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Background of

Bangladesh

Daffodil International University


1. The Language Movement (1952)
# Bengali was the mother tongue of about 56 percent of the people of Pakistan.
# Urdu was the mother tongue of only 6-8 percent people of the whole of Pakistan.
Although 56 percent of the people of Pakistan were Bengalis, the West Pakistani
didn’t want Bengali to become the state language. On the other hand, Bengalis
wanted to make their language the state language along with Urdu and had no
objections against that language’.
The Language Movement (1952)
The question of Bengali as a state language came up immediately after the
creation of Pakistan. On 6 and 7 September 1947 the youth workers of East
Pakistan held a Conference in Dhaka which was presided over by Tasadduk
Hossain. This Conference, for the first time took a resolution demanding
Bengali as the language of the offices and the courts and also as the
medium of instruction in East Pakistan.
Various Phases of Language Movement
On 15 September 1947 the Tamuddun Majlis published the first booklet on the
Language Movement entitled 'Pakistaner Rastrabhasha Bangla Na Urdu'. Professor
Abul Kashem, Dr. Qazi Motahar Hossain and Abul Mansur Ahmed were the authors of
this booklet.

 I. First Stage of the Language Movement:

In October 1947, Tamuddun Majlis formed a Rastrabhasha Sangram Parishad to give


the Language Movement an organisational structure. Nurul Huq Bhuyan was appointed
convener of this Sangram Parishad. At this time several discussion meetings were held
on behalf of the Tamaddun Majlis to explain the rationale of Bengali as a state language.

In December 1947 an Educational Conference was held in Karachi sponsored by the


Government of Pakistan. In this Conference the decision was taken to make Urdu the
state language of Pakistan. On 6 December, to protest against this decision, the
students held a meeting at the Dhaka University campus under the president ship of
Professor Abul Kashem.
In January 1948 the 'Rastrabhasha Sangram Parishad' was reconstituted with a view to making
Bengali a state language. The Sangram Parishad raised the following demands regarding the
question of language:
1. Bengali shall be the medium of instruction and the language of the offices and law Courts
of East Bengal (East Pakistan);
2. There will be two state languages of Pakistan Bengali and Urdu.

II. Second stage of the Language Movement:


In February 1948 when the first Constituent Assembly of Pakistan started to record its
proceedings in Urdu side by side with English, Dhirendra Nath Dutta of Comilla, a member of
the Constituent Assembly from East Bengal, protested against it and demanded that Bengali be
accorded official recognition as one of the languages of the Constituent Assembly. As a mark of
protest, a strike was observed on 26 February in Dhaka.
II. Second stage of the Language Movement:

On 2 March 1948 the various organizations of East Bengal held a meeting at the
Fazlul Huq Hall of Dhaka University to realize the demand for the state lan­guage.
The meeting chaired by Kamruddin Ahmad resolved to form an All-Party
Rashtrabhasha Sangram Parishad. The Samgram Parishad called a general strike
on 11 March 1948 to resist the conspiracy of the Government in the language
issue.

On that day, many students were injured and many leaders including Sheikh
Mujibur Rahman, Shamsul Huq and Oli Ahad were arrested. It was decided that
11 March would be declared ‘Bengali Language Demand Day’. We also decided to
spring into action in all the districts on that day’ (Rahman 2012. P. 92).
II. Second stage of the Language Movement:

In such a situation, the Chief Minister Khwaja Nazimuddin met the Sangram Parishad on 15 March and
signed an agreement with them. By this agreement, he agreed to release the arrested students, to
investigate police excesses, to move a Bill in the Assembly for making Bengali a state language and to
lift section 144 and the restrictions imposed on the news papers.

