these ideas universal signifiThus, it seems to me, a critical point
in
the
history
at last
of
German
of
there
was
of
some hope
a really na-
help
this
young poet
to
Germany might
drama
attain
in
national
the
in
drama
of Corneille
and Racine
national
France, of
But
this
was
be
an
;
unexpected
the poet of change came over Schiller's art Kahale und Liebe became the poet of Don Carlos.
St.
M?c^
III.
DON CARLOS
Wo
Cid,
dem
Cinna, der Phcidra, dem Britannicus, der Athalie, dem Catalina, der Alzire, dem Mahomed, wo die Lustspiele, die wir dem Misanthrope, dem Ich Tarti'iffe entgegen stellen konnen ? wiinsche, dass mir nur ein einziges gedruktes Stuk
dem
in alien
Eigenschaften eines
und
Reim mit einbedungen) neben irgend einem von Racine stehen konne. Welch eine Laufbahn
.
liegt hier
noch
fiir
WlELAND.29
DON CARLOS,
In the
life
of every
man
there comes a
moment
when
his
However the
the
past,
poet's
and work
''
may,
in
have
been
moulded by
trol,
forces
ism
of
sooner
or
later
"gives the
decisive
own hands." In Schiller's life this moment lay between Kabale tmd Liebe
Carlos.
Schiller's activity was, his
and Don
Many-sided as
work,
There
is
is
only one
the
conspicuous
**
break,
and
that
between
drama
in
blank verse.
In
Don
46
Carlos Schiller
which he remained
life.
rest
of his
This
is
invaluable
career.
for
understanding of
Schiller's
Like
Goethe's
Iphigenie
and
Schiller's
own
Wallenstein,
Don
:
metamorphoses
single
The
subject
was suggested
him
as early as
May
Intendant of the
Mannheim
Theatre,
who
pre-
sumably gave him St Real's nouvelle historique of Don Carlos to read in December of the same
;
year,
when
in
and on the
as to a called
Millerin
27th of
March
1783, after
During the month of April he worked at the drama with enthusiasm, but towards the end of
the
month he was interrupted by having to prepare Louise Millerin for the stage, and it was not
DON
until
CARLOS.
47
poet
Mannheim
Don
that he took up or
Carlos again.
How much
it
how
Httle Schiller
wrote in Bauerbach,
is
we know
that
what was
In
in
Mannheim
Schiller
remoulded Don
Carlos
Darmstadt Court, in the presence of the Duke of Weimar. This act was published in March 1785 in the Rheinfirst
act to the
ische
Thalia.
The
tragedy,
however, advanced
Some
progress was
made
in
was no question of
steady work upon it until the autumn, when Schiller was established with his friend Korner
at
of the
(February 1786)
the
Rheimsche
number
of Schiller's
new venture
contained
II.,
which appeared in May. Then came another the various changes of plan pause of months
:
had
increased
the
difficulty
of
bringing
the
48
tragedy
satisfactory
conclusion.
It
was
part
of
He now
in
devoted
his
which appeared
Dom
The
drama
the
plot
set
hopelessly confused.
Schiller
had
becoming out on a
earliest
even in the
intricate,
but
when the
play's
its
political
propaganda.
Posa,
originally intended to be
Don
Carlos's confidant
and
became the
political
completely outgrowing the part for which he had been intended in the economy
of the whole.
The
in
mentaries
the
spite of explanations
and com-
poet's
own
Briefe iiber
Don
Carlos
DON
included
CARLOS.
us.
49
From
is
Don
Carlos
works.
It is not, it
in-
similar
to
its
difference
tragedy of
common
was
to be a
**
The
intrigue,
we may be
on the
assured,
lines of
dinand.
That
this
Lady Don
also
not to be gainsaid,
By
class surroundings
levelling
an influence on German tragedy throughout the " Sturm und Drang," he would have period of
been able to adopt a more dignified dramatic technique, and his tragic conflict would have
gained in depth and sincerity by the fact that
trials
50
more
The young
;
^'
Hamlet's
soul, the
and the pulse of the author ";^^ he was clearly to be the most intimately personal hero that
Don Carlos might thus Schiller had yet created. have been the very link that was necessary in the evolution, on a national basis, of the German
drama from the "
on
it
biirgerliche Tragodie."
If only
ever
come
to light,
less
important in
its
way than
the Gochhausen
When, however, we turn to the completed Don Carlos, we find that the literary aims of
the
poet
have
in
the
interval
change.
a steady and rapid development in the mastery of dramatic prose, and there are pages in Kahale
Gotz
von
Berlichingen
or
Clavigo;
but,
in
all
Schiller
seemed
in
to
forget
art
the
of
dramatic
Carlos
expression.
The
char;
acters
Don
speak
another
tongue
DON
CARLOS.
51
they delight in vague and general sentiments, and the bombast which, in prose, Schiller was gradually eliminating from his work, returns
again
in
the
form
of
glittering
rhetoric.
felt
new language, that poet Speaking he must adopt a new method of thinking poetia
the
cally,
ing
was
further
obliged to
delineation,
the
clear-
now
of poetry
in-
defined
or
to
vices.
The
and
hero,
of
Julius
von
a
Tarent,
himself,
become
salient
vague
shadow
he
of
all
three
tain,
characteristics
may
re-
he
has
become an abstraction
so
varnished
as
over
now understood
is
"poetry"
traits
of individualised
character have
disappeared.^*^
He
now
and
52
home
to
of
more
in-
than
are
the
characters.
The
is
general
impression
admir-
a letter to
Humall
Don
Carlos
is
^'^
new method
is
that Schiller,
who
in
his
early
dramas proved
with
its
longer
5370 verses
it
and
the
subject
it
was
originally
still
exceeds
longest
Shakespearean
tragedy by more than a quarter, and the first act alone extends to two-thirds the length of
Alfieri's
drama
causes
in
the
which
led
to
this
remarkable
transition
to
Schiller's
Don
in
Carlos,
we must be
more
precise
The breach
DON
of continuity
lies,
CARLOS.
will
53
as
from the foregoing, not so much between Kabale und Liebe and the Don Carlos of Bauerbach,
as
between
that
version
of
Don
Carlos
and
In other words,
career
''
period
in
Schiller's
as
Theatre
poet
in
Mannheim.
at
We
the
question,
What
mean
did
Mannheim
and
its
National Theatre
is.
for Schiller?
The answer
It
his genius,
For
Mannheim was
;
proverbial
for
its
French
tastes
French
literature
W. H. von
shared
supporter
and the
of the
most
active
classic
this
time
French
drama
in
as
often
consulted
in
staff
questions
of
concerning
theatre.^^
the
repertory
and
the
*'
Stlirmer
Mannheim,
when made
54
And by Weisse, Gotter, and Dalberg himself. Schiller, too, soon realised that Die Rduber,
Fiesco,
warmer reception anywhere else in Germany than in the town which had nominated him
a
its
*'
Theaterdichter."
settled
in
^^
poet
Mannheim, Dalberg's influence had had some effect on him ^^ and, in his own
;
made
several conIt
is
perhaps also
saal"
in
Lessing
Schiller
worth adding that the **AntikenMannheim, which had impressed both and Goethe, and was described by
enthusiasm,
with
under
the
guise
of
travelling
Dane,
in
the
Rheinische
Thalia,
in
say,
heim.
The
Mannheim,
that of
Gotha before
express
Ham-
burg Enterprise" had failed; indeed, an effort had been made to tempt Lessing to emerge
DON
from his retirement
CARLOS.
55
in
more take an
destinies
failed
active
controlling
the
of the
German
Schiller's
and
stage.
This attempt
appointment was obviously intended to correspond with that which Lessing had occupied in Hamburg. Schiller acunwilling*^
and
cepted the
role
of official
**
dramaturgist," and
Intendant a scheme
out of
little
which, howthat
ever,
Mannheimer
the
Dramaturgie.
doubt
now become
Hamburgische Dramaturgies'^
beyond my province here to define the place which Lessing's work occupies in the it must suffice to evolution of dramatic ideas
It
is
:
book which
misled
by the
champion of Shakespeare and an adversary of the French classic tragedy we are apt to over-
look,
ally a
and that
is
is
essenti-
classicism.
It is, in
but
it
56
ject,
while
accepting
certain
fundamental
principles
of the French
all,
poet's technique.
For
himself a Voltairean,
who
As
for
in
Shakespeare,
that this
was
limited
by the discovery
it
to
Lessing
to
say,
we might
his laws
shown
as to Sophocles.
French
classicists in so far as
by Shakespeare's lack of form, but he did not see that the English poet's greatness was of a
different
kind
in
the
or in the
drama
of Corneille
that
it
de-
pre-eminently in their
own
hearts,
who
Lessing virtually
re-
DON
CARLOS.
57
on a more catholic basis than that accepted in France, one that was in harmony with the spirit,
if
of Aristotle.
In
spite
of
own
let
belief
to
German
aturgic
And
own Nathan
der Weise
to
that of Shakespeare.
man
of letters
belonging
the
latter
to
the
older
generation.
In
1782
Young
verse
Poet, in
rhymed
which,
however,
not
appear
March
1784
the
Austrian
playwright
Ayrenhoff,
who had
Gotz
von
in
by railing
against "
I
Shakespeare
believe," "
and
Berlichingen,
said
Wieland,
summing up
his
argument,
that
we can be
just
58
Schiller's
to influences
we
find
theatre that
Mannheim.
The
which
it
is
in the
same
letter in
he discussed Don
break with
the
Carlos implies
In
lecture,
Wie kann
wirken
?
eine
gute
stehende
Schaubuhne
eigentlich
he
side
by
Mannheim
to
Athens
the
and Cr6billon
in other words,
he was himself
a line of
prepared to take up in
similar to that
reputation.**
Mannheim
work
his
It is
Anton von
Klein,*^
who
constantly in-
sisted
taste as exemplified
DON
CARLOS.
59
just con-
in
trenchant criticism.
came
of a
into
contact
in
Leipzig
and
Dresden,
Don
Carlos,
were not
he
had acquired
It is
of this tragedy, as
which preceded
teenth
it,
abandoned Shakespearean
-
century classicism.
we might
is
say, given
the
first
;
poetry
essentially
French, and the similarity of the plot to that of Racine's Mithridate or Phedre has been frequently remarked.^^
It is possible that if Schiller
had
finished the
lines
drama
in
it
jective
on which
extent,
have,
to
some
must
obliterated
Latin
heim
he
necessarily
have
regarded
the
6o
Latin
the
conflict
in
wholly
favourable light.
The
Don
Carlos or
having seen Otway's play, but, on the other hand, that he made considerable use oi Andronic,
Gallicisms have even been detected in the style
of
Don
CarloSf
of Marquis Posa
are
perhaps also
its
inconsistencies
to
be found in the
roles
of Martian and
Leonce
in
Campistron's tragedy.^^
far as the
But as
question of Latinisation
is
Don
choice of verse
it
is
clear
in
that
Klein's
the
same
direction
iambics of
Don
been
satis-
factorily explained.
to choose from
DON
CARLOS.
in
6l
his
Befreyung
von
superficial examination will show that the poet learned nothing from Wieland, Brawe, or Weisse.
