1 Religion and Globalization Thomas J.

Csordas, UCSD

The rhetorical force of religious moods and motivations in contemporary society and individual experience may be as compelling today as at any period in history. The sleeping giant of religion, whose perpetual dream is our collective dream as a species, has never died, and is now in the process of at least rolling over and at most leaping to its feet. In the first half of the twentieth century the thoughtful appreciation of religion was still perhaps best summarized in Freud's (1957/1928) phrase "the future of an illusion," anticipating that enlightened rationalism and sober secularism would render religion obsolete. By the second half of the century, the secen of the horizon was already much better captured by Peter Berger's (1969) phrase "a rumor of angels," anticipating a resurgence of religious sensibility and a revitalized appeal of the transcendent. Yet despite an upsurge of discussion within the human sciences in the past decade, the role of religion remains understudied and undertheorized as an element in debates about globalization and world systems (cf. Robertson and Chirico 1985, Beyer 1994). In a book published this spring that I edited (Csordas 2009), contributors take up this problem, and my presentation is in a sense a preview of some of the issues raised therein. In framing the discussion, I want to emphasize the importance of taking into account the differences among three ideas: that of religion and globalization, that of the globalization of religion, and that of globalization as religion. The first phrase refers to the relation of religion and globalization as two separate analytic domains, with the sense of globalization being the dominant one of economic globalization. This is a globalization the institutional locus of which are the big four of World Trade

2 Organization, World Bank, International Monetary Fund, and Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development; the ideological engine of which is neo-liberal economic theory; and the technological apparatus of which is the Internet. If this is the way the issue is framed, the danger is that religion will be considered insofar as it is a reaction to global economics rather that the two domains consitute equivialent or equipotent loci of social and cultural forces. In its crudest form this would be a return to earlier debates about the priority of the material or the ideal, with the question being prejudiced toward the apparent secondary nature of religious developments cast as epiphenomena or mystifications of a primary economic reality. Particularly misleading in this respect is the kind of metaphorical reductionism that goes even beyond causal priority to assert that processes of religious change can be adequately described as if they were economic, in terms of a spiritual marketplace where people buy in to a system of beliefs or shop for a religious identity. This kind of approach was developed among sociologists of American religion (Finke and Stark 1988, Roof 1999) to analyze processes of conversion, adherence, or expansion of religions as competitive processes. The marketplace metaphor has been taken up relatively uncritically in the popular media (Lattin 1998a,b; Micklethwait 2007), as well as in the emerging scholarly literature on religion and globalization such as Adogames (2000) discussion of the expansion of African Christian denominations to Europe. The market metaphor might be especially seductive in the case of post-socialist Europe, where capitalism has flooded into an economic vacuum to create an emerging global market simultaneously with the florescence of religious freedom and a multitude of religious possibilities ranging from orthodox to new age. However, there is more than a

3 semantic difference in describing the religious situation in this part of world as a cultic milieu (Krti 2001) rather than as a spiritual marketplace, insofar as these terms carry different connotations about motivation, agency, identity, and experience. Indeed, one can talk about the economics of religion without treating religion literally or metaphorically as a commodity, and one can recognize that religious activities are subject to economic constraints including market forces without suggesting that religion operates according to the laws of the market. Certainly, there is an economics of global media and global travel with which global religious actors must contend, finance required to support transnational congregations as well as local buildings, and a commodity aspect to religious objects that can be purchased such as films, tapes, books, icons, holy pictures, statues, or relics. There are even religious commodities strictly speaking such as wheat, oil, or sugar used as payment for the services of mullahs in Afghanistan (Roy 2004: 94). The economic dimension to the work of shrine-based sellers of divinely inspired fortunes in the market in Hong Kong (Lang and Ragvald 1993) allows us to say that spiritual activities take place in the marketplace without requiring us to make the conceptual leap to a spiritual marketplace. From this standpoint, global religious activity is neither determined by economic globalization nor describable on the model of economic decision-making. It is more productive to understand globalization from the outset as a multidimensional process, with religion, popular culture, politics, and economics as necessarily coeval and intimately intertwined, as they are in the lives of actors responsible for bringing about globalization in the first place. At the very least, if it is granted that religion is a given in social reality, with the addition of a global or planetary layer of social organization religious activity will take its place