In March 1948, Muhammad Ali Jinnah visited Dhaka and on 21 March, addressed a public meeting at
the then Race Course Maidan. In that meeting he declared, "Urdu and only Urdu shall be the state
language of Pakistan". When he repeated these words at the Dhaka University Convocation Ceremony
held on 24 March at the Curzon Hall, the students present protested vehemently by shouting 'No, No'.
On that very day, Rastrabhasha Parishad submitted a memorandum to Muhammad Ali Jinnah
demanding for Bengali the status of a state language of Pakistan. From this time (March’1948) on till he
died Jinnah never again said that he wanted Urdu as the only state language of Pakistan (Rahman 2012.
P. 99).
II. Second stage of the Language Movement:

In 1948, the All Pakistan Education Conference held in Karachi, proposed the introduction of
Arabic script, or in other words, Urdu letters for writing Bengali in the name of honoring the
Islamic ideal. Dr. Muhammad Shahidullah was proposed to be appointed for the purpose of
introducing Arabic script for writing Bengali. But he rejected the proposal.

In April 1949 the students of the Bengali Department of the University of Dhaka submitted a
memorandum to the Pakistan Education Advisory Board and the Alphabet Expert Committee
strongly protesting against this objectionable move to introduce Arabic script to write Bengali. In
the memorandum the demand was also made not to change the Bengali alphabets.

III. Last Stage of the Language Movement:


On 9 March 1949 the Government of East Bengal formed the Purbo Bangla Bhasha Committee
for reforming Bengali language. Maulana Akram Khan was the President of this Committee.
III. Last Stage of the Language Movement:
The Prime Minister of Pakistan Liaquat Ali Khan visited Dhaka towards the end of
1949. In a memorandum submitted to him, the students of Dhaka University
reiterated the demand for Bengali language. But Liaquat Ali Khan did not make any
comment on this subject. In 1949, at the Purbo Pakistan Shahitya Sammelan, Dr.
Muhammad Shahidullah also raised the question of language

In September 1950 The Prime Minister Liaquat Ali Khan declared in the
Constituent Assembly that only Urdu would be the state language of Pakistan. But
in the face of strong protest from the people of East Bengal, the Constituent
Assembly postponed the discussion on the question of the state language.

In 1951, Liaquat Ali Khan was assassinated and Khwaja Nazimuddin' succeeded
him as the Prime Minister of Pakistan. When Jinnah was the Governor General he
made very good use of power vested in him. But Khawaja Saheb was too amiable
and weak to be effective. He didn’t have much of a personality (Rahman 2012. P.
III. Last Stage of the Language Movement:

On 26 January 1952 at a public meeting in Dhaka he declared that Urdu would be the only state
language of Pakistan. This declaration of Khwaja Nazimuddin created a strong resentment among
the people of East Bengal and as a mark of protest a call for hartal throughout the province was
given.

All Party Rashtrabhasha Sangram Committee decided to call a student's strike on 4 February and
observe 21 February as the State Language Day and to observe hartal throughout the country.
February 21 had already been chosen as the State Language Day since the East Pakistan Provincial
assembly was scheduled to sit in session on that day’(Rahman 2012. P. 197).

On 16 February 1952 Sheikh Mujib and student leader Mohiuddin Ahmed, while detained in the
Dhaka Central Jail as political prisoners, started the fast up to death Movement on the question of
'Bengali as a state language and the release of the political prisoners'. On 20 February the
Government of Nurul Amin, being scared of the student Movement imposed section 144 at 3 p.m.,
and banned the processions and the meetings. On 21 February, the students of Dhaka University in
an organized way defied section 144 and leading a procession from the Dhaka University campus
proceeded towards the Provincial Assembly which was in session, chanting the slogan
"Rashtrabhasha Bangla Chai".
III. Last Stage of the Language Movement:

In a very tense situation the students assembled in the campus of the present day Dhaka Medical
College. When the police used tear gas to disperse the students and the people that had assembled
there, clashes occurred between the police and the students and the people. At one stage, the police
opened fire. A number of people and students including Jabbar, Rafiq, Barkat and Salam were
martyred and many students and people were injured by this police firing.
On 22 February, a big rally, came out on the streets as a mark of protest. Police opened fire on this
rally too. As a result, Safiur Rahman was killed. On the same day, in a meeting of the students held at
the Dhaka Medical College hostel, it was decided to build a Shaheed Minar to preserve the memory of
the martyrs. Accordingly, the Students erected a 12-feet high Shaheed Minar in front of Dhaka
Medical College.
III. Last Stage of the Language Movement:
On 23 February, the father of Shaheed Safiur Rahman formally inaugurated the Shaheed Minar.
But in the evening of 24 February, police demolished this Shaheed Minar. In memory of that,
another Shaheed Minar was built later on the same site and that is the present Central Shaheed
Minar.

Bangla as State Language:


At last, the Government of Nurul Amin adopted a resolution in the Provincial Assembly to the
effect that a proposal would be raised at the Constituent Assembly containing the demand to
accord Bengali the status of one of the state language of Pakistan. In the face of continuous
student's and people's Movements the Pakistan Government was compelled to give Bengali the
status of one of the state languages. Finally, Bengali was given the status of one of the state
languages in the Constitution of Pakistan of 1956.
Achievements of Language Movement

The Language Movement of 1952 was the first organized expression of the consciousness of the
exploited and deprived masses of Bangladesh. This consciousness born out of the Language
Movement inspired all the subsequent Movements and helped achieving the political, the cultural
and the economic freedom leading to independence.
 Landslide victory in the provincial election in 1954 (out of 309 seats of the East Bengal Legislative
Assembly the United Front got 236, the Muslim League 9)
 Reorganization of the Bangla Language (1956)
 Reflection in educational conference (1962)

 Six-points (1966)

 Mass-uprising (1969)

 Landslide victory in the general election (1970) and

 Great victory in 1971

 Observed 21st February as an International Mother Language day

 Observed 2008 as ‘Year of Language’ by UN

 International Status of Bangla Language (Sierra Leone)


2. The Six-Point Movement (1966)

The Six Point Programme was a bold protest against the endless discrimination in
economic, political and military sectors pursued against the people of Bengal by the
Pakistani rulers. Under the leadership of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, the Awami League
played a historic role for redressing this discrimination and establishing the rights of
the people of East Pakistan. On 5 February 1966 opposition political parties met in a
Conference in Lahore, in this Conference, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman placed a Charter
of Demands relating to political, economic and military rights of East Pakistan. This is
known in history as the Six-Point Programme. These Six Points were formally
presented by him at a press conference in Lahore.
Six Points were-

1. A true federal type of constitution shall have to be framed for Pakistan on the basis
of the historic Lahore Resolution and the form of this Government will be
Parliamentary. All elections should be held on the basis of universal adult
franchise and direct voting and the sovereignty of the Legislatures shall be
recognized.

2. The Central Government shall have only two things, defense and foreign affairs;
all other residuary powers shall rest with the provinces.

3. There shall be two separate but freely convertible currencies in the two regions
of the country; or, one single currency for the whole country with the provision of
two reserve banks in two provinces under a federal reserve bank.
4. The regional governments shall have the authority to levy all taxes and, to collect
them. There shall be a provision for paying the Central Government a portion of the
revenues collected.

5. There should be separate accounts for the foreign exchange of the two regions. If
necessary, the requirement of the Centre will be met by the two regions on the basis
of equal rate or a rate as specified in the Constitution.