The
as a
fact that
last great
drama
in iambics,
medium
in
and
the plays
of
between Posa and the King, being obviously modelled on the central scene in Nathan. But Schiller had too fine an ear for
Carlos, that
Don
the
music
of
verse
to
remain
content
I
with
am
his
convinced that,
in
this
respect, he learned
drama based
any case, the fact that every possible model which Schiller might have chosen was a drama in the French classic style, naturally
Voltaire.^^
In
influenced
him
enormously
there was
to
not
German
which he could
62
him
for
it
was that
translation
to
which
first
nervous characterisation they had attained under the influence of the " Sturm
fine
combine the
und Drang" with the requirements of a measured, rhythmic form. The consequence was that he
almost inevitably
fell
into
As
far
as
the
spirit
ising,
its
model was
as
Voltaire.
we saw, he
tween the
century
in
In triumphed with Voltaire in the eighteenth. riper years Schiller went back with preference
to Corneille
lost his
and Racine, for the latter he never deep respect, and Le Cid he called, as far
but
in
1784
all,
For,
after
Voltaire
century.
is
was he who taught the European dramatists the art of rendering outward and
DON
visible
CARLOS.
theatrically
63
of presenting
the
the finer
feel-
and
psychological
It
characterisation
of
Shakespeare's.
to the situation
problem
above
all, it
how
tics.
With him,
became
historically significant.^^
German drama
of
mated, and, as
far as
been estimated at
not yet
a time
when
rapidly losing
German
art,
public,
he estab-
awakened
interest in a
for
public which
had
little
understanding
the
chaster and
age of Louis
self into
more nationally French poetry of the XIV. Above all, he insinuated himhearts that had been
German
moulded
64
by the Leibniz- Wolffian philosophy, by his portrayal of conflicts which resulted in moral betterment and regeneration, even at the cost of he showed how the characterphysical death
;
types
of
the
seventeenth
century
could
be
modernised
and
humanised by an inoculation
for a
In Germany, Weisse,
Don
Carlos, then,
;
is
Voltaire
after the
especially the
and, in a
still
model of the French poet the intrigue conflict between father and son,
;
would
in-
have commended
itself at
and
politics.
Most
teresting seems to
me
;
type to which
all
his
dramas.
Don
Carlos,
Max
Piccolomini,
Melchtal
these
are
DON
the
CARLOS,
held up to
65
the German German youth
;
heroes
who
are
late
as
expressed
"
himself
with
warmth
^^
about
has,
Schiller's
deutscher
to
Jiingling."
One
types
however,
only
compare
these
with
own Ferdinand,
in the
dramas of
and Hebbel,
'*
to see
how
"
slight
deutscher
Jiingling
Schiller's favourite hero is, in fact, no other type. than the ideal youth of Klopstock and the " Sturm und Drang," metamorphosed under the influence
of French cosmopolitanism
of
this
chosen vehicle
to
riper
the poet's
German
idealism and
minds a stumbling-block to the appreciation of his dramas is, in reality, the jeime premier of
characters
like
Titus,
Nerestan,
Zamore,
set
more
delicately strung
lovers
of
the
seventeenth century.
Not that
its
way on
to the
66
German
is
the immediate
demand
drama should be
immediately
preceding
period,
Schiller
It
may
be argued
of abstract ideas,
made
by
Voltaire
and Lessing,
to ideas,
in
which
was more
temperament than the Shakespearean tragedy, where personality and character were supreme, and ideas only
harmony with
Schiller's
Or we may be
lay in
and urge that the poet's greatness having raised the drama from the con**
fusion of the
Geniezeit
;
"
to a purified
and
well-
ordered
classicism
in
other
words,
that
he
way between
the English
to
German
:
tragedy.
But
this
would involve a
fallacy
DON
CARLOS.
67
way between
classic
the
absurdities of the
its
*'
French
drama,
as
disregarding
rules."
As
far,
at
least,
he had
He had
type
of
Latin conception
or vices they
deft
embody
are
set in
motion by the
hand of
their creator.
Thus, whether owing to inward necessity or as a result of untoward influences, Schiller took
the critical step
best interests of
German
poetry,
wards.
The cosmopolitan
spirit
;
he abandoned the
68
that
:
is
the significance
Don
Carlos,
what, a generation
deposed
for
attempting
manic drama to
Voltaire.
And, as we
shall see,
was
from Vienna
said: "It
is
in
September 1783
to Dalberg, he
German
theatre.
...
writer
It
is
swept
that
away."^^
The
was thinking of
the irony of time
Schiller's
early plays.
the
IV.
AS HISTORIAN
AND
PHILOSOPHER
Der Trieb nach Beschaftig-ung mit abstrakten Ideen, das Streben alles Endliche in ein grosses Bild zu fassen und es an das Unendllche anzukniipfen, lag
in Schiller
;
es
war mit
W.
VON Humboldt. 5^
AS HISTORIAN
There
genius,
is
AND PHILOSOPHER.
among
at
his
critics
a tendency, even
who
are
look
askance
preoccupation
was detrimental
ground
to
his
poetic
mission,
or on the
It
is,
of course,
by the
we
was
unfavourably
or that
influenced
by
his
abstract
studies,
philosophy could
easily
have
undercurrent
:
in
his
reckoned with
it
is
as
strongly apparent in
Karlsschiiler
"
the
Kantian
philosopher
and
it
classical
is
Indeed,
quest-
72
ionable
if
any of the so-called metaphysical poets, from Lucretius onwards, were so metaphysically
constituted as
that
Schiller;
and there
is
no doubt
dramatic
Kilnstler
his
Die
literature.
head of the philosophical poets of the world's I, at least, know of nothing in which
is
poetry
made
To
to
ascribe
Schiller's
metaphysical
is
tendencies
correct
:
his
study of
naturally
Kant
thus
in-
he was
of
power
turned
thinking
to
abstractly,
when
he
seriously
the
study
philosophy,
soon
proved
that
he was
able to
speak with
forget
authority.
Further,
we must not
philosophy
:
how
asso-
intimately
poetry
and
were
the hard-and-
were
then
non
existent
philosophy
was
re-
garded as an
aid,
artistic expression.
justify
God
to
man
in
the
spirit
of a
73
phil-
and
osophy was as essential as to the poet of Zaire and Mahomet, A naiver poet like Shakespeare
or
have
passed
unscathed
through the intense intellectual abstraction to which Schiller subjected himself, but on him
these studies only acted beneficially;
the philo-
historical
costume.
If
Wal-
lenstein is superior to
Don
in
great
measure,
be
attributed
to
Schiller's
and philosophical studies.^^ The theme "Schiller as Historian "^^ presents few difficulties or complications; his defects and
historical
lie,
as
it
were, on the
letter to
which the
for
five years he devoted himself to this study with an application and zeal such as he had given to no other, not even to the Kantian philo-
sophy.
What
in
these years
meant
for Schiller's
development,
subjective
74
ing the
way
for
that
objectivity
which
is
dis-
be overestimated.^^
Schiller's
He planned
of
an ambitious
Niederlande
von
der
spanischen
first
Regierung,
1788.
He
what remained, throughout his life, his favourite province of history, "the most remarkable rebellions
and
"
conspiracies
another
series
Allgemeine
successful
Sammlung
than
the
until
historischer Menwires,
first,
more
by
was
continued
death.
other
also
hands
after
Schiller's
He
filr
published
number
of
historical
essays,
Damen,
his
most popular
historical
work, the
With regard
writings,
it
may
the History of
the
it
Revolt of
is
Netherlands.
Schiller
could not,
of the
true,
pretend to
scanty
mastery even
then
at
somewhat
of
materials
the
disposal
the
75
is,
but
his
statement
of
the
facts
the
main,
trustworthy;
and
although
liberty,
he
for
eloquent
to
conspicuous
are not
the
opposing party.
We
is
nowadays
done here, but the poet's clear-cut portraits, especially of the minor dramatis personcB in the
great struggle,
later historians.
The
although
is
more
at-
to
less
satisfac-
tory as history.
The
the
spirit
of
the
eighteenth
century's
revolt
is
at
parent
War was
as
war, but
for
intellectual
age
of
the
"Aufklarung" understood that word. Schiller had here not the same grasp of facts and motives
as
is
to
be observed
in
his
first
history
the
76
also
more
superficial
and perfunctory.
But the
literary side
of the
Thirty Years' War has, as it were, benefited by freedom from the tyranny of facts; the poet has fuller play to mould the leaders of the
war
in
agination,
bring
into
the
dramatic moments,
to
apply,
other words,
first
modern
history.
we must
Even
cenat
of
the
eighteenth
their
not
averse to accept
facts
The
facts,
picturesque,
presentment
of
we might
of
say,
among
has
to
the
most
prized
virtues
historical
The
is
point, however,
which
be
emphasised
Schiller
was a
the
most discerning among his contemporaries must have felt that he was not abreast of the move-
77
Schiller
with
the last he
had
been
familiar
since
the
these,
and, Fiesco^
warm
days
when
he
enthusiasm.^^
approached history from the philosophical His first serious interest in the subject
articles of
Kant's,
it
was
quaintance with
Kant as a writer
in
1787.
been put
into
by
*'
Iselin,
the
typical
German
"
historian of the
Aufklarung."
This interpreta-
tion of history, in
is,
as
it
which the
'*
mind
he considered
it
province of the
historian's
facts
work
the
to
cover the
bare
skeleton
of
with
nerves
and
yS
muscles of poetic invention, to bring the course of events into agreement w^ith a higher philosophic harmony.
^^
As a consequence of
Schiller
of the
did not see that, under the influence " Sturm und Drang," which, by this
left
behind,
Germany
for
v^as
building up a
was of
of history that
the future.
was most
men
is
like
Once,
it
true,
a letter
to
echo
time
idea
of
the
more
advanced
significance
the
the
the
that
national
it
history,
should
chronicle
of a
is
the
doings,
not
people,
but
of the
And although
zur
Philosophic
der Menschheity
work which
had
virtually
given
the
a priori
method
its
published
of
his
own on
history,
he
in-
What
79
him was,
after
all,
not
Herder's
new
way
human
remains
histories
the
virtue
of
to
literary
form.
are
said
have
taught
German
and one
the
as
of
Schiller's
predecessors,
to
such
Schrockh, Gatterer,
necessary was the
Iselin,
understand
how
lesson.
regarded
of other
German
it
historians in
architectural
the
eighteenth
century
qualities
is
rarely
diffuse,
although
is
occasionally
turgid
and
rhetorical.
There
no
difficulty in choosis
con-
the
Thirty
Years'
War, and,
say,
Johann von
Eidgenossenin
Miiller's
schaft.
Geschichte
Schweizerischer
is
Miiller's something straightforward, unvarnished narration of events, dull although it be, which is more in accordance
Yet
there
and splendour of
Schiller's eighteenth
80
century periods.^^
too, that Schiller's
it
has to be remembered,
was
this
book of
writings,
Mtiller's,
and not
laid
historical
which
the
foundations of modern
German
in
historiography.