4 within that layer on terms not entirely determined by other dimensions of social reality. If instead of talking about globalization and religion our inquiry is cast in terms of the globalization of religion, we are at first spared the immediate assumption of a causal vector in favor of what might at least initially be taken for a purely descriptive endeavor. There is caution to be sounded here, too, though, for if this is the way the issue is framed, the assumption can too easily be that the cultural influence of globalization is unidirectional, from globalizing center to passive periphery, with religion a neo-colonial form of cultural imperialism. The empirical problematic in this case would be to determine whether this centrifugal impulse is toward the imposition or reimposition of religious master narratives on a global scale, and whether such an impulse is bound to fragment like a shattered mirror as it becomes instantiated in local cultural settings. Again there is a viable alternative, which recognizes that once global channels are open, the flow of religious phenomena - symbols, ideas, practices, moods, motivations - is at least bidirectional, more likely multidirectional. We can think of this either in a kind of world-as-neural-network image in which religious manifestations can issue from any node and proceed in any direction, or in a kind of postmodern freefloating-signifier image in which religious impulses are decentered and float like dandelion seeds in the breeze of the cultural imaginary. Particularly in a situation in which the globalization of religion has only begun to be examined within the human sciences, the empirical determination of its conditions is a necessary first step. An initial question in this respect is to identify what travels well across geographical and cultural space. This issue has to do with characteristics of religions and raises the question of what should count under the category of religion.

5 Certainly we must hold in mind the critique by Asad (1993) to the effect that the category of religion has its own history and can be given a universalized definition only at some intellectual risk. Such a critique does not require abandonment of the category, only that it be used wisely and reflectively. For my part I prefer a minimal understanding of religion as phenomenologically predicated on and culturally elaborated from a primordial sense of alterity or otherness which, insofar as it is an elementary structure of embodied existence, renders religion an inevitable, perhaps even necessary, dimension of human experience (Csordas 2004). This being said, we can propose two aspects of religions that must be attended to in determining whether or not they travel well, what we can call portable practice and transposable message. By portable practice I mean rites that can be easily learned, require relatively little esoteric knowledge or paraphernalia, are not held as proprietary or necessarily linked to a specific cultural context, and can be performed without commitment to an elaborate ideological or institutional apparatus. The many forms of yoga are perhaps the archetypal instances of portable practice, explicit bodily practices accompanied by more or less spiritual elaboration, and which may or may not form the basis for communal commitments or transformation of everyday life (Strauss 2005). Chinese feng shui is another recently globalizing portable practice that, although it requires expertise in its performance, can be applied in any cultural setting in which the felicitous orientation of energy in space can be construed as appealing (Bruun 2003). By transposable message I mean that the basis of appeal contained in religious tenets, premises, or promises can find footing across a diversity of linguistic and cultural settings. I prefer the notion of transposability to those of transmissibility, transferability,

6 or even translatability in part because its definition encompasses several of these ideas, and also in part because it includes the connotations of being susceptible to being transformed or reordered without being denatured, and the valuable musical metaphor of being performable in a different key. In their emphasis on acquisition of material goods through spiritual means, Melanesian cargo cults and the contemporary Christian prosperity gospel would appear to have much in common. Yet cargo cults had a clear limit of both geographical expansion and temporal viability, whereas the prosperity gospel has found a foothold in many corners of the contemporary world (Coleman 200, Robbins 2004). Beyond the characteristics of religions that determine whether they might travel well lies the question of the means by which they traverse geographical and cultural space. Briefly, these include missionization (e.g. Keane 2007, Velho in Csordas 2009), migration (Cohen 2002 and in Csordas 2009, Matory 2005 and in Csordas 2009), mobility of individuals (Groisman 2000 and in Csorsdas 2009, Kendall in Csordas 2009, Froystad in Csordas 2009), and mediatization (Hirschkind 2006, Dawson and Cowan 2004). Finally, we must consider four modalities of religious intersubjectivity in global context what I refer to in the book as that of 1) the Skylab engagement of local religious imagination with the encroachment of global culture, 2) that of pan-indigenous interaction and crosstalk among indigenous religions as well as ecumenical or conflictual encounter among world religions, 3) that of reverse religious influence from margin to metropole, and 4) that of the re-globalization of world religions A third aspect of the problematic is the possibility of considering globalization as religion. There are several senses in which we could elaborate this idea, which in some