6. The federal states should have the authority to form regional armed forces or
militia or Para-militia forces to protect the territories.
Outcomes of Six-Point

I. For the People of East Pakistan


The oppressed and exploited people of East Pakistan welcomed this Six-Point Programme as their Magna Carta or
the Charter of Freedom. As a result, the popularity of the Six-Point Programme increased day by day. Because-

a) It ensured Political Development (point-1)

b) Administrative Development (point-2)

c) Financial Development (point-3,4, & 5)

d) Enlargement of Military Power (point-6)


II. For the Government of Pakistan
The government became frightened at the popularity of the Six-Point demand and falsely
termed the Six-Point demand as an anti-state Movement. After this, the Government took
recourse to repressive policy to check the Six-Point movement and arrested Sheikh Mujib
along with many other leaders and workers of the Awami League on 8 May 1966. There
was widespread resentment in Dhaka and throughout the province against these arrests.
The Awami League, at first observed a day of protest. Thereafter, on 7 June 1966 a general
hartal was called throughout the province for the release of the political prisoners. The
government imposed section 144 to prevent this hartal. But the people observed the
hartal spontaneously, ignoring the government ban and brought out a procession. The
police fired upon the processionists. Eleven people including young Manu Miah were killed
and hun­dreds of people were injured as a result of this firing. This act of atrocity was
strongly condemned in the Provincial Assembly.
3. Discrimination against East Pakistan

Introduction:
Form the very beginning, Pakistan had been following a policy of partition against East Bengal. Political,
military, administrative and economic discrimination had been increasing gradually. Bengalis were
beginning to perceive that they were being discriminated against in business, government service and all
spheres of trade and commerce. Because Karachi was the capital of Pakistan, Bengalis were being
deprived of all sorts of advantages’ (Rahman 2012. P. 198). As a result, a wide gap was in the relation
between East and West Pakistan. Meanwhile, a group of West Pakistani leaders who saw themselves as
representing the country at the center and some senior bureaucrats were conniving to snatch away the
resources of East Bengal and transfer them to other wing of the country. They seemed to have
convinced themselves that East Pakistan would not stay with them for long. Therefore, they were trying
to build up their part as fast as they could! On the other hand, the foreign exchange earned from East
Pakistan’s economy was now being used to build factories and industries in West Pakistan (Rahman
2012. P.240 & 241).
‘…, food scarcity was recorded in many places. In particular, people of Faridpur, Comilla and
Dhaka districts were facing a calamity due to acute shortage of food grain. On that time,
government introduced the ‘Cordon System’. This meant that there was to be no movement of
food from one district to another’ (Rahman 2012. P. 103).
This time another arbitrary measure was imposed, making everyone suffer as in a plague. The
government opened what it called the Jinnah fund’. The government let it be known that
everyone should contribute to it according to his or her capacity. In the name of Jinnah Fund,
‘some overzealous government officials tried to forces others to donate money to make
government happy. Those who had guns would have to pay an additional amount. Businessmen
of course would have to pay much more. … those who failed to pay would be punished.
Everywhere people were coerced. Local watchmen were employed for this purpose. They
seized cows, cooking utensils, indeed anything of any value. It all amounted to a reign of terror’
(Rahman 2012. P. 273).
I. Socio-Cultural Disparity
Bengali was the mother tongue of about 56 percent of the people of Pakistan. On the other hand, Urdu was
the mother tongue of only 6 percent people of the whole of Pakistan (Census-1951). Thus Bengali, in spite of
being the language of the majority of the people of Pakistan, was ignored by the Pakistani ruling clique as a
state language which was a substantial discrimination against the people of East Pakistan. On the other hand,
East Pakistan also deprived from getting reasonable facilities in various social sectors.

SL. No Areas West Pakistan East Pakistan

1 Total Population 5.50 Crore 7.50 Crore

2 Number of Doctor 12,400 7,600

3 Rural Health Complex 325 88

4 Urban Social Development Centre 81 52

[Source: M.A. Rahim et. al., Bangladesher Itihas, P. 480]


II. Political Disparity
East Bengal became subjected to political discrimination immediately after the birth of the state of Pakistan.
Both of the two important posts of Pakistan were occupied by West Pakistan. From 1947 to 1958, among all the
presidents of Pakistan, one was from East Pakistan who spoke in Urdu and among four Governors within 1955;
one was from East Pakistan who spoke in Urdu. Moreover, attempts were made to keep politically inactive all
the popular leaders of this region including East Bengal's popular leader Abul Kashem Fazlul Huq. In reality, East
Pakistan was politically neglected by Pakistan from the very beginning. For example, United Front got 236 seats
out of 309 in the provincial election in 1954 but this government could not continue more then two years.