What
that
distinguishes
is
Schiller
poraries
not
it
word,
style
is
the
the
narrow sense of
rather
power of
history
artistic
presentment.
dramatically;
Schiller
sees to
plastically,
he
is
able
heighten
colours
But, as he himself has shown, " across a temperathis power of seeing events
ment,"
or,
in
Hebbel's phrase,
"reflecting the
is
world
upon
an
individual
background,"
may
prove a dangerous
We
he
may
and methods of
German
ments;
Hke
his
other
to-day,
hand,
it
his
mean
a
little
to
us
is
not because
German
to
history, having
advanced from
qualities that
an
lend
art
it
science,
despises
AS HISTORIAN
AND PHILOSOPHER.
less
8l
because Schiller, no
who
wrote the
Steele de Louts
XIV.
or Charles XII.,
was a
historian of the
"
broached by
nineteenth
Herder,
century.
has
dominated
the
whole
Schiller's philosophy
chapter in his
life.^^
began with
so
we may say
from his occupation with Kant's philosophical writings in 1791. To understand Schiller's position with regard to Kant,
it is,
however, necessary
and
early develop-
ment of his philosophical ideas.^^ The basis was laid in the years 1778-80
Military
at the
Academy
at the
hands of one of
his
two
generations of
his
He grew up in the creed of the so" called Popularphilosophen," who gave rationaland Wolff.
ism the form which proved most palatable to the
German people
that
is
to
say,
a rationalism
82
like
Hutcheson and Ferguson, and, above all, by Shaftesbury. The chief document of the poet's earlier studies is the Philosophischen Briefe, which
were written
in
some years
earlier.
Here
his
person of Julius,
opposition to the
own
philosophic
faith in
had hitherto
tried
And
to
said,'^^
while Das
close.
down by
will
years
from
Duke
of
Schleswig- Holstein-
Augustenburg and his minister, Graf von SchimHe had already begun the study of melmann.
Kant's aesthetics
the
published in
and 1791
was
AS HISTORIAN
if
AND PHILOSOPHER.
83
was
to be free
in
first
mastering the
-
Kantian philosophy.''^
resolution were
The
fruits
of this
first
two
entitled Uher
Gnmd des
in
and Uber
transition
Schiller's
period to
:
in Kantian standpoint of his later years neither of the essays, however, has he succeeded in reconciling the conflicting views.
His
Kant's
first
aesthetics,
and
in
furtherance
of
that
thinker's standpoint,
entitled
Kallias,
was
oder
ilber
Schonheit.
This
was, however,
neither
finished
nor
and
and contents
published,
or, at least,
part thereof
we
are
important
1793.^^
freshest,
Korner
in
February
These
many
respects, the
cal writings
most original of all Schiller's philosophiin none of his books does he display
:
methods of philosophic
theorem.
The
t.84
Kallias
Kant, to
Schiller
dis-
was
to refute this
to doctrine,
the
it
cover
some
objective
beautiful
which
was what
he had
we
call
beautiful.
And
**
this he believed
found
ung."
in the quality of
Nothing, he said,
**
Kant's phrase,
all
own laws;
but in
proportion as freedom
Now
beauty deals,
the
not with
things
in
themselves,
in
but with
so far as
objects
by the conception of the beautiful object as a self-determined whole, which Herder, Goethe, and, above all, Moritz had
taught
idea,
;
and
application
of
it
to
the general
it
problem of
to
aesthetics, is his
own, and
seems
first
me worthy
of a philosophic
mind of the
85
more
definition
beauty
Freiheit
ung."
It
soon, however,
had not wholly understood the problem as it presented itself to Kant's mind. He was ultimately obliged to right in
criterion of beauty
of
in
**
in other
ject,"
must
first
endow the
object with
it.
But the
fallacy in Schiller's
its
argument by no
means destroyed
for, as
value as a contribution to
;
we
first
unpub-
of the
for
poet's
mind.
felt
an
absolute,
objective definition
of beauty
proves
how
86
aestheticians,
They had
defined
in
it
true, as something
that beauty
tive
point of Hutcheson,
whom
Schiller
had studied
was as present
to his
mind
as Kant's criticism.
it
The problem
it
was
thus, as
sprang
from a desire on Schiller's part to reconcile the critical philosophy with that of Kant's predecessors.
in
The
definition of beauty as
"
Freiheit
der
solve
had declared
but, like
German
aesthetics;
it
helped to raise
dogma
of the
87
and morality.
Having
satisfied
some more
1793,
to
up other
lacunce, or to correct
what appeared
:
to
him
to be errors in the
Kantian theory
in
his
position with regard to the most radical theorem in Kant's aesthetics, the dissociation of
own
{interesseloser
Wohlgefalien).
is
moral
stamped on
bury, as to
mind
and Kant's
by means of a compromise.
of beauty in the
He
human
ing
all
it,
certain aspects in
which
it
is
free
from
cor-
extraneous
"
interest,"
and consequently
But, he goes on
emanates,
or
appears
emanate,
from
the
05
human form
behind
it,
and
he defines as "Anmut," a
to
translate
Shaftesis
op"
architectonic
is
a beauty of
movement
but,
in
it
order that
movement may
"grace"
"
is
appear beautiful,
And
just as
embodiment of
is
"
moral beauty," so
Wiirde,"
or dignity,
lime
it
Thus, by an ingenious chain of reasoning, Schiller defended the traditional doctrine of the
eighteenth century against Kant's attack.
But
a certain
proceeded in
ruthlessness,
satisfied
his
conception of a
of duty,
will,
had, by destroying
AS HISTORIAN
AND PHILOSOPHER.
8g
life
Here, again, Schiller confronted Germany. Kant as a champion of the older rationalistic
morality.
ophy;
antagonism of inclination and duty which Kant insisted upon as the fundamental conditions of
freedom and the higher moral life. The perfect life, said Schiller with the thinkers of Leibniz's school, cannot be built up on disspiritual
is only to be attained by man's incHnations to such a point that educating they are wholly compatible with his duties the
is
the triumph
This
was
Schiller's
conception
of
the
the
highest
from
despotism
in
human
is
race.
It
not as
mission
90
new
critical
methods,
and
aesthetic ideas
These studies formed the preliminary to a work in which Schiller proceeded to apply practically
the results he had just arrived
Briefe
ilher
at.
die
asthetische
Erziehung
Menschen
(1795),^*
letters
which originated
in a series of private
written by the
poet to his
patron the
Duke
was
is
of Augustenburg. Beauty, he had proved, freedom in appearance," and the beautiful an integral element in the moral life. The
*'
quality of freedom,
it
is
true,
may
only be im-
beauty, but
it
behoves
more, to
of,
in
philosophic
Schiller
now
**
regarded beauty
^^
as, to
In art, in the aesthetic sense, imperative." " or play-impulse," he saw the liberator from the
tyranny of those
extremes
life
which
harmony
of
human
from
destroy the
sensualism on the
one side and calculating reason on the other, from egotism and self-sacrifice it is this play:
man
to
freedom
QI
and
perfection.
Such
is,
at least, the
dsthetische
Erziehung
Menschen.
"
The
doctrine
of
"
aesthetic education
which
forth
was of
vital
German
which
culture.
Menschengeschlechts,
is
book,
the
tendency
of
practically
same time,
essentially
it
is
retrospective
of Schiller's
ideas:
his Aesthetische
Erziehung represents, we
between
art
as
char-
famous
The
is
poet's
dream of a
outHned
perfectly
harmonious Hfe
in
Germany
the world
we
live
in
is
the
The
treatise
Uber naive
92
Dichtung,^^
in the
Briefe
Horen
word on
most nearly
concerning himself the art of poetry. Although regarded as a reasoned investigation into a special
province of aesthetics, the work seems deficient
in the originality
first
and
intuitive
power of
Schiller's
sweep of its thought, it is inferior to the work which immediately preceded it, yet, as Gervinus has observed,^^ it
1793
is
and although,
in the
indispensable
to
the
understanding of the
German
It
German
classical
poetry,
to
The twofold
that
it
Written
in
the
winter
1795-96,
Uber
in
naive
first
und
senti-
the
instance,
an investigation into the respective merits of ancient and modern poetry, and, in the second,
a document pro domo, a plea for Schiller's
particular
own
93
*' Greek genius. Opposed to Goethe's naive of the treatise is The fundamental thought
we
The
had
an
at
might say,
idea of
'*
in the air
when
Schiller wrote.
naive,"
as
applied to literature,
been
set forth
Winckelmann had
essential
least
in
naivete
to
be
element,
not in Greek
poetry,
Greek
art
definition.
The
conception
of
but, like
a true
Kantian, he arrived at
but
"
it
by a process
"
is,
of
logical
His
sentimental
term of
German
naive.
planned
on
deductive,
a priori
lines
unlike
is
modern
not based
or the
facts
Instead, Schiller, as
poets, although
94
acter of
which
he
has
like
arrived
at
by
abstract
reasoning,
forcibly
and,
fits
an
intellectual
Procrustes,
into the
bed of
this theory.
way
of
"Aufklarung" as did
in
his ideas
on
the
political
history:
principle
and
consequences
it
development.
Here again
who
most advanced thinker of the eighteenth century, laid down the lines which the nineteenth
it
century followed;
related literature
first
cor-
and
forms,
evolution,
and
saw
in
poetic
as
in
human
institu-
human
needs.^^
them, the younger Romantic generation borrowed freely from him. They refused to countenance his
a priori legislation, or those boundaries and definitions
himself,
own
existence.
The
desig-
new
AS HISTORIAN
AND PHILOSOPHER.
g5
*' romantic "^^ is to be epoch as "classic" and " " traced back to the antithesis of naive and
''
sentimental
"
;
the
aesthetic
theories
of
the
esis of
ilher
dsthetische
Erziehung,
of the
reappears
as
one of the
chief features
Romantic
"
practice,
the
famous
*'
Romantic irony
Thus
Schiller
the philosopher
is
open to be
criticised in the
same way
torian
Born in an age in which two opposing forces were struggling for mastery, he threw in his lot with the force of tradition rather than with that
of progress
of the
'*
:
Aufklarung."
He
deliberately adopted
the deductive
method
of Kant,
and applied
field
it,
of specula-
philosophy, in a
g6
Romanticism, but
the
spirit
of
the
older
In other
ceded
it.
V.
Ein Fiihrer nur zum Bessern soil er werden, Er komme, wie ein abgeschiedener Geist, Zu reinigen die oft entweihte Scene Zum wurd'gen Sitz der alten Melpomene.
Schiller.
83
Every drama
;
of Schiller's
was
virtually a
new
experiment he always set out from the love of art, always with the desire to conquer a new side of it, and I doubt if the great series of his
final result."
The
feature
in
Schiller's
work
to
which these
words from a
refer, is
letter of
Humboldt's to Goethe ^^
one which invariably presents itself to the reader. More especially from the group of classic dramas, from Wallenstein to Wilhelm Tell,
do we carry away the impression that the poet was experimenting in poetic forms hitherto untried
by his countrymen. From the wide panorama and motley scene of the Thirty Years'
War
fate
he turned,
of
in
Maria
narrow
hemmed
his
"
tragedy of
common
Hfe
"
;
for
next
100
poetic optimism
all
and
this
succeeded by the sinister and brooding pessimism of Die Braut von Messina, Ultimately,
in
was
strangest
still
play to his
own
contrast of
Wilhelm
Tell,
he returned,
unsatisfied, to
was
less
weighted
in its
by extraneous
All these are,
theory,
rules,
it
less
hampered
Wallenstein
movement by antique
than
had been.
seems to
new form
of dramatic poetry.
Goethe
Wagner
laid
upon
it,
"
those kingdoms conquered from the barren Realms of Darkness." ^^ We might perhaps go still further, and say, as I have done elsewhere,
of
all
the
German
Hauptmann.
is
conceivable, at
all
case
his
constant experi-
lOI
menting may have been due to the fact that no satisfactory form for the national German drama
had yet been discovered. Schiller not convinced that he had found the
of expression for
w^as himself
right vehicle
what he had
to say;
he had
of being
to
on the only
In his
which
is
be observed in the
literatures.
great
dramatists
of other
methods by saying that the poet's aim was to combine the ancient '^ fate " tragedy with the modern ** character" tragedy of Shakespeare.^^
The formula
its
is
application to the
is
individual
dramas shows
Hettner
it
not so simple as
would have us
to
rest
believe.