7 respects is an inversion of the economic metaphor of the global spiritual marketplace that we discussed earlier. Thus we can play with the notion that economic globalization is a religion or religious movement, conceptualizing the ensemble of institutions like WTO and IMF as a global church or ecclesium, neo-liberal economics as a kind of canon law, world beat as a liturgical music of global culture, and cyberspace as a privileged site of ritually altered global consciousness. Hopkins (2001) has taken this idea furthest, arguing not metaphorically but literally that globalization is a religion the god of which is the concentration of finance capitalist wealth in the form of a Trinity composed by the WTO, IMF, and multinational corporations, with its own theological justifications of neoliberalism, privatization, and deregulation, its own theological anthropology, and its distinct forms of economic, political, and cultural revelation. Strenski (2004) argues that economic globalization is a religious phenomenon insofar as it was from its origin embedded in and legitimized by 16th and 17th Century writings on natural law and the law of nations by Catholic theologians such as Francisco de Vitoria and Protestant theologians such as Hugo Grotius, and particularly that their formulation of the right to free passage among nations for purposes of trade was a theological justification for the imposition of colonial economic regimes. Matory (in Csordas 2009) suggests that contemporary social theory concerned with globalization is itself often predicated on religious conceptions and language. Beyond these interpretations, there is also a more existential sense in which we can ask if globalization is a religious phenomenon, or at the very least if globalization necessarily has a religious dimension. Does it possess a mythic structure, an eschatological promise, a soteriological message, a magical spontaneity, a moral imperative, a dogmatic inevitability, a demonic urge, an inquisitional universality,

8 a structure of alterity or Otherness that is at some level inescapably religious? Perhaps there are spiritual consequences to whether we find ourselves living in a global village of universal intimacy or in a boundless realm of anonymous and impersonal processes. In any case, formulating the problematic in terms of the relations suggested by the phrases globalization and religion, globalization of religion, and globalization as religion may provide purchase on the question of whether global culture is to be considered as universal culture might this mean universal in the sense of being dominated by a single master narrative, or universal in the sense that any element can be transposed onto or transported into any other cultural setting? Recall Arjun Appadurais invocation of transnational irony in his anecdote of the long journey with his family back to India, only to learn upon arriving at the Meenaski Temple in Madurai that the priest with whom his wife had worked in previous years was currently in Houston (1996: 56-7). Barely twelve years old, this anecdote already appears quaint. Are we witnessing in these planetary religious phenomena the emergence of a "sanctified" global culture in the process of generating its own mythos, or perhaps a reenchanted world characterized by spiritual Balkanization and the eclipse of Enlightenment? Or are we merely beginning to recognize the same age-old waters of religion as they seek their own level in the channels that flow between the local and global (maybe old wine in new skins is the appropriate metaphor). Perhaps in its religious dimension the edifice of globalization is a new Babel; if so, let us hope that the analyses we produce will indeed be global, and not garbled. The contributors to Transnational Transcendence, themselves an international group of scholars, discuss these themes with respect to religious phenomena in Africa, Asia, Europe North American, Oceania, and South America, including various forms of

9 Christianity, Islam, Hinduism, Chinese spirituality, Santo Daime, Yoruba religion, and Korean shamanism. In what remains of this paper, however, I will briefly discuss several aspects of my own contribution on the global Catholic Charismatic Renewal, which began in the United States in 1967, blending influences from the Cursillo movement that originated in Spain and the indigenous American enthusiasm of Protestant Pentecostalism. In the midst of 1960s cultural ferment, it promised a dramatic renewal of Church life based on a born-again spirituality of personal relationship with Jesus and direct access to divine power and inspiration through spiritual gifts or charisms including faith healing, prophecy, and speaking in tongues. Institutional structures developed, including an International Communications Office in 1975. The ICO was organized under the auspices of The Word of God covenant community in Ann Arbor, Michigan, subsequently moving to Brussels under the auspices of Cardinal Leon Joseph Suenens, and finally to the center of the Catholic world in Rome. Pope Paul VI took note of the movement's existence as early as 1971, and subsequent popoes continued to be supportive, apparently tolerating the movement's relatively radical theology for the sake of encouraging its markedly conservative politics, its militant activism for "traditional" values and against women's rights to contraception and abortion, and its encouragement of individual spirituality and contribution to parish activities and finances. In the book I discuss three comparative cases of the Charismatic Catholicism in India, Brazil, and Nigeria based on recently published material from anthropologists who for the most part encountered the movement in the field without going there specifically to look for it. The cases represent three continents, and perhaps not coincidentally come from populous countries each of which is recognized as the most dynamic and diverse

