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Daffodil International University
Bangladesh
On 2 March 1948 the various organizations of East Bengal held a meeting at the
Fazlul Huq Hall of Dhaka University to realize the demand for the state language.
The meeting chaired by Kamruddin Ahmad resolved to form an All-Party
Rashtrabhasha Sangram Parishad. The Samgram Parishad called a general strike
on 11 March 1948 to resist the conspiracy of the Government in the language
issue.
On that day, many students were injured and many leaders including Sheikh
Mujibur Rahman, Shamsul Huq and Oli Ahad were arrested. It was decided that
11 March would be declared ‘Bengali Language Demand Day’. We also decided to
spring into action in all the districts on that day’ (Rahman 2012. P. 92).
II. Second stage of the Language Movement:
In such a situation, the Chief Minister Khwaja Nazimuddin met the Sangram Parishad on 15 March and
signed an agreement with them. By this agreement, he agreed to release the arrested students, to
investigate police excesses, to move a Bill in the Assembly for making Bengali a state language and to
lift section 144 and the restrictions imposed on the news papers.
In March 1948, Muhammad Ali Jinnah visited Dhaka and on 21 March, addressed a public meeting at
the then Race Course Maidan. In that meeting he declared, "Urdu and only Urdu shall be the state
language of Pakistan". When he repeated these words at the Dhaka University Convocation Ceremony
held on 24 March at the Curzon Hall, the students present protested vehemently by shouting 'No, No'.
On that very day, Rastrabhasha Parishad submitted a memorandum to Muhammad Ali Jinnah
demanding for Bengali the status of a state language of Pakistan. From this time (March’1948) on till he
died Jinnah never again said that he wanted Urdu as the only state language of Pakistan (Rahman 2012.
P. 99).
II. Second stage of the Language Movement:
In 1948, the All Pakistan Education Conference held in Karachi, proposed the introduction of
Arabic script, or in other words, Urdu letters for writing Bengali in the name of honoring the
Islamic ideal. Dr. Muhammad Shahidullah was proposed to be appointed for the purpose of
introducing Arabic script for writing Bengali. But he rejected the proposal.
In April 1949 the students of the Bengali Department of the University of Dhaka submitted a
memorandum to the Pakistan Education Advisory Board and the Alphabet Expert Committee
strongly protesting against this objectionable move to introduce Arabic script to write Bengali. In
the memorandum the demand was also made not to change the Bengali alphabets.
In September 1950 The Prime Minister Liaquat Ali Khan declared in the
Constituent Assembly that only Urdu would be the state language of Pakistan. But
in the face of strong protest from the people of East Bengal, the Constituent
Assembly postponed the discussion on the question of the state language.
In 1951, Liaquat Ali Khan was assassinated and Khwaja Nazimuddin' succeeded
him as the Prime Minister of Pakistan. When Jinnah was the Governor General he
made very good use of power vested in him. But Khawaja Saheb was too amiable
and weak to be effective. He didn’t have much of a personality (Rahman 2012. P.
III. Last Stage of the Language Movement:
On 26 January 1952 at a public meeting in Dhaka he declared that Urdu would be the only state
language of Pakistan. This declaration of Khwaja Nazimuddin created a strong resentment among
the people of East Bengal and as a mark of protest a call for hartal throughout the province was
given.
All Party Rashtrabhasha Sangram Committee decided to call a student's strike on 4 February and
observe 21 February as the State Language Day and to observe hartal throughout the country.
February 21 had already been chosen as the State Language Day since the East Pakistan Provincial
assembly was scheduled to sit in session on that day’(Rahman 2012. P. 197).
On 16 February 1952 Sheikh Mujib and student leader Mohiuddin Ahmed, while detained in the
Dhaka Central Jail as political prisoners, started the fast up to death Movement on the question of
'Bengali as a state language and the release of the political prisoners'. On 20 February the
Government of Nurul Amin, being scared of the student Movement imposed section 144 at 3 p.m.,
and banned the processions and the meetings. On 21 February, the students of Dhaka University in
an organized way defied section 144 and leading a procession from the Dhaka University campus
proceeded towards the Provincial Assembly which was in session, chanting the slogan
"Rashtrabhasha Bangla Chai".
III. Last Stage of the Language Movement:
In a very tense situation the students assembled in the campus of the present day Dhaka Medical
College. When the police used tear gas to disperse the students and the people that had assembled
there, clashes occurred between the police and the students and the people. At one stage, the police
opened fire. A number of people and students including Jabbar, Rafiq, Barkat and Salam were
martyred and many students and people were injured by this police firing.