SL. No Head of the State Regime

1 M.A. Jinnah 1947-48

2 K. Nazimuddin 1948-51

3 M.G. Muhammad 1951-55

4 Iskander Mirza 1955-56


II. Political Disparity
During the regime of Mr. Liaquat Ali & Mr. Nurul Amin, ‘the kind of torture and harassment of political
prisoners that was going on had no precedence in any civilized country at any stage of history. Political
prisoners appealed time and again for their rights and privileges people in their position enjoyed in British
period. Unfortunately, their petitions were ignored’ (Rahman 2012. P. 172).

In the general elections held on 7 December 1970, the Awami League acquired an absolute majority. The
Awami League secured 167 seats out of 169 National Assembly seats in East Pakistan and won 288 out of
300 seats in the Provincial Assembly. But Awami League did not form the government. In protest against
these discriminatory policies of West Pakistan, the people of East Pakistan raised the demands for their
rights of self-determination and autonomy. At this, the West Pakistani ruling clique forgot the principles of
democracy and perused a policy of suppressing the just demands of the people of East Pakistan. They did
not even hesitate to term Sheikh Mujibur Rahman and other patriotic leaders of this region as traitors.
III. Employment/Military Disparity
While the security of East Pakistan was uncertain, the province was also subjected to serious discrimination
in military matters. The headquarters of the three Defense Services were established in West Pakistan.
Ordinance Factories were also established in West Pakistan. No Bengali could be found in the high posts in
the Defense Services as those posts were monopolized by the West Pakistanis.

SL. No Areas West Pakistan East Pakistan

1 Central Civil Jobs 84% 16%

2 Foreign Jobs 85% 15%

3 Army 95% 5%

4 Navy (Technical) 81% 19%

5 Navy (Non-Technical) 91% 9%


6 Air Force (Pilot) 91% 9%

[Source: M.A. Rahim et. al., Bangladesher Itihas, P. 479]


III. Employment/Military Disparity

In the army, 95 percent posts were held by the West Pakistanis and East Pakistan had a share
of only 5 percent. There was discrimination in other branches as well. Highest expenditure in
Pakistan was in the Defense Sector. Initially, the allocation in this sector was 25 percent;
subsequently it was raised to 60 percent. East Pakistan never enjoyed any such benefit from
it. Militarily, East Pakistan was much neglected and remained unprotected. During the Indo-
Pak War of 1965 everyone clearly realized this truth.

In administrative arena, within 1966, 77% 1st class jobs belonged to the west Pakistani
whereas only 23% filled up by the East Pakistani, On the other hand, 74% for 2nd Class, 73% for
3rd Class and 70% for 4th Class jobs went to west Pakistan while remaining were for East
Pakistan.
IV. Economic/ Financial Disparity
During the Pakistani rule, East Pakistan was subjected to severe economic disparity. As a result, East
Pakistan could never be self- sufficient economically. The provincial government did not have any
control over its currency and economy. As everything was controlled by the Centre, all the income of
East Pakistan flew away to West Pakistan. Head offices of the State Bank and other banks, insurance
companies, trading concerns and foreign missions were established in West Pakistan. This facilitated
the unabated transfer of money to West Pakistan. Resource allocation necessary for this region was
at the mercy of West Pakistan. On the other hand, there could not be any capital formation in East
Pakistan as surplus earnings were kept in West Pakistan.
SL. No Areas West Pakistan East Pakistan
1 Foreign Currency for Development 80% 20%

2 Foreign Aid without USA 96% 04%

3 USA Aid 56% 34%


4 Pakistan Industrial Corporation 53% 42%

5 House Building 88% 12%


6 Industrial Bank 76% 24%

[Source: M.A. Rahim et. al., Bangladesher Itihas, P. 480]