To
begin with,
seems
which,
at this time,
It is true the Engup towards Shakespeare. lish poet was often discussed in their letters
;
his
the
Weimar
stage;
a version of
Romeo and
one of Macbeth,
102
**
Sturm und
less,
Drang
"
;
their
we have Mannheim
days.
If,
Wallenstein
an attempt to create a national German tragedy by combining the antique with the modern,
Sophocles with Shakespeare,
it
must
at the
same
in
real or imaginary impressed by the analogies between these poets than by their dissimilarity,
and that
**
modern
"
Shakespeare was peculiarly limited.^ With Don Carlos Schiller had, once
essential
for
all,
abandoned the
speare's
principles
of
to
Shake-
technique;
he
had
looked
French
When,
1796, he again turned his attention to the drama, he was still convinced that the only
hope for German tragedy lay in its development on the lines laid down in Don Carlos. In other
words, Schiller believed
opinion
and
Goethe shared
a
his
that
poetry
must avoid
narrowly
I03
at
and aim
rather
expressing
mopolitan
methods
that,
in
particular,
the
into
harmony
masterpieces
of
Greek
and French
genius.
of
Geniezeit."
At the same time, Schiller no longer stood at the level of Don Carlos ; his ideas of tragedy had
is
now no
of
pathos
he has appreciation
more
;
and Racine
above
in
all
same step
as,
an
generation,
Elias
we now
associate with
still
Schiller
holds
an
be
modern themes;
that
of
historical
must, in
to
Sophocles
applied
modern
modern
life.^^
The
104
constantly seeking
how
own
faith in
Shakespeare came
so far as Schiller
into question,
it
was only
in
felt
other
had,
without
offending
"
Selbst-
Don
Carlos
had
led
him
now, as a consequence of his historical studies, but he was finding his way back to poetry
;
Carlos, a period of
preoccupation
with
the
philosophy
of
Years'
War and
us
Don
Carlos gives
some
which guided
It is possible,
Schiller
however,
to
work
the
is
to be inferred
as-
IO5
If
Hoffmeister
latter
is
to
be trusted,^^ the
plan
of the
Carlos in the
same way
was
Bauerbach Don
The
hero,
Wallenstein,
conceived
on
the
lines
of
Marquis Posa, and the drama was, moreover, to have been written in prose. However this
work was, like its pre" blossom of a single summer," decessor, not the
may
be,
the
finished
upon
and theory of tragedy, and the ethical problem involved in Wallenstein's fall was readjusted to
suit the
requirements of the
new
philosophy.
We
was
in
of Wallenstein, in
models
unmistakably
Wallenstein's
French
fate
is
it
in
character,
whereas
or
is
brought
about,
at
least presented as if
that
crushes
In
control.
Don
his
drawn upon
Carlos
Schiller
I06
them
directly,
had
simplified, pruned,
and fashioned them according to his French models. At the same time, his attitude to
characters and
personal.
sentiments was
still
essentially
was
incompatible
with
subjectivity;
that
work himself or
pathies.
his
own sympathies
historical
or
anti-
Now
the
Wallenstein was
for
the
warmly attracted by him. In November 1796, before he had proceeded very far with the drama, we find him writing to
Goethe
'*
:
With regard
I
to the spirit in
which
am
me.
might almost say that the subject does not interest me at all. I have never combined such coolness towards
a
...
my theme
The
with such
principal
warmth
of feeling for
my
work.
But
written
it
for
the poet
who had
Don
I07
an ideal of poetry as he here set before him, and, before long, he is obliged to have
recourse once again to the
French method
in
demanded
on
whom
he
is
able
to
lavish
that
personal
affection
and enthusiasm
for
wise no outlet.
become involved
political
conflict.
so
many
despise the
seventeenth century.
once evident
in Corneille
harmony with
idealised
and
less
conventional
historical
Had
Schiller
master in the
of writing classically, he
no precedent
of Voltaire's
of Wallenstein;
I08
spirit
might have learned the best lesson of all that in such a drama sentimental episodes were an
unnecessary theatrical concession.^*
Wallenstein
classic style.
is
obviously
tragedy
in
the
The
War
upon the stage and allowed to enact what history records of them
are not put naturally
;
their sayings
and doings are rather regulated by preconceived theory of human motive and
action,
which the poet, under the influence of Kant's interpretation of the moral law, dictates
to
them
with
the
truth
of
if,
Germanic
in-
and
Don
Carlos,
is
passed
with
Wallenstein
from
the
generalising
methods of Voltaire's tragedy to the Greek conception of the type, more especially as exemplified
in
Tochter.
lOg
Wallenstein
understand
why
it
a
a
opinion as
There
is
to
sym-
with
the
virulent
antipathy
is,
it
of critics
is
Otto
Ludwig.^^
true,
swing
in
the dramatic
possibilities of the
theme
is still
to
some
The
place of Wallenstein
at the
beginning of the
career,
and from
progress
first
to last that
career
was
steady
to
seems
me
a
regarded as
Stuart.
drama
its
per
se,
Whatever
merits or demerits,
national
is
certainly not
the great
Years'
drama which
for,
the
Thirty
War
deserves;
like
one tragedy
on a subject taken from national history, is lackHis insight into ing in historical background.
the conditions of the time had,
it is
true, taught
historical
background
Wallenstein's
fall
was
to be
made
:
clear
and convincing
what
no
The
a
to
prologue
to
the
of
its
tragedy
kind,
proper,
although
help
masterpiece
realise
does not
us
the annals of
modern
nations.
Schiller's art,
and
classic art
in general, is not
movements and events involving the welfare of a people the poet was here trying to do in an
;
effected
was perhaps a
of this
kind, a presentiment
for
that
his
methods
wide
tragedies
of such
Maria
such
does
not,
of
course,
testify
to
decessor,
but
the
scaffolding
of
the
drama,
concealed
Ill
plastic
classic
and the language is, in general, more and dramatic. Schiller's faith in his
models
remained,
is
however,
unshaken,
a classic drama.
The
in
he
tells
us,
admitted of treatment
the
manner
of Euripides,
it.^^
French tragic poets while he was engaged upon Like Wallenstein, Maria Stuart is, at the
opening of the drama, doomed, but while in the former case the fate was, as in Greek
tragedy, a supernatural power, in Maria Stuart
it
definite
and
It
realistic
form
be
of a judicial condemnation.
must
also
regarded
as
step
here given
up
the
device
of a
sub-
fiery jeune
premier
is
introduced
the
queen's
admirer
Mortimer,
lines
he
is
conceived
on
more human
it
than
Max
sign
Piccolomini.
that,
in
Lastly,
was a
strict
favourable
classicism,
spite
of
his
Schiller
was
willing to
borrow sugconsenti-
gestions as to
how
to
be
Romantic
Iffland
for
temporaries,
and
turn to
mental touches that are foreign to his models. Maria Stuart is the most difficult of all
112
Schiller's tragedies
It
is
true value.
stage,
exceedingly but
scant
It
popular
at
on
the
told,
the
and
the
finds
favour
hands
real
of
critics.
lacks,
we
are
historical
facts
;
dramas.
graver flaw
is
considered to be the
;
Schiller
is
ac-
a
his
trick
on
his
is
audience,
in
of
that
heroine
as
involved
conflict,
is
whereas,
It is
matter of
fact,
there
none.
which Mary builds up on Mortimer's devotion to her, on Leicester's love and promises, and,
lastly,
in which
that
freedom are
denoument
purely
illusory,
the
tragic
the beginning.^''
is
This
may be
true,
but there
defy
the
clogging
laws
It
of
the
dramaturgies of the
Renaissance.
must be
admitted that he adapted the Aristotelian theory in a large-minded way to his needs, even if the
later
II3
act
of
approval.
The
last
it
Maria
the
Stuart,
however lachrymose
reader,
is,
appears to
the
modern
rightly
regarded,
most
which
it
Schiller had,
up to
is
spiritual.
The
him
would seem
of the
inner
then,
Maria
open to
criticism,
it
assuredly not
of the
on these grounds.
concessions to the
The
eidola
faults
drama
of the
theatre
his
Mary
"
is
half a queen
and half a
life,"
tragedy of
common
We
and
in
have
Goethe's
is
word
for
it
that
Die
;
Schiller's best
least,
work ^
beyond
one respect,
:
at
this
is
question
of
all Schiller's
von Orleans
is
and harmonious
that
H
homogeneous
it
is
to say,
excels
114
in
mind when he
conscious
Schiller's
greatest
achievement."^^
features
On
in
Die jfungfrau von Orleans which are not comIn it the poet patible with this high praise.
displays,
for
instance,
an
almost
greater
its
dis-
as
pre-
no modern dramatist
would dare
of Jeanne
to
do
the
d'Arc in order
adapt
it
to
all
the
his
theory
of
tragedy which
behind
work, namely, that the tragic hero, in succumbing to his fate, should undergo a moral regeneration.
And
is
attained in
Plot
an
extraordinarily
acters are less
way.
and char-
real, less in
than
in
either
Wallenstein
this
Maria
Stuart.
in
Rmber, hoped
Shakespeare,
ficiality of
to see Schiller
become a German
arti-
it
made
drama;
II5
in
Die
Jungfrmi von
what
and
Schiller called a
too,
Romantic
"
"
tragedy
this,
it
adds to
the
harmonious
impression
leaves
it
on
the
reader.
Romantic," of course,
is
not in the
the heir
German
sense of the
word
Schiller,
of the rationalistic
certainly
ideals
of his
century,
was
not
the
;
poet
to
write
genuinely
Romantic drama
but, like
Victor
And
the
background
tion
is,
gave
its
opportunity.
his
it
had
little
or
no influence on the subsequent development of but in none of his works was he tragedy
;
able
to
display his
peculiar
talents
to
better
advantage.
Schiller's next tragedy.
much
controversy: the
it
an
unduly prominent place among the poet's works. It is an experiment, and a very interesting experi-
Il6
ment, but
has
little
to
drama
its
place in
literary
beside
Schiller's
versions
of
Macbeth,
Turandot
and
Phddra, and Goethe's adaptations from Voltaire. The poet's object was to measure himself with
Sophocles
was
to be a
Greek tragedy, of which only the language was German, not, as in Goethe's Iphigenie, which at
found
"
surprisingly
'*
modern and
humane,"
^^^
un-Greek
"
and Goethe so
the
devilishly
spirit of
And
yet even
here Schiller
modern than
that of
antique.
The
at
two brothers
and
in love
much
more
to
any Greek drama, while Gotter's Merope has visibly influenced the form of Schiller's tragedy.
In the characterisation of the personages, again,
more
especially of Beatrice
and Don
Caesar, there
or,
to
use
word, "sentimental"
Greek, too,
is
touches.
the
More
modern than
Schiller
compromise
makes
II7
He
the
unpsychological,
is
character
ineffectual
substitute
the
religious
oracle;
in his
Grillparzer, in
Vierundzwanzigste Februar, a
ciated
at
drama
rarely appre-
its true worth, have shov^n that a form of " fate tragedy " is attainable legitimate
when
not, as to
individual characters
is too often assumed, because he attempted do too much with the instrument of Greek
it,
he did not
Had he given up the masks of the ancient world, he might have justified his bold experiment, and created a modern
parallel to
the
far
Greek
better
fate
tragedy, just
in
as
he
than
his
prefatory
modern dramatic
literature.