10 nation on its continent. Standing economically between the developed and developing worlds, these three crucibles of globalization may also be points of convergence between the fetishization of commodities and the fetishization of experience, ideal crucibles of religious ferment and reenchantment. Part of this is certainly related to the technological possibilities for mediatization of spirituality in these nearly-developed nations. At the same time, specificities of the cultural milieu in these countries offer intriguing grounds for further comparison of Charismatic permutations. Brazil is a predominantly Catholic nation where the Renewal interacts with strong Marian traditions as well as Kardecist spiritism and the gamut of Afro-Brazilian religions. Nigeria is an ethnically diverse nation where Catholicism is strongest among the Igbo and the Renewal exists in relation to traditional religion in the local setting and within the Christian/Islamic dynamic on the national scene. Indias Catholic population tends to be concentrated regionally in the southwest, and the Renewal exists in relation to Hindu and Muslim traditions. Although I examine relations within this movement between the global and the local, or center and periphery, equally interesting is to recognize in this and perhaps other contemporary transnational religious phenomena a tension between the impulse toward a universal culture and the tendency for postmodern cultural fragmentation. I shall frame the poles of this tension with two images. In 2001 I was poised to reinitiate my study of the Charismatic Renewal after a ten year hiatus. I learned that the International Catholic Charismatic Renewal Services in Rome was planning to hold a seminar in the Mediterranean on the topic of deliverance from evil spirits led by a leading expert on this form of healing, a Portuguese-surnamed priest from the west of India. Intended as advanced training for those from around the

11 world who already had experience in the deliverance ministry, this appeared to present an ideal opportunity for me to gain an initial sense of cross-cultural variation in the encounter with evil spirits as well as to develop a set of contacts that could be pursued with subsequent visits to the field. Mobilizing some of my old contacts among movement leadership, I obtained the letter of sponsorship required to register for this seminar this precaution was to ensure the necessary level of spiritual maturity and legitimacy among participants who were to deal with the sensitive issues of casting out demons, and was certainly necessary for a movement outsider such as myself. Then just as the preparations were underway I learned that the seminar had been cancelled for lack of sufficient participants. The reason, however and this is the point of the story was not that there was insufficient interest, and neither that the likely candidates could not afford the expense of travel, but that the Portuguese Indian priest had already presented his experiences among so many Charismatics in so many settings around the world that those who would have participated appear to have judged that the experience would be redundant. The voice for a universal culture of healing had pre-empted itself from drawing into the center that which it had already sallied forth to touch in its indigenous setting, thus at the same time pre-empting an encounter among healers with diverse experiences that could have potentially called into question some of the homogenizing goals of the event. The image of cultural fragmentation, on the other hand, is contained in the story of Archbishop Emmanuel Milingo of Lusaka, Zambia. Quite independently of any broader movement, begun to practice faith healing in 1973 (Milingo 1984, ter Haar 1987, 1992). In 1976, however, he established a relationship with The Word of God Catholic

12 Charismatic Community in the U.S. and founded his own Divine Providence Community. By 1979 the archbishop was a prominent participant in a Charismatic pilgrimage to Lourdes. The Archbishop's teachings exhibited a simultaneous "indigenization" of Charismatic ritual healing and a "Charismatization" of a distinctly African form of Christian healing. More remarkable, however is that within a decade, his healing ministry had created such controversy that in 1983 he was recalled to Rome. There he was detained and interrogated, and eventually relinquished his ecclesiastical post. In return he was granted an appointment as Special Delegate to the Pontifical Commission for Migration and Tourism, with the freedom to travel (except to Zambia), and was reassured by the Pope that his healing ministry would be "safeguarded" (Milingo 1984: 137). Ironically, given that the overt goal of his recall was in part to protect Zambian Catholics from what must have appeared to Church officials as a kind of neo-paganism, Milingo subsequently became immensely popular as a healer among Italian Catholic Charismatics. With established followings in ten Italian cities, and already a figure on national television, in 1987 he moved his public healing service from the church of Argentini of Rome to a large room in the Ergife Hotel. Once again in 1989 his controversial ministry was temporarily suspended by the Church, and later renewed outside Rome (Lanternari 1994). In 1994 the Bishop's conference in Tuscany issued a pastoral note on demonology and witchcraft quite likely targeted at Milingo's ministry. The archbishop next reemerged into the public spotlight at the turn of the millenium as a new devotee of Reverend Sun Myung Moons Unification Church. As much of a scandal as was his apparent defection from the church or perhaps from his own standpoint a new level of ecumenism was his ritual marriage to a nubile Korean follower of Moon in