IV. Economic/ Financial Disparity 27

About two thirds of the foreign exchange of Pakistan was earned by selling the jute
of East Pakistan. But the jute farmers could never get the fair price for their
products. On various pretexts the foreign exchange was also spent in West Pakistan.
Most of the foreign loans and economic assistance were spent for the Development
of West Pakistan, Even in industry, East Pakistan was backward. The small number
of industrial units, including the jute mills located in East Pakistan, was mostly
owned by the West Pakistani capitalists. In the field of textile industry also, East
Pakistan was dependent on West Pakistan.
4. Liberation War of Bangladesh (1971)

The Liberation war began on 26 March 1971 and ended with the liberation of
Bangladesh on 16 December 1971. The armed struggle was the culmination of a
series of events, situations and issues contributing to the progressively
deteriorating relations between East and West Pakistan. The questions of land
reforms, state language, inter-wing economic and administrative disparities,
provincial autonomy, the defense of East Pakistan and many other consequential
questions had been straining the relations between the two wings of Pakistan ever
since independence of the country from Britain in 1947. [Source: M.A. Rahim et.
al., Bangladesher Itihas, P. 480]
Historical Background of Liberation War

 In the general elections held on 7 December, the Awami League acquired an absolute
majority. The Awami League secured 167 seats out of 169 National Assembly seats in
East Pakistan and won 288 out of 300 seats in the Provincial Assembly.

 On 3rd January, Mujib conducted the oath of the peoples’ representatives’ at a meeting
at the race Course ground. Awami League members took an oath to frame a
constitution on the basis of the six-point demand and pledged to remain loyal to the
people who had elected them.

 On 5th January, Zulfiker Ali Bhutto, the leader of the People’s Party, the majority party in
West Pakistan, announced his readiness to form a coalition government at the centre
with Awami League’s Parliamentary Party at a meeting of the members of the National
Assembly of his party.
 On 27th January, Zulfiker Ali Bhutto arrived in Dhaka for talks with Mujib. The talks failed
after three days of deliberations. In an announcement on 13 February, President Yahya
Khan summoned the National Assembly to sit in Dhaka on 3rd March.

 On 15 February, Bhutto announced that he would boycott the session and demanded that
power be handed over to the majority parties in East Pakistan and West Pakistan. In 16
February, Mujib was critical of Bhutto for putting forward such a demand and declared,
“The demand of Bhutto sahib is totally illogical. Power is to be handed over to the
majority party, the Awami League. The power now lies with the People of East Bengal.”

 On 1st March, Yahya Khan abruptly postphoned the National assembly session which
prompted a storm of protest throughout Bangladesh. Mujib presided over a meeting of the
Awami League working committee and called a countrywide general strike on 3rd March.
After the success of the general Strike, Mujib demanded that the President immediately
transfer power to his party.
 During this time, on 7 March Mujib made a historic address at a mammoth
gathering at the Race Course which marked a turning point in the history of the
Bengali nation. "Build forts in each homestead. You must resist the Pakistani enemy
with whatever you have in hand…Remember, we have given a lot of blood, a lot
more blood we shall give if need be, but we shall liberate the people of this country,
Insha Allah [i.e., if Allah blessed]..The struggle this time is the struggle for our
emancipation; the struggle this time is the struggle for independence.“
 Mujib advised the people to prepare themselves for resistance movement against the
enemy. He asked the people to start a non-cooperation movement against the
government of Yahya Khan. The entire nation carried out his instructions. Every
organization including government offices, courts, banks, insurance companies, mills and
factories obeyed his order. In reality, he ruled an independent Bangladesh from 7 March
to 25 March.