The
episodic
completion,
"
This evening
Te//.''^^^
made
a beginning to
Il8
Had
Weimar
"
hobby
from which experience alone would dismount the the disparity between that drama and
poet,"^^^
less surprising
Liehe and
Don
But
of Die
left,
in
all
bv^Q when
it
Schiller
might
the
free
himself
fortunately,
.^ of classical or pseudo-classical
years
ix^
spent
in
In
Wilhelm
Tell
Schiller
has,
change could
of the
It
if
German drama.
has been asserted that Schiller might have, not attained, at least come much nearer to his
ideal in the
drama which he
left
unfinished at
^^^
;
that here, at
last,
in
And
power and a
IIQ
critics
The
first act,
a masterpiece of exposition,
ingly artificial
;
in reaHty, exceedis
every effect
calculated
the
like
an Italian
prima donna, with an effective stage entry. Not once in this act is there a touch of naive spontaneity, a holding of the mirror
this
first
impression of unreality.
Just as
in
"
Wallenstein Schiller
had
failed to call
up the
so
War,
120
a prejudice against him from the first; and his creator is so insistent on his hero being regarded
as
opportunities as the unheroic murder of Gessler, or Tell's inhuman repudiation of the Parricida,
to
develop
sides
of
Tell's
personality
for
which
him
as a
man.
And
is
more
in
Liebe; there
is
"nhiller's other
^s
the Goethe of
-b'
Hermann und
^
Faust or of Egmont.
least,
eman-
121
the
fragment
of
Demetrius
which
justify the
most sanguine hypotheses. One can understand Hebbel's significant remark on witnessing a representation of
*'
:
it
in
the Viennese
very questionable Hofburgtheater whether Schiller, with that typical treatment of the drama which sweeps us along like the waves
of the sea,
is
It
is
still
wrong tack."
after
all,
^^^
But
it
seems
me
doubtful
if,
Schiller
would have
done more
in Demetrius
since
;
never departed
tried
and Hebbel
complete
himself
Schiller's
found,
when he
his
to
fragment,
graft
generalisations.
VI.
CONCLUSION
Ich mochte iiicht g-erii In einetn andern Jahrhundert leben und fiir ein andres gearbeitet haben. Man ist
wenn
Zeitbiirg-er, als man Staatsburg-er ist; und es unschicklich, ja unerlaubt gefunden wird, sich von den Sitten und Gewohnheiten des Zirkels, in dem
ebenso gut
man
lebt,
auszuschliessen,
warum
sollte es
wenlger
Pflicht sein, in der Wahl seines Wirkens dem Bediirfniss und dem Geschmack des Jahrhunderts eine Stimme einzuraumen ?
Schiller.^"''
CONCLUSION.
The
to
has endeavoured
establish
are
perhaps
best
summed up
words,
it
in
on Msthetic Education ;
in other
has
how
exclusively Schiller
him
birth.
He
Sturm und Drang," and began as a child of the he was strong enough to be for a time a leader
in that
movement.
He
as the interpreter of
in
contemporaries
in
But
drama on the
basis afforded
by the
**
Sturm
Instead, he led German tragedy back to the Canossa of French classicism. Then
und Drang."
126
his
for-
to help
him
to create a
German
drama by the
eighteenth-century dramaturgies
the example of
things,
respect
the
canon
of
Not
Tell,
once not
was deeply stamped upon his mind. even in Maria Stuart, Wilhelm
and Demetrius, dramas in which the postHebbel critic has most chance of discovering
of emancipation
possibilities
did
it
occur to
arise
Aris-
in
non-Latin lands,
than
drama more
original
and
of
national
combination
we have
Schiller
to admit
failed
in
as
his
think
we must
it
that
object,
was not
CONCLUSION.
127
through any deficiency in his own gifts as a poet, but rather because he set about his task
in
a Latin way.
The
in
whether manifested
the poetry of
Wolfram
von Eschenbach, or of Goethe or Shakespeare, in the painting of Dlirer or Bocklin, in the music
of Beethoven or
in
the best
sense naturalistic
for
it
it
has,
it
is
true,
spir-
shown a preference
itual
psychological and
problems,
but
has
invariably handled
essentially in
its
nature;
natural
way
is
laws of experience.
the
type of mind
Latin or
Romance mind,
to rise superior
nature, to
and
demands
in his
work a higher
are the conclu-
harmony and
Such, at
theatre of Corneille or
128
Hugo with
cumstances
or
Under
these cir-
two ago, when Schiller was regarded as the embodiment of the national idea, the question
should never have been asked
of the
why
the
race,
drama
must
needs be
as
Schiller held
compromise beis
only partly
Germanic and the Latin drama, and not rather represent the Germanic extreme.
work than
it
critic,
Otto Ludwig:
is
on Shakespeare and
Schiller.
In Shakespeare, the inner development, the psychological basis of plot and character, he urges,)
is is
what happens
in the tragedyl
may
cal
outward
Schiller,
symbol of the
or, it
psychologi-
action.
Ludwig, proceeds in precisely the opposite way he sets out from the story, the outward event or
the particular moral sentiment that he proposes
to
in the
embody
drama.
CONCLUSION.
129
him Goethe, construct the character of the hero with a view to the ''tragic guilt" in which the
latter
is
to
be involved,
that
it.
is
to say, they
adjust
as a natural
outcome from
With
this special
which
to say, he idealises
tial
them by enhancing the essenand omitting the unessential; he lays emphasis on the qualities which give the semblance
of
unity to
the
character,
it
and,
in
this
way,
makes
his personages, as
if
of themselves than
he had given us
realistic reproductions.
cess
when he
he combines
traits of
ideal.
He
who
painted, say,
some
particular
woman, without
I
consider-
130
model or
not.^^^
criti-
cism
is,
He
was
insisted that Shakespeare Greeks than the German poet, stood nearer the
right
when he
dramatists,
wrote
while
in
Schiller's
case
the
tragedie
and the antique models. After all, what is unGerman in Schiller's work is not the external
characteristics of the Latin
drama
the
observ-
ance of unities, simplicity of form and conflict, and the like on which the critics of the eigh-
Were
these a cri-
Germanic
as Goethe's Iphigenie
have to be put in the same category as Nathan der Weise, Don Carlos, and Die Jnngfrau von
Orleans.
far
Schiller
Goethe
and Romanticists
Holderlin
Friedrich
Schlegel and
were
CONCLUSION.
Hellenism than he.
It
is
131
over Schiller's
life,
is
his
his
welsche
in
him,
which awakened
Lud-
nineteenth
century
to
seek other
in
models.
The
history of the
drama
from
Northern Europe
Kleist to Grillparzer
and from Hebbel and Ludwig down to Ibsen and Hauptmann in our own day has been, we
effort
to
vindicate
the
Germanic
and to
free the
Weltbiirger
of the
is
more
than to Goethe's;
to Europeanise
for, like
Wieland, he helped
it
German
poetry, to render
it
uni-
versally acceptable,
liarly
is
by stripping
of
its
pecu-
national elements.
it
And
if
further proof
needed,
is
all
German
writers,
Schiller
132
France the
ecole
in
his
and the most Gallic genius of the past century, Victor Hugo, was far more profoundly
debt,
influenced by
successors.
his
German
measure,
We
As a
Schiller
historian,
thinker,
and a moralist,
He
is
not to
who
discovered
new
we might
new
"
say,
new
ceived no
turrets,
Aufklarung which demanded satishe felt too faction and certainty, law and order
mind
of the
it
but that
it
opened up abysses
CONCLUSION.
life
133
broken
ends,
destroyed
the
vicious
circles
in
which the eighteenth century had so complacThis characteristic in Schiller's ently moved.
which ingeniously co-ordinated physiology and psychology at a later date it was the need of
:
made him,
and
in
the
in the second,
when Rousseau's
lies
new
philosophy.
The same
efforts
craving
education,"
and shows
itself
in
his
to
French classicism.
Schiller belonged
too
exclusively to
the
old
new
Europe that had come through the throes The new age deof the French Revolution.
for the
manded
had
to offer
harmony with
a superimposed
134
was
new
moral and aesthetic world with which the century opened. Schiller had no idea whither the great
intellectual thoughts of his age
were tending
he
had no understanding
for the
Romantic
individ-
And
later period,
it
when
was due, as I have sought to show, waned, reasons which had lost much of their force
Germany
meaning
in its
German people
his noble
Schiller's
work belongs
;
dream of
per-
fected
idealism has
no
immediate message for a generation whose outlook upon Hfe has been moulded by the pessimism
and individualism of the nineteenth century, and his dramas have ceased to awaken more than a
historical
interest
accentuated
is
by that strong
so admirable a trait in
for the cultured classes.
the
German
character
Goethe and
CONCLUSION.
Grillparzer
vital
135
and Hebbel, present more modern and aspects of life and thought than the farutilitarian-
imaginary world.
NOTES
NOTES.
1.
151.
seine
Zeitgenosseti^
Julian
Schmidt,
Schiller
und
Leipzig, 1859, Vorrede (an Otto Ludwig), p. v f. 3. J. W. Braun, Schiller im Urteile seiner Zeitgenossen,
" Ich
habe
Drama
eben weil
es
mein eigen
ist.
Drama
einlenken, so
fiihl'
[Goethe] und viele andere Dichter aus der vorigen Zeit liber mich haben, sehr lebhaft. Deswegen lasse ich mich aber nicht abschrecken denn eben, je mehr ich
;
empfinde, zvie viele und welche Talente oder Erfordernisse mir fehlen, so iiberzeuge ich mich desto lebhafter
jenes
von der ReaHtat und Starke desjenigen Talents, welches, Mangels ungeachtet, mich soweit gebracht hat,
als ich
schon bin.
Denn ohne
von
der einen Seite hatte ich einen so grossen Mangel von der anderen nicht so weit bedecken konnen, um auf
Kopfe zu wirken" (Schillers Briefe, herausgegeben von It is, howF. Jonas, Stuttgart, 1892-96, ii, p. 238).
140
of this letter:
when he speaks
of his "eigenes
Drama"
he
is
thinking of
Don
Carlos.
5.
Grillparzers Briefe
und
Tagebiicher^ herausgegeben
Stuttgart, 1903,
ii,
p.
27
f.
Ruoff on
Gervimis
iiber
Dichter in
the
Wissenschaft
7.
Hegel's
loa),
78
f. ;
also
V. Basch,
8.
J.
La poetique
286
f.
p.
143
9.
J.
Gabe
Schmidt, Schiller und seifie Zeitgenossen^ eine fiir den 10 ten November iS^g^ Leipzig, 1859. 10. Grillparzer's Sdmmtliche Werke, 5th ed., iii, p. 83.
E. von Feuchtersleben, Uber Goethe
11.
tmd
Schiller
{Sdmmtliche Werke, Vienna, 1851-53, v), p. 236. 12. The British Museum, it may be noted, possesses
a. large collection
Centenary of 1859.
13.
To Eckermann,
January
4,
1824:
ein
Dagegen
mehr
Aristokrat
war
als ich,
on
The
following
is
from K. Werder, Vorlesungen iiber Schillers Wallenstein^ Berlin, 1889, p. 212: "Allerdings ist auch im Wallenstein das Nationale,
handen
aber
und zwar im
sondern im
Ton
NOTES.
der Charaktere,
in
141
Auch
Maria Stuart, der Jungfrau, der Braut von Messina sind sammtliche Personen geborene Deutsche
in
von Kopf
leidend."
bis zu
Fuss
deutsch
empfangen, geboren,
To Eckermann,
und
In seiner Jugend war es die physische Freiheit, die ihm zu schafFen machte und die in seine Dichtung iiberging,
in
ideelle."