On 22 February, a big rally, came out on the streets as a mark of protest. Police opened fire on this
rally too. As a result, Safiur Rahman was killed. On the same day, in a meeting of the students held at
the Dhaka Medical College hostel, it was decided to build a Shaheed Minar to preserve the memory of
the martyrs. Accordingly, the Students erected a 12-feet high Shaheed Minar in front of Dhaka
Medical College.
III. Last Stage of the Language Movement:
On 23 February, the father of Shaheed Safiur Rahman formally inaugurated the Shaheed Minar.
But in the evening of 24 February, police demolished this Shaheed Minar. In memory of that,
another Shaheed Minar was built later on the same site and that is the present Central Shaheed
Minar.
The Language Movement of 1952 was the first organized expression of the consciousness of the
exploited and deprived masses of Bangladesh. This consciousness born out of the Language
Movement inspired all the subsequent Movements and helped achieving the political, the cultural
and the economic freedom leading to independence.
Landslide victory in the provincial election in 1954 (out of 309 seats of the East Bengal Legislative
Assembly the United Front got 236, the Muslim League 9)
Reorganization of the Bangla Language (1956)
Reflection in educational conference (1962)
Six-points (1966)
Mass-uprising (1969)
The Six Point Programme was a bold protest against the endless discrimination in
economic, political and military sectors pursued against the people of Bengal by the
Pakistani rulers. Under the leadership of Sheikh Mujibur Rahman, the Awami League
played a historic role for redressing this discrimination and establishing the rights of
the people of East Pakistan. On 5 February 1966 opposition political parties met in a
Conference in Lahore, in this Conference, Sheikh Mujibur Rahman placed a Charter
of Demands relating to political, economic and military rights of East Pakistan. This is
known in history as the Six-Point Programme. These Six Points were formally
presented by him at a press conference in Lahore.
Six Points were-
1. A true federal type of constitution shall have to be framed for Pakistan on the basis
of the historic Lahore Resolution and the form of this Government will be
Parliamentary. All elections should be held on the basis of universal adult
franchise and direct voting and the sovereignty of the Legislatures shall be
recognized.
2. The Central Government shall have only two things, defense and foreign affairs;
all other residuary powers shall rest with the provinces.
3. There shall be two separate but freely convertible currencies in the two regions
of the country; or, one single currency for the whole country with the provision of
two reserve banks in two provinces under a federal reserve bank.
4. The regional governments shall have the authority to levy all taxes and, to collect
them. There shall be a provision for paying the Central Government a portion of the
revenues collected.
5. There should be separate accounts for the foreign exchange of the two regions. If
necessary, the requirement of the Centre will be met by the two regions on the basis
of equal rate or a rate as specified in the Constitution.
6. The federal states should have the authority to form regional armed forces or
militia or Para-militia forces to protect the territories.
Outcomes of Six-Point
Introduction:
Form the very beginning, Pakistan had been following a policy of partition against East Bengal. Political,
military, administrative and economic discrimination had been increasing gradually. Bengalis were
beginning to perceive that they were being discriminated against in business, government service and all
spheres of trade and commerce. Because Karachi was the capital of Pakistan, Bengalis were being
deprived of all sorts of advantages’ (Rahman 2012. P. 198). As a result, a wide gap was in the relation
between East and West Pakistan. Meanwhile, a group of West Pakistani leaders who saw themselves as
representing the country at the center and some senior bureaucrats were conniving to snatch away the
resources of East Bengal and transfer them to other wing of the country. They seemed to have
convinced themselves that East Pakistan would not stay with them for long. Therefore, they were trying
to build up their part as fast as they could! On the other hand, the foreign exchange earned from East
Pakistan’s economy was now being used to build factories and industries in West Pakistan (Rahman
2012. P.240 & 241).
‘…, food scarcity was recorded in many places. In particular, people of Faridpur, Comilla and
Dhaka districts were facing a calamity due to acute shortage of food grain. On that time,
government introduced the ‘Cordon System’. This meant that there was to be no movement of
food from one district to another’ (Rahman 2012. P. 103).