13 a ceremony central to the Unification doctrine. Only after a great deal of effort that doubtless included coaxing, negotiation, and threat did Milingo recant and return to the fold. Archbishop Milingo contributes to a decentering of meaning that cannot but take place in a global movement whose key symbol is, after all, speaking in tongues. Although Lanternari (1987) describes the effect as a "religious short-circuit" between Africa and Europe, there is less, not more anomaly in the Milingo case if it is acknowledged that the contemporary situation is best represented not as a modernist circuit diagram but as a global, postmodern montage of transposable spiritualities. Neither of these two images allows us to conclude that the global Catholic Church simply served as a kind of institutional trellis upon which the florescence of the Charismatic movement easily climbed. What is at stake is the fate of that particularly powerful master narrative called salvation history which, rather than being undermined by the decentering force of postmodernism, is now globally promulgated in a charismatic, sensuous immediacy and in a multiplicity of idioms, not least among which is that of glossolalia. The differences between the early globalization of Catholicism and the globalization of the contemporary Catholic Charismatic Renewal lie in changed conditions having to do with mass media and the ease of travel that dramatically affect interaction between local adherents and the central leadership, as well as in changed idioms of interaction with indigenous religions. A movement such as the Charismatic Renewal weaves the cosmic time of salvation history into the fabric of everyday life, speeding it up and lending it a sense of urgency with the notion that the movement is part of a preparation for the end times before Christs second coming, but also providing the discipline of a carefully reconstructed habitus that structures the rhythms of everyday life,

14 particularly in the more highly elaborated Charismatic intentional communities. I am convinced that consideration of this movement will allow us to pose, if not yet to answer, some of these issues central to an understanding of religion as a global phenomenon in the 21st century. In my early analysis of the global implications of the movement, I proposed three hypotheses. A cultural hypothesis was that the Charismatic Renewal was a potential vehicle of class consciousness for a transnational bourgeoisie insofar as it could be assumed that a world political-economic system must be accompanied by world religious and ideological systems. A structural hypothesis (particularly relevant to Latin America) was that the appeal of the movement leap-frogs over the working classes to link the bourgeoisie with the very poor, with the excluded middle being the group with the greates class antagonism to the bourgeoisie and to which the appeal of both classical pentecostalism and socialism are strongest. It thus may be an ideological articulation of preexisting social relationships in terms of transcending class and cultural barriers in the name of Christianity, and also (as appears now to have been quite true) of appealing to communitarian sentiment while advance conservative values in opposition to liberation theology. Finally, a historical hypothesis was that the Charismatic Renewal may play a role on a global scale analogous to that played by Methodism on a national scale in 18th-century England, insofar as it can be argued that both played a role in providing a moral framework and motivational language for the emergence of a new socioeconomic order (Csordas 1992). On another level -- that of bodily experience -- consider only one theme reflecting consequences for the self in global religious phenomena. Charismatics place a premium on bodily events and practices ranging from revelatory sensory imagery to the

15 sacred swoon of being overcome by the Holy Spirit to ritual gestures such as laying on of hands and prostration in prayer (Csordas 1990, 1994, 1997, 2002). To understand the central place of embodiment in the global Charismatic resacralization it is useful to turn to the concept elaborated by Mellor and Schilling (1997) of the baroque modern body characteristic of contemporary Western society. For Mellor and Schilling, the baroque modern body is characterized by a heightened sensuality, and is in addition internally differentiated, prone to all sorts of doubts and anxieties, and to be arenas of conflict (1997: 47). Such a description fits the Charismatic body perfectly, and given examples such as we have seen in the above from and India and Brazil, we can suggest that the Charismatic renewal, and perhaps other planetary religious forms, are promulgating this variant of embodiment in the global arena. Certainly, the tendency to associate the contemporary upsurge of sensuousness with that of the baroque cultures of CounterReformation Catholicism is telling, insofar as in much of the Third World charismatic healing and various spiritual manifestations are likewise playing the role of a bulwark against the enthusiastic spirituality of Protestant Pentecostalism, to say nothing of the sensuality of contemporary indigenous religions. In sum, the Charismatic Renewal and other global religious phenomena lead us to ask whether we are witnessing an era of resacralization or reenchantment. Studying them provides the occasion to ask whether the increasing articulation of the world social system in fact generates an ideological impulse toward formulations of universal culture, religious intersubjectivity, and modalities of experiencing alterity. At the least such phenomena are of interest because they contribute to the constitution of an ideological/religious dimension of a global social system that also includes a global