2.
ii,
January 18, 1827. Richard Weltrich, Friedrich Schiller, Geschichte seines Lebens und Charakteristik seiner Werke, i, Stuttgart, 1885-99; Otto Brahm, Schiller, i and ii, 2, Berlin,
18.
To Eckermann,
1888-92
Werke,
Jakob Minor,
Berlin,
seine
Schiller,
;
sein
Leben und
Schiller,
seine
sein
i-ii,
1890
i,
K.
Berger,
Leben und
satisfactory
Werke,
Munich, 1905.
of Schiller
is
The most
that by Otto
completed
life
Harnack
Berlin,
J.
2nd
ed.,
1905.
Wychgram, 4th
Bielefeld,
1901
(abbreviated
Volksausgabe,
1905);
Calvin
Leipzig,
Thomas,
New
York,
1901. 19. Cp. E. Miiller, Geschichte der deutschen SchillerHow unreasonverehrung, Vortrag, Tiibingen, 1896. able the antipathy to Schiller can become among the
;
1901
L. Bellermann,
142
specifically
to
be
seen
from
Berlin,
E.
Steiger,
i,
neuen
Dramas,
107 f., 223 f., ii, p. 136 f., or E. Mauerhof, Schiller und Heinrich von Kleist, 2nd ed., Zurich, 1898. Ludwig Fulda, in his address on Schiller und die neue
1898,
p.
Generation, Stuttgart, 1904, endeavours to explain the causes which have brought about the altered attitude towards Schiller; but instead of looking the facts
frankly in
has
the face, instead of realising that the day Schiller, not as a poet
falls
back on the
presently
him
as their leader
once
traditional
sentiment of the
school about Schiller being the most national of German poets, and finds it "frightful" that the German student
Schiller in his pocket when he goes to the university. 20. As an example, and by no means the worst, of this type of school-book, O. Lyon's Schillers Leben und
German
in
P.
Geyer
the Archiv
Sprachen
und
Litteraturen,
loi
and
103
(1898-99).
modern
Schiller wor-
Dramen,
Stuttgart,
deutsche Gegenwart,
Stuttgart,
(
1901.
viii), p.
21.
22.
Gotzenddmmerung
J.
Werke,
p.
i.
117.
W. Braun,
I.e.,
i,
NOTES.
"
23.
143
der
grossen
Oj
ein ich
Missklang
begreif
es
auf
Laute
Weltregierer,
nicht"
Tod
eines Jilnglings,
i,
Sdmmtliche Schriften^
by
K. Goedeke,
p.
179).
January
p.
18,
1825;
K.
i,
78.
ff.
/.r.,
i,
p.
299
in
f.
In
my
discussion
of Die Rduber^
I
and,
indeed,
to
this
whole chapter,
Cp.
also
am much
J^dubern"
indebted
Minor's
work,
E.
^^
Kiihnemann,
in
Uber
der
die
Stellung
in
von
the
Schillers
Weltlitteratur
Deutsche
by A. Kontz
Paris,
{^Les
1899) and
A.
Chuquet {Etudes de
Paris,
litterature
ff.)
allemande^
Heme
Serie,
1902,
p.
178
are
H.
Bulthaupt,
Dramaturgie
1902,
p.
des
Schauspiels^
257.
Weltrich,
With
this
estimate
Minor,
Brahm,
substantial
Rduber
hochste bewusste
on the 353). {Tagebiicher, other hand (Matthew Arnold, Sime, Nevinson, Calvin Thomas), has shown little ability to enter into the spirit
p.
English criticism,
R. Weltrich,
it
may be
mentioned, also
writes
warmly of the
p.
admirable Mei-
ningen performances
27.
gart,
(I.e.,
372).
1890,
131
ff.
144
28.
lis7mis
A.
in
ff.
the
Marbacher Schilkrbuch^
Stuttgart,
1905,
158
From the second Sendschreiben an eifieft jungen Dichter in Der teutsche Alerkur, October, 1782, p. 82 ff. " Fiir jeden Men30. Herodes und Maria??ine, iii, 6 schen kommt der Augenblick, In dem der Lenker
29.
:
ihm
ilber
selbst
Die
Ziigel iibergiebt."
vi), p.
Don
Carlos {Schrtften,
35.
1889; Minor,
I.e.,
Entstehung des Don Carlos, Halle, ii, p. 520 ff. For the drama in its
iii,
p.
180
in
ff.,
and
V,
parts
and
or
iv
Schiller's
Werke
the
Deutsche Nationallitteratur,
p. Ixvi
ff.,
(edited by R. Boxberger),
103
ff.
Letter to Dalberg, Mannheim, June 7, 1784: 'T^Ti' "Carlos wiirde nichts weniger seyn, als ein politisches Stiik sondern eigentlich ein Familiengemalde in einem
fiirstlichen
Hausse"
{Briefe,
i,
p.
192).
:
Letter to Reinwald, Bauerbach, April 14, 1783 " Karlos hat, wenn ich mich des Maases bedienen
34.
darf,
Blut und von Shakespears Hamlet die Seele Nerven von Leisewitz Julius, Und den Puis von mir"
i,
{Briefe,
p.
115).
Schiller's
35.
Even Reinwald,
first
Meiningen
friend,
who
prose fragments of
Don
Carlos, found
in
the
iambic version.
1786:
"Um
fallt
Don
mir
mir Dein
eine Steifigkeit
anzunehmen
ich
dass
NOTES.
145
Parnasses in hohen Trauerspiel Verse wollen wo ich nicht irre, hat Shakespeare darinn abgewechselt. Es
gehort aber viel Ubung im Versmachen dazu, bis diese Verse so geschmeidig werden, dass der Dialog es auch bleibt" {Schillers Briefwechsel mit seiner
Schwester Christophine
It is worth comparing a passage Leipzig, 1875, p. 87). in a letter of Schiller's to Goethe, written more than
twelve years later (August 24, 1798), when he was at work on Wallenstein : " Ich lasse meine Personen
viel
Breite
heraus-
lassen.
Es
ist
zuverlassig,
man konnte
mit
um
die tragische
Hand-
lung auf- und abzuwickeln, auch mochte es der Natur handelnder Charaktere gemasser scheinen. Aber das
Beispiel der Alten welche es
und in demjenigen was Aristoteles die Gesinnungen und Meinungen nennt, gar nicht wortkarg gewesen sind,
scheint auf ein hoheres poetisches Gesetz hinzudeuten,
welches eben hierin eine Abweichung von der Wirklichkeit fordert" {Briefe, v, p.
418).
"
36.
temporary critic, "fehlt es nicht an Mannigfaltigkeit, aber jedem einzelnen Charakter nur zu sehr an
Individualitat
(J.
und
/.r.,
unterscheidenden
p.
"
Schattirungen
also
W. Braun,
der
154).
Humboldt
found
in
Glanz,
sie
von
Don
Schiller
und W. von
146
37.
gegeben
von
F.
Roth,
Berlin,
1825-27,
iv,
ii,
p.
237
p. 72). (quoted by Hebbel, Tagebikher^ 38. Cp. R. Schlosser, F. W. Gotter^ Hamburg, 1895, p. 1 2 2 ff. ; part of Cotter's correspondence with Dalberg
was published by H.
ii,
Uhde
/.r.,
ii,
in the
Grenzboten^
1876,
p.
41
ff.
39. Cp.
ger,
/.<r.,
J.
Minor,
p.
165
ff.,
230
ff.
K. Bersee
i,
p.
327
ff.
On
the
Mannheim
theatre,
Schloenbach, Beitrdge zur Geschichte der Schillerperiode des Mannheimer Theaters in the Schilkrbuch,
A.
Dresden,
i860,
p.
118
ff.
W.
Koffka, Iffland
und
Dalberg^ Leipzig, 1865; A. Pichler, Chronik des Grossherzoglichen Hof- und Nationaltheaters in Mannheim^
Mannheim, 1879; M. Martersteig, Die ProtokoUe des Mannheimer Nationaltheaters unter Dalberg aus den
Jahren lySi
theaters in
bis
F. Walter,
Mannheim^
"
Ob
ich.
kommen kann, zweifle Ich kenne ihn ziemlich, und meine Louise MilEigenschaften Theater nicht wol passiren.
lerin
hat zerschiedene
an
Z.
sich,
e.
welche
auf
dem
Die goth-
ische
die
arten,
und
in
die
Details"
learned
e^ {Brief
p.
107).
How much
Mannheim
is
Schiller
technical
matters in
shown
by
J. Petersen, Schiller
und
Berlin, 1904, p.
196
f.
NOTES.
41. See
F.
147
Walter,
Musik am
267
ff.
42. Letter
to
Dalberg,
Mannheim, July
2,
1784
The Hamburgische Dramaturgie e^ {Brief i, p. 203 ff.) was among the books which Schiller asked his friend
Reinwald
to
send him
i,
in
As Boxberger points p. 85). ingen Library {Briefe, out {Schillers Werke in the Deutsche Nationallitieratur^
xii,
2,
p.
Was kami
?
eine gitte
stehende
eigetitlich (June 26, 1784), was to a large extent inspired by Lessing's work. " Ich glaube, dass man gegen die Franzosen 43.
Bilhne
ivirken
gerecht
seyn
kann,
ohne
"
darum
Parthey gegen
die
Englander zu nehmen
1784,
p.
228).
poets,
Archenholtz
May 9, 1784, to {Das Morgenblatt^ May 9, 1828), and he doubtless recognised in Don Carlos a step in
is
passage from
12,
:
Schiller's
letter
Korner of February
fast
1788,
"
is,
however, worth
hatt'
quoting in this
[Wieland]
in
connection
auf den
Neulich
gestellt;
ich
ihn
just
Kopf
ich war
einer
meiner
ich
tvidersprechenden
als
Launen,
und
da
das Gesprach auf franzosischen ihm, Geschmack roulirte, dass ich mich anheischig machte,
erklarte
jede einzelne Scene aus jedem franzosischen Tragiker wahrer und also besser zu machen [this is an echo
of
Lessing's
famous
challenge
at
the
close
of
the
Du kannst ungefrir wissen, wie ich Dramattirgie\ das meinen musste, aber ihm hatte ich in die Seele
148
gegriffen.
zur
Wider-
wo
Fehler hatte,
sagte
den
Franzosen
tadle.
Ich
ihm,
herauszubringen seien, worin reine Natur sei (und habe ich nicht recht?); er solle mir das an einem franzOsischen Stiicke probiren
44. Schrifien,
iii,
"
{Briefe,
ii,
p.
18).
p.
516.
Cp.
Letter to
Dalberg,
Mannheim, August
24,
meine Zeit zwischen eigenen Arbeiten und franzosischer Warum ich das letztere thue, werden Lecture getheilt.
E.
haupt
E. gewiss billigen. Fiirs Erste erweitert es iibermeine dramatische Kenntniss und bereichert
Phantasie,
fiirs
meine
sischem
zu
andere
hoffe
ich
dadurch
Franzo-
zwischen
zwei
Extremen,
in
Englischem
heilsames
see
und
the
Geschmak
ein
Gleichgewicht
foregoing
kommen
[Wieland's
ich
demand,
insgeheim eine kleine Hoffnung, der teutschen Blihne mit der Zeit durch Versezung der klassischen Stiike Corneilles, Racines, Crenote].