 Meanwhile, President Yahya Khan and other leaders from West Pakistan came to Dhaka on
15 March to start a dialogue with Sheikh Mujib and his party. The dialogue began on the
following day and continued intermittently down to 25 March morning. During the period,
non-cooperation and hartals continued relentlessly. Students and leaders of various
political parties had been declaring independence from March 2 and the spree continued
down to 25 March.
While holding talks, the Pakistani military junta was bringing more troops to Bangladesh and at the
same time killing innocent civilians all over the country. This clearly showed that they were totally
insincere about handing over power to the elected representatives of Bangladesh. No sooner the talks
failed, the genocide began at mid-night of 25 March 1971, and the Pakistan army launched its brutal
crackdown in Dhaka with operation Search Light.

Moments after the crackdown began, Mujib declared independence at 12:30 a.m., 26 March. His
declaration was transmitted through wireless to every place in the country. He said, ‘This may be my
last message; from this day onward Bangladesh is independent. I call upon the people of
Bangladesh wherever you might be and with whatever you have, to resist the army of occupation
to the last. Your struggle must go on until the last soldier of the Pakistan occupation army is
expelled from the soil of Bangladesh. Final victory is ours.’
On 26 March, M.A. Hannan, an Awami League leader in Chittagong, read out Mujib’s declaration
34 of
independence over Chittagong radio and General Yehya Khan, in his speech, banned the Awami League
and declared Mujib a traitor.

Sheikh Mujib was arrested from his Dhanmondi residence at 1:30 a.m., and kept confined at Dhaka
Cantonment until he was lifted to West Pakistan for facing trial for sedition (between August and
September of 1971 inside Faisalabad jail in Pakistan) and inciting insurrection and before that time.
He was sentenced to death.

At about the same time, Major Ziaur Rahman announced Bangladesh's independence on behalf of
Sheikh Mujib from Kalurghat radio station at Chittagong on 27th March’1971. That was the historical
background of the liberation war of Bangladesh.
According to the plan for operation Search Light two headquarters were established. Major 35

General Rao Farman Ali with 57 Brigade under Brigedier Arbab was responsible for
operation in Dhaka city and its suburbs while Major General Khadim Raja was given the
responsibility of the rest of the province. Lieutenant General Tikka Khan assumed the overall
charge of the operation. The students and the nationalist political activists put up resistance
outside the cantonment. Road blocks were raised to obstruct the march of the Pakistani column
to the city areas. The wireless set fitted jeeps and trucks loaded with troops groaned on the
streets of Dhaka City at midnight of 25 March. Several hundred people chanted the slogan Joi
Bangla which lasted for about 15 minutes. But soon guns silenced them. The army moved into
the city before scheduled time and started the genocide.
The military forces killed everybody in sight on the footpath and destroyed everything36 on
their way. The tanks roared through the streets of Dhaka blasting indiscriminately at the
people and official and residential buildings. They gunned down clusters of settlements and
set fire on them. Scores of artillery bursts were pounded, while the tanks rumbled into the city
roaring the main streets. The student halls of residence at Dhaka University were raided and
numerous students residing there were brutally killed and maimed. They also killed many
teachers of Dhaka University. The Hindu concentrated areas of old Dhaka were particularly
targeted. They started killing the people, burnt their houses, looted their valuables and raped
their women. The genocide that was perpetrated on the unarmed people was flashed in the
world press.
Surrender
Chapter Related Questions
What was the background of Language Movement?
Discuss the various phases of Language Movement.
What was the first/second/last phase of Language Movement?
What were outcomes or achievements of Language Movement?
Discuss the core achievements of Language Movement.
Discuss various discriminations against East Pakistan.
What was the historical background of Six Point Movement?
What was Six Point Programme and what were they?
 Explain the outcomes/significance of Six Point Programme.
‘Six point Programme was a Charter of Freedom’-explain this statement.
What was the historical background of the liberation war of Bangladesh?
Discuss the various phases of liberation war of Bangladesh.
Discuss the role of various forces during the liberation war of Bangladesh.
Write short note on followings: a) Operation Search Light

b) Mujibnagar Government
c) Victory Day.

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