This time another arbitrary measure was imposed, making everyone suffer as in a plague. The
government opened what it called the Jinnah fund’. The government let it be known that
everyone should contribute to it according to his or her capacity. In the name of Jinnah Fund,
‘some overzealous government officials tried to forces others to donate money to make
government happy. Those who had guns would have to pay an additional amount. Businessmen
of course would have to pay much more. … those who failed to pay would be punished.
Everywhere people were coerced. Local watchmen were employed for this purpose. They
seized cows, cooking utensils, indeed anything of any value. It all amounted to a reign of terror’
(Rahman 2012. P. 273).
I. Socio-Cultural Disparity
Bengali was the mother tongue of about 56 percent of the people of Pakistan. On the other hand, Urdu was
the mother tongue of only 6 percent people of the whole of Pakistan (Census-1951). Thus Bengali, in spite of
being the language of the majority of the people of Pakistan, was ignored by the Pakistani ruling clique as a
state language which was a substantial discrimination against the people of East Pakistan. On the other hand,
East Pakistan also deprived from getting reasonable facilities in various social sectors.
2 K. Nazimuddin 1948-51
In the general elections held on 7 December 1970, the Awami League acquired an absolute majority. The
Awami League secured 167 seats out of 169 National Assembly seats in East Pakistan and won 288 out of
300 seats in the Provincial Assembly. But Awami League did not form the government. In protest against
these discriminatory policies of West Pakistan, the people of East Pakistan raised the demands for their
rights of self-determination and autonomy. At this, the West Pakistani ruling clique forgot the principles of
democracy and perused a policy of suppressing the just demands of the people of East Pakistan. They did
not even hesitate to term Sheikh Mujibur Rahman and other patriotic leaders of this region as traitors.
III. Employment/Military Disparity
While the security of East Pakistan was uncertain, the province was also subjected to serious discrimination
in military matters. The headquarters of the three Defense Services were established in West Pakistan.
Ordinance Factories were also established in West Pakistan. No Bengali could be found in the high posts in
the Defense Services as those posts were monopolized by the West Pakistanis.
3 Army 95% 5%
In the army, 95 percent posts were held by the West Pakistanis and East Pakistan had a share
of only 5 percent. There was discrimination in other branches as well. Highest expenditure in
Pakistan was in the Defense Sector. Initially, the allocation in this sector was 25 percent;
subsequently it was raised to 60 percent. East Pakistan never enjoyed any such benefit from
it. Militarily, East Pakistan was much neglected and remained unprotected. During the Indo-
Pak War of 1965 everyone clearly realized this truth.
In administrative arena, within 1966, 77% 1st class jobs belonged to the west Pakistani
whereas only 23% filled up by the East Pakistani, On the other hand, 74% for 2nd Class, 73% for
3rd Class and 70% for 4th Class jobs went to west Pakistan while remaining were for East
Pakistan.
IV. Economic/ Financial Disparity
During the Pakistani rule, East Pakistan was subjected to severe economic disparity. As a result, East
Pakistan could never be self- sufficient economically. The provincial government did not have any
control over its currency and economy. As everything was controlled by the Centre, all the income of
East Pakistan flew away to West Pakistan. Head offices of the State Bank and other banks, insurance
companies, trading concerns and foreign missions were established in West Pakistan. This facilitated
the unabated transfer of money to West Pakistan. Resource allocation necessary for this region was
at the mercy of West Pakistan. On the other hand, there could not be any capital formation in East
Pakistan as surplus earnings were kept in West Pakistan.
SL. No Areas West Pakistan East Pakistan
1 Foreign Currency for Development 80% 20%
About two thirds of the foreign exchange of Pakistan was earned by selling the jute
of East Pakistan. But the jute farmers could never get the fair price for their
products. On various pretexts the foreign exchange was also spent in West Pakistan.
Most of the foreign loans and economic assistance were spent for the Development
of West Pakistan, Even in industry, East Pakistan was backward. The small number
of industrial units, including the jute mills located in East Pakistan, was mostly
owned by the West Pakistani capitalists. In the field of textile industry also, East
Pakistan was dependent on West Pakistan.
4. Liberation War of Bangladesh (1971)
The Liberation war began on 26 March 1971 and ended with the liberation of
Bangladesh on 16 December 1971. The armed struggle was the culmination of a
series of events, situations and issues contributing to the progressively
deteriorating relations between East and West Pakistan. The questions of land
reforms, state language, inter-wing economic and administrative disparities,
provincial autonomy, the defense of East Pakistan and many other consequential
questions had been straining the relations between the two wings of Pakistan ever
since independence of the country from Britain in 1947. [Source: M.A. Rahim et.
al., Bangladesher Itihas, P. 480]
Historical Background of Liberation War
In the general elections held on 7 December, the Awami League acquired an absolute
majority. The Awami League secured 167 seats out of 169 National Assembly seats in
East Pakistan and won 288 out of 300 seats in the Provincial Assembly.