Auch nahre
billons
und
Boden
.
eine wichtige
Durch mich allein Eroberung zu verschaffen. wird und muss unser Theater einen Zuwachs an vielen
.
vortreflichen
207
45.
f.)
l.c.^ ii, p. 167 ff., 238 ff. K. Berger, /.r., Cp. B. Seuffert, Kkin und Schiller in Festschrift fiir Ludwig Urlichs, Wiirzburg, 1880, and a dissertation by K. Kriikl, Anton von Klein am Hofe
Minor,
ff-
J)
P-
503
Klein's
NOTES.
criticism
is
149
Pfdhische Museum)
ff.
of
Die Rduber
/.<:.,
(in
i,
the
reprinted by Braun,
Klein's
p.
32
quotes
Schiller klang
Mein ewiger Gesang bey words von Geschmack und Kunstregeln, wider
:
"
die er sich
in
eine Zeitlang zu
strauben schien.
Wenn
Antheil
jener
Hinsicht
glanzt,
Don
so
Abstiche
glaube
nicht
wenig
daran zu haben."
46. Letter
{Briefe^
i,
to
Dalberg,
Mannheim, July
/.<r.,
2,
1784
p.
ii,
p.
235.
89 1,
p.
/.^., ii, p. 399. A. Koster, Schiller ah Dramaturge Berlin, 264 ff. In a review of the Thalia in the
refers
diese
I.e.,
May 21, 1785), the "Bruchstiicke eines Trauerspiels iiber " bekannte Phadern-Geschichte (J. W. Braun,
to
p.
107).
into
German
1757, in the
des
und
Vergnitgens,
51,
p.
Andronic appeared
XXV (1859),
Einflusse
p.
1
in
1685.
Campistron's
Heller,
J.
Die
Don
55
ff.
O. Schanzenbach, Franzosische
f.
Carlos.,
(Programm), Stuttgart, 1885, Lowenberg, Uber Otways und Schillers Don E. Miiller, in the Tiibinger Lippstadt, 1886
J.
;
bei
Schiller
Korrespondenzblatt,
1888
A.
Kontz,
p.
Les drantes de
ff.
;
1899,
415
C. Haus-
69
ff.
Minor,
I.e.,
ii,
p.
150
pistron.
scene of Act
Leonce's audience with the Emperor clearly contains The following the germ of Posa's appeal to Philipp. lines are from Leonce's speech
:
of Andronic
Fais
si
que
ma
plainte le louche
ma bouche
;
Un
Fut le plus fort rempart contre vos Ennemis Et de qui la valeur justement renommee Se
fit
1'
Europe allarmee,
Quand
Vous
votre illustre Pere achevant ses Exploits, Se vit et la terreur et I'arbitre des Rois.
le s^avez, Seigneur ; ce Peuple magnanime Fut toujours honore de sa plus tendre estime Et ce digne Heros, pour ses fameux Combats,
;
Choisissoit parmi nous ses Chefs et ses Soldats. Cet heureux terns n'est plus ; ces Guerriers intrepides
Sont en proye aux fureurs des Gouverneurs avides Sous des fers odieux leur coeur est abaltu,
La
Tout se plaint, tout gemit dans nos tristes Provinces Les Chefs et les Soldats, et le Peuple et les Princes. Chaque jour sans scrupule on viole nos droits,
Et
I'on
compte pour
En
vain nos Ennemis a nos Peuples soiitiennent, Que c'est de votre part que leurs ordres nous viennent,
Non vous n'approuvez point leurs sanglanls attentats, Je diiai plus, Seigneur, vous ne les S9avez pas. Ah si pour un moment vous pouviez voir vous-meme
!
se sert
de votre
Nom
supreme
;
Que
ce saint
Nom
Qu'a mieux lier le Alors de vos Sujets moins Empereur que Pere, Vous ne songeriez plus qu'a finir leur misere,
severite
NOTES.
50. Preface to
V)
i>
151
Don
P-
Frankfort,
Minor,
51.
/.<:.,
p.
Cp.
S.
Abhlingigkeit
244. Levy, Schillers Don Carlos in seiner von Lessings Nathan {Zeitschrift fur
B. Seuffert 277 ff. 228) denies any indebtedness to Klein's Rudolf von Habsburg^ which I have not seen. The influence of Gotter, not merely on Schiller but also
on Goethe
(cp.
Vorgeschichte von
Goethes Iphigenie
geschichte,
iv
Vierteljahrschrift fiir
p.
it
Litteraturyet
(1891),
92
ff.),
has Cp.
not
been
given
the
attention
deserves.
R.
Schlosser,
Zur
Leipzig,
Gotter^
1890,
p.
10
ff.,
Hamburg, 1895,
p.
On
general questions
see F. Zarncke,
Der
fiinffilssige
Berikksichtigung auj
Schiller
seine
und
Goethe,
Leipzig,
1865
(a
reprint
Zarncke's Kleine
Uber
Schriftefi, i, Leipzig, 1897); A. Sauer, den fiinffiissigen Iambus vor Lessings Nathan
{Sitzungsberichte
historische Klasse,
der
Wiener Akademie
Philosophisch-
von
Brawe
p.
{Quellen
ff. ;
1878,
128
1883.
Breslau,
52.
Uber
die tragische
17
ff.
1891,
266.
152
53. Cp.
tragedies et les
Maries drama-
54. G. Carel, in
und
Goethe^
Berlin,
summary
of Voltaire's influence in
Politik
p.
Marcius to Brutus
in
Max und
Wallenstein."
"Es
ist.
ist
Schade
um
des
Mannes
Talent,
dass
Laufbahn
.
Theaters
spiel
als
Trauerspiel betrachtet
6<:/^<^^spiele, die
aber
diese regellosen
zu
Ich hasse Schillern, dass er wieder " die der Wind schon verweht hatte
2,
(1854),
p.
436;
also
quoted by
Minor,
58.
/.:.,
ii,
p.
232.
ilber Schiller i'lber
Vorerinnerung
den
Gang
seiner
und
W. von Humboldt^
1900,
59.
p. 20.
Goethe
to
Eckermann, November
14, 1823,
and
Schillers
und
Marburg, 1889.
seinem
Verhdltnisse
61.
K. Tomaschek,
zur Wissenschaft, Vienna, 1862; K. Twesten, Schiller in seinem Verhdltnis zur Wissenschaft, Berlin, 1863;
F.
X. von Wegele,
Historio-
NOTES.
graphie
self
153
deni
ff.
Auftreten des
Humamsmus, Munich,
und
seine
Zeifgetiossen
1885,
in
(p.
p.
949
is
The
still
Julian
Schmidt's
also
205
ff.)
worth consulting.
62. Letter to Korner, April 15, 1786: "Tiiglich Ich habe diese Woche wird mir die Geschlchte theurer.
eine
dreissigjahrigen Kriegs gelesen, mir noch ganz warm davon. Teh woUte dass ich zehen Jahre hintereinander nichts
ist
. .
.
Geschichte des
p.
291).
Brahm,
I.e.,
ii,
i, p.
208.
Letter to
Charles
XIL
" Dein Korner, end of April 1787: Ich finde ihn mit mehr entziickt mich.
als
{Briefe, i, p. 342). appear to have read Gibbon until February 1789 {Brief ii, p. 233). e,
Deine Korner, January 7, 1788: Geringschatzung der Geschichte kommt mir unbillig vor. Allerdings ist sie willkllhrlich, voll Liicken und
65. Letter
to
"
philosophischen Geist reitzen, sie zu das leere und unfruchtbare einen schopferischen Kopf herausfodern, sie zu befruchten und auf
konnte einen
;
beherrschen
dieses Gerippe
ii,
p.
2).
is,
"
{Briefe,
Schiller's
position
dress in Jena
however, to be found in his inaugural adWas heisst und zu ivelcheni Ende studiert
:
man
Universalgeschichte
and
"
passage
154
etwas anders als ein Aggregat von Bruchstiicken werden und nie den Nahmen einer Wissenschaft verdienen.
Jezt also
Hiilfe,
kommt
ihr
und, indem
er diese Bruchstiicke
durch
kiinst-
zum
den Ganzen
dem
Freyheit zu entziehen,
den Ganzen (das freylich nur in seiner Vorstellung vorhanden ist) als ein passendes Glied anzureyhen. Bald
fallt
es
ihm schwer,
seiner
Vorstellung
soviel
diese Eigenschaf-
es fallt
ihm schwer,
wieder unter die blinde Herrschaft der Nothwendigkeit zu geben, was unter dem geliehenen Lichte des Verstandes
angefangen
hatte
eine
so
heitre
Gestalt
zu
sich
gewinnen.
selbst
Er nimmt
also diese
sie
Harmonic aus
ausser
sich
in
heraus,
und
verpflanzt
d.
i.
die
in
den Gang der Welt, und ein teleologisches Mit diesem durchwandert
halt es priifend
gegen jede
Erscheinung,
darbietet.
dieser
grosse
Er
sieht es
durch
Facta
aber
bestdtigt^
so
lange
noch
wichtige
iiber
der Reyhe
Schicksal
so
viele
Begebenheiten
erklart
den
letzten
fiir
Aufschluss
noch
zuriickhalt,
er
die
Frage
NOTES.
tinentschieden,
155
und
die
diejenige
Meinung
siegt,
vvelche
dem Verstande
Herzen
die
ix,
hohere
grossre
p.
und
dem
hat
"
{Schriften,
95
ff.)
EigentHch sollten KirchenGeschichte der Philosophic, Geschichte der geschichte, Kunst, der Sitten und Geschichte des Handels mit der
26,
66.
March
1789:
und
p.
dies
We
on
(Briefe,
ii,
260).
15, 1786 (i, p. 290), in which he expresses himself with great warmth about Abbt's Vom Verdienste in saying that Abbt had acted as a
letter to
Korner of April
attempts to formulate a new historical theory are not to be found here, but rather in the essays and
fruitful
Cp.
O.
Harnack,
p.
Schiller
und Herder
in
the
Marbacher
68. L.
Schillerbiieh,
73
ff.
Wachler
in his
2, p.
300
f.,
Miiller's
.
style
as
"veredelter
Chroniken-
machtig und bis zur Kiihnheit neu." 69. See the works by Tomaschek
and
F.
Twesten
quoted
in
note 51.
Also
Kuno
Fischer,
Schiller als
Philosophy
2nd
edition, Heidelberg,
1891
to
Ueberweg,
und
Philosophy
Leipzig,
vol. xi
1884;
of the
works,
Stuttgart,
is
1905.
useful
handbook of
Schiller's
philosophy
the selec-
156
by Eugen Kuhnemann
ciii),
{Philosophische Biblioihek,
Leipzig,
1902.
73 and
76.
Cp. especially Minor, /.^., i, p. 192 ff. 71. K. Fischer, /.^., p. 7. 72. "Ich treibe jetzt mit grossem Eifer Kantische
70.
Philosophic und gabe viel darum, wenn ich jeden Abend mit Dir dariiber verplaudern konnte. Mein Entschluss ist unwiderruflich gefasst, sie nicht eher zu verlassen,
bis ich
sie
ergrlindet habe,
"
wenn auch
iii,
dieses auch 3
{Briefe^
ff.
p.
186).
first
p.
239
We
find the
mention
December
literature
21,
1792
{ib,
232).
There
is
an extensive
the
on
Schiller's
aesthetics.