16 economic order, global communications, global population movements, and diasporas. Not merely reflections or reflexes of the global social reality, such religious phenomena constitute a significant part of the consciousness of the postmodern world system, and this can be judged to be a false consciousness in no more or less a sense than was religion in the classic era of industrializing nation states.

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University of Minnesota Press. Asad, Talal 1993 Genealogies of Religion: Discipline and Reasons of Power in Christianity and Islam. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press. Berger, Peter 1969 A Rumor of Angels: Modern Society and the Rediscovery of the Supernatural. Garden City: Doubleday. Beyer, Peter 1994 Bruun, Ole 2003 Fengshui in China: Geomantic Divination between State Orthodoxy and Popular Religion. Copenhagen: NIAS Press. Cohen, Peter F. 2002 Ors Journeys: The role of travel in the birth of Yorb-Atlantic religions Archives de Sciences Sociales des Religions 117:17-36 (Jan.Mar.). Coleman, Simon 2000 The Globalization of Charismatic Christianity: Spreading the Gospel of Prosperity. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Religion and Globalization. London: Sage.

18 Csordas, Thomas 2004 Asymptote of the Ineffable: Embodiment, Alterity, and the Theory of Religion. Current Anthropology 45: 163-85. Csordas, Thomas, editor 2009 Transnational Transcendence: Essays of Religion and Globalization. Berkeley: University of California Press. Dawson, Loren and Douglas Cowan, eds. 2004 Religion Online: Finding Faith on the Internet. New York: Routledge.

Finke, Roger and Rodney Stark 1988 Religious Economjies and Sacred Canopies: Religious Mobilization in American Cities. American Sociological Review 53: 41-9. Freud, Sugmund 1957/1928 The Future of an Illusion. Garden City: Doubleday. Froystad, Kathinka 2009 The Return Path: Anthropology of a Western Yogi. In Csordas 2009.

Groisman, Alberto 2000 Santo Daime in the Netherlands: An anthropological study of a New World religion in a European setting. Ph.D. dissertation in Anthropology. London, Goldsmiths College, Unversity of London. Hirschkind, Charles 2006 The Ethical Soundscape: Cassette Sermons and Islamic Counterpublics. New York: Columbia University Press.

19 Keane, Webb 2007 Christian Moderns: Freeedom and Fetish in the Mission Encounter. Berkeley: University of California Press. Kendall, Laurel n.d. The Global Reach of Gods and the Travels of Korean Shamans., ms.

Kurti, Laszlo 2001 Psychic Phenomena, Neoshamanism,and the Cultic Milieu. Nova Religio 4(2): 322-50. Lang, Graham and Lars Ragwald 1993 The Rise of a Refugee God: Hong Kongs Wonog tai Sin. Hong Kong: Oxford University Press. Lattin, Don 1998 Shopping for Faith: American Religion in the New Millenium. San Francisco: Jossey-Bass. Matory, J. Lorand. 2005 Black Atlantic Religion: Tradition, transnationalism and matriarchy in the Afro-Brazilian Candombl. Princeton and Oxford: Princeton University Press. Micklethwait, John 2007 In Gods Name: A Special Report on Religion and Politics. Economist, November 3, 3-22.

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Robertson, Roland and JoAnn Chirico 1985 Humanity, Globalization, and Worldwide Religious Resurgence: A Theoretical Exploration. Sociological Analysis 46: 219-42. Robbins, Joel 2004 Becoming Sinners: Christianity and Moral Torment in a Papua New Guinea Society. Berkeley: University of California Press. Roof, Wade Clark 1999 Spiritual Marketplace: Babay Boomers and the Remaking of American Religion. Princeton: Princeton University Press.\ Roy, Olivier 2005 Globalized Islam: The Search for a New Ummah. New York: Columbia University Press. Strauss, Sarah 2005 Positioning Yoga: Balancing Acts Across Cultures. Oxford: Berg