On 3rd January, Mujib conducted the oath of the peoples’ representatives’ at a meeting
at the race Course ground. Awami League members took an oath to frame a
constitution on the basis of the six-point demand and pledged to remain loyal to the
people who had elected them.
On 5th January, Zulfiker Ali Bhutto, the leader of the People’s Party, the majority party in
West Pakistan, announced his readiness to form a coalition government at the centre
with Awami League’s Parliamentary Party at a meeting of the members of the National
Assembly of his party.
On 27th January, Zulfiker Ali Bhutto arrived in Dhaka for talks with Mujib. The talks failed
after three days of deliberations. In an announcement on 13 February, President Yahya
Khan summoned the National Assembly to sit in Dhaka on 3rd March.
On 15 February, Bhutto announced that he would boycott the session and demanded that
power be handed over to the majority parties in East Pakistan and West Pakistan. In 16
February, Mujib was critical of Bhutto for putting forward such a demand and declared,
“The demand of Bhutto sahib is totally illogical. Power is to be handed over to the
majority party, the Awami League. The power now lies with the People of East Bengal.”
On 1st March, Yahya Khan abruptly postphoned the National assembly session which
prompted a storm of protest throughout Bangladesh. Mujib presided over a meeting of the
Awami League working committee and called a countrywide general strike on 3rd March.
After the success of the general Strike, Mujib demanded that the President immediately
transfer power to his party.
During this time, on 7 March Mujib made a historic address at a mammoth
gathering at the Race Course which marked a turning point in the history of the
Bengali nation. "Build forts in each homestead. You must resist the Pakistani enemy
with whatever you have in hand…Remember, we have given a lot of blood, a lot
more blood we shall give if need be, but we shall liberate the people of this country,
Insha Allah [i.e., if Allah blessed]..The struggle this time is the struggle for our
emancipation; the struggle this time is the struggle for independence.“
Mujib advised the people to prepare themselves for resistance movement against the
enemy. He asked the people to start a non-cooperation movement against the
government of Yahya Khan. The entire nation carried out his instructions. Every
organization including government offices, courts, banks, insurance companies, mills and
factories obeyed his order. In reality, he ruled an independent Bangladesh from 7 March
to 25 March.
Meanwhile, President Yahya Khan and other leaders from West Pakistan came to Dhaka on
15 March to start a dialogue with Sheikh Mujib and his party. The dialogue began on the
following day and continued intermittently down to 25 March morning. During the period,
non-cooperation and hartals continued relentlessly. Students and leaders of various
political parties had been declaring independence from March 2 and the spree continued
down to 25 March.
While holding talks, the Pakistani military junta was bringing more troops to Bangladesh and at the
same time killing innocent civilians all over the country. This clearly showed that they were totally
insincere about handing over power to the elected representatives of Bangladesh. No sooner the talks
failed, the genocide began at mid-night of 25 March 1971, and the Pakistan army launched its brutal
crackdown in Dhaka with operation Search Light.
Moments after the crackdown began, Mujib declared independence at 12:30 a.m., 26 March. His
declaration was transmitted through wireless to every place in the country. He said, ‘This may be my
last message; from this day onward Bangladesh is independent. I call upon the people of
Bangladesh wherever you might be and with whatever you have, to resist the army of occupation
to the last. Your struggle must go on until the last soldier of the Pakistan occupation army is
expelled from the soil of Bangladesh. Final victory is ours.’
On 26 March, M.A. Hannan, an Awami League leader in Chittagong, read out Mujib’s declaration
34 of
independence over Chittagong radio and General Yehya Khan, in his speech, banned the Awami League
and declared Mujib a traitor.
Sheikh Mujib was arrested from his Dhanmondi residence at 1:30 a.m., and kept confined at Dhaka
Cantonment until he was lifted to West Pakistan for facing trial for sedition (between August and
September of 1971 inside Faisalabad jail in Pakistan) and inciting insurrection and before that time.
He was sentenced to death.
At about the same time, Major Ziaur Rahman announced Bangladesh's independence on behalf of