Apart from
general
treatises
on the
con-
may be
sulted
der Philosophie der Kunst und ihre ndchste Aufgabe (1844) ^"<i Schillers Briefwechsel mit Korner (1847), both essays in Gesammelle Aufsdtze, Leipzig, 1855, p.
I
ff.
and
227
ff.
Paris, 1890 ; K. Berger, Die Entwicklung von Schillers Aestheiik, Weimar, 1894; E. Kuhnemann, Kants und
Schillers Begriindung der Aesthetik, Munich, 1895. have also found suggestive the chapter on Schiller
in
R. Sommer,
Psychologie
und
Grundzilge einer Geschichte der deutschen Aesthetik von Wolf - Baumgarten bis
Kant-Schiller,
1892,
p.
365
ff.
See also
H. Deinhardt,
des
Schillers
e Brief
Erziehung
Wiirdigung
NOTES.
SchilkrSj
ethischer
Stuttgart,
157
Schmoller,
StandpU7ikt^
Schillers
in
1861
der
G.
tmd
1888,
hdhirgeschicJUlicher
Staats-
Ziir
Litterahirgeschichte
tmd
Soziahvissenschafty
Leipzig,
75.
p.
ff.
Letter
ist
to
Korner,
October
20,
1794:
"Das
Schone
"
Imperativ
44).
Abhandlung
Studien
ilber
naive
und
Dichtung:
ziir
Entstehungsklassische
Berlin,
1899;
O.
Harnack,
Die
;
1892
La poetique
Dichtung^
1902.
Geschichte der deulsche?i
77.
V,
5th edition,
p.
478.
I.e.,
78. V. Basch,
79.
p.
22
ff.
The
different standpoints of
Herder and
in his
Schiller
are admirably
summed up by
R.
Haym
Herder
nach seinem Lehen und seinen Werken, Berlin, 1880-85, "Am Leitfaden der geschichtlichen Betrachii, p. 631
:
tung geht
der Litteraturfragmente den der Poesie zu den iibrigen Culvielseitigen Beziigen turerscheinungen mit der Billigkeit der unparteiisch
der
Verfasser
empfanglichen Empfindung nach die Dichtung ist ihm zugleich die Tochter und die Dienerin der Humanitat.
:
leitet
die
er
hat,
der
kritisch
idealistischen Philosophic
ab,
entnommen
ihn
sofort
das
das sich
mit
dem
seines eigenen
poetischen
Schaffens identifiziert
und
Unterschiede
als
begrifflich
notwendige Typen-hinein-
158
ordnet."
p.
p.
54 and
170
(f.,
also
188.
80.
Goethe^
March
21,
1830; V. Basch,
81. Cp.
269
ff.
C.
Alt,
Schiller
7ind die
Briider
Schlegel,
Weimar, 1904.
82. V. Basch, 83.
i.c.^
p.
285.
An
Mahomet von
xi, p.
Voltaire
anf
von
325).
84.
Goethes
Briefivechsel
mit
den
Gebrilder^i
F. T. Bratranek, Leipzig,
lich ein
Jedes Schauspiel Schillers ist eigentneuer Versuch ; er ging immer von der Liebe
227
"
zur Kunst,
Seite
immer von dem Wunsche, ihr eine neue abzugewinnen, aus, und kaum mochte ich sagen,
und
Dichtunge7i^
2nd
ed.,
viii),
80
1825;
86.
Life of Schiller^
conclusion.
Cp.
18.
2,
my
History of German
H.
Hettner,
Literaturgeschichte
des
3,
Jahr280.
7,
1894,
iii,
p.
1797, and more especially, of November 28 of the same year here he describes Richard LLL as " eine
:
der erhabensten Tragodien, die ich kenne Shakespearesches Stiick hat sich so sehr
.
kein
die
v,
an
griechische
p.
Tragodie
f.
erinnert"
(Schiller's
Briefe^
168,
178
and 292).
NOTES.
in the Preface to the
159
also be
recalled,
in
which Schiller
that
the
vvahre
Bedeutung geben"
{Schriffen,
xiv,
p.
ii).
The touchstone
Shakespeare
in
is,
the winter of
799-1 800.
Dramatu?'g, p. 19 ff., and the same critic's introduction to volume ix of the new Sdkular - Ansgabe of
als
Schiller's
he writes
to
Goethe on April
4,
mein eigenes Geschaft und ^^797) "j'^ liber die Behandlungsart der Tragodie bei den Griechen nachdenke, dass der ganze Cardo rei in der Kunst
ich liber
liegt,
mehr
eine poetische
Fabel zu erfinden.
Der Neuere
dem
Bestreben,
er
recht
darliber
er Gefahr,
Er mdchte gern worin eigentlich alles Poetische liegt. einen wirklichen Fall vollkommen nachahmen, und
bedenkt
mit nicht, dass eine poetische Darstellung der Wirklichkeit eben darum, well sie absolut wahr ist,
niemals coincidiren kann.
. .
Es
ist
mir aufgefallen,
mehr
Oder weniger, idealische Masken und keine eigentliche Individuen sind, wie ich sie in Schakespear und auch in Ihren Stlicken finde. So ist z. B. Ullysses im Ajax
und im
l60
so
ist
Creon im Oedip
iind in der
kalte Konigswiirde.
Man kommt
geschwinder, und ihre Ziige sind permanenter und fester. Die Wahrheit leidet dadurch nichts, weil sie blossen
logischen
Wesen
E.
eben
so
entgegengesetzt
v,
sind
als
p.
167
f.)
Cp.
Kiihnemann, Die
die
Kaniischen
Studien
Schillers
und
1889.
91. K. Hoffmeister, Schillers Lehen^ Geistesentwicke-
lung
by
H.
Viehoif,
Stuttgart,
iS74-75>
*'
P- ^6.
:
92. Schiller's Letter to Goethe, November 28, 1796 In Riicksicht auf den Geisf^ in vvelchem ich arbeite, werden Sie wahrscheinlich mit mir zufrieden seyn. Es
will
mir ganz gut gelingen, meinen Stoff ausser mir zu halten, und nur den Gegenstand zu geben. Beynahe
mochte
und
ich
fiir
wie
meisten
Nebencharactere
bloss
fiir
den nachsten
nach dem Hauptcharacter, den jungen Picolomini, bin ich durch meine eigene Zuneigung interessiert, wobey
das Ganze iibrigens eher gewinnen
(Briefe, v, p.
als verlieren
soil"
119).
Dramaturgy
p.
280) sees a
resemblance between
Max
NOTES.
in Rsicine' s F/iedre ;
l6l
{Schiller
M. Berendt
Wagner:
ein
Jahrhundert
Dramas^
94.
A
in
45 f.) brings Max and Thekla Rodrigue and Chimene. characteristic defence of these scenes is to be
Berlin, 1901, p.
found
K. Werder, Vorlesungen
1889,
p.
iiber Schillers
Wallen-
stein, Berlin,
177.
95. O.
Ludwig,
Schriften^ edited
" Ich kenne keine poetische, 1891-92, v), p. 304 f. namentlich keine dramatische Gestalt, die in ihrem
Entvvurf so
zufallig,
Ausfiihrung so unwahr ware, als Schillers Wallenstein ; keine, die mit ihren eignen Voraussetzungen so im Streite lage, keine, die sich molluskenhafter der Willkiihr
des Dichters
fiigte.
in welcher diese
Unwahrheit
und
161.
Haltlosigkeit
Cp.
also
p.
96.
1799:
Besonders
scheint er [der Stoff ] sich zu der Euripidischen Methode, welche in der vollstandigsten Darstellung des Zustandes
besteht, zu qualifizieren
;
denn
Tragodie mit der Verurtheilung anzufangen Cp. {Briefe^ vi, p. 28 f.) It is worth noting Hettner, /.r., iii, 3, 2, p. 284 ff.
die
"
und
Maria Stuart
is
from that of Gerstenberg's Ugolino, a drama which profoundly influenced the whole period of Schiller's youth.
97. See especially O. Harnack, Schiller, p.
345
ff.
l62
May
13, 1801.
to
Humboldt,
einer
February
Tragodie
17,
in
1803:
strenger
Versuch
Form
wird
Ihnen Vergniigen
ich, als
machen,
Sie
warden
"
daraus urtheilen, ob
vii, p.
13
f.)
and
his
remark
Berlin,
his
P-
to
Riemer
1841,
letter to
i, p. 367); for Schiller on Iphigenie see Korner of January 21, 1802 (Brief vi, e,
335)102. E.
Miiller,
Regesten
p.
zu
Schillers
Leben
und
Werken, Leipzig,
1900,
164.
February 11, 1803 {Brief wechsel des Grossherzogs Carl August mit Goethe in den
Jahren ly/s
griechischen
his
i,
p.
289).
:
1804
"Mit den
Dingen
ist
es
p.
122).
410
ff.
der Goethe- Gesellschaft, ix), Weimar, 1894. 106. E. Kuh, Biographie F. Hebbels, Vienna,
ii,
1877,
p.
618: "Es
fragt sich
noch
sehr,
ob nicht
Schiller
Seewoge fortreissenden, typischen Behandlung des Dramas Recht hat und ob unser Einer
ist."
Uber
die
dsthetische
Erziehung
des
Me?ischen,
2nd Letter
(Schriften, x), p.
276
f.
NOTES.
108. O. Ludwig, Gesammelte Schriften,
v,
163
p.
.
Charakter aus seiner Schuld, d. h. sie richten diesen so dass die Schuld sich ohne weitres aus dieser seiner
lasst.
Anlage erklaren
idealisiert
Von
so dass eben
dasselbe, was ihn schuldig werden lasst, unsern Antheil an ihm erregt, zunachst die Kraft, schuldig werden zu
konnen.
Er
verfahrt
Oder Geschichte wie Tizian, Rembrandt, Rafael mit dem er macht eine Totalitat Originale, das sie portratieren
;
aus ihnen,
er idealisiert sie
er
macht
kon-
gleichsam
sich
;
sich
selber
ahnlicher.
Dagegen hat
so heisst
Schiller
struiert
wenn
mit
einen
Helden
idealisiert,
das
lich
sind,
Ziigen
jenes
verfahrt,
wie
ein
Maler
Dame
hineinmalen woUte, gleichgiiltig, ob diese Ziige nun einander widersprechen oder nicht." Cp. also p. 310 f. For Schiller's theory of tragedy see the three essays,
Vergniige?is
die tragische
Kunst
Munich, 1897,
109, It
insight as O.
p.
Cp. J. 100
is difficult
to understand
how
Schiller
164
ihn Ver-
der
Weltlitteratur
werden
kann.
Besonders
die
romanischen Volker, die sich neben aller Uberkultur dennoch ein Erbteil von Kindlichkeit und Naivetat
bewahrt haben,
neuem
fesselt
ihnen
welches
die
Nordlander
immer von
fehlt zu Schillers
Eigenart jeder
Zugang, wahrend sie diesen zu Goethes weit gezogenem Kreise von einzelnen Punkten aus doch zu finden
wissen"
(^Schiller,
2nd
ed.,
p.
425).
On
Schiller's in-
I, p.
106
1898,
ff.
J.
Paris,
p.
215
A. Regnier,
;
Vie de Schiller^
ii
F.
ff.
On
Schiller in England,
J.
P.
Anderson,
H. W. Nevinson's Life of Schiller {Great appended For London, 1889, may be consulted. Writers)^ see F. H. Wilkens, Early Influence of GerAmerica,
man
p.
iii,
and
Stutt-
gart,
247
ff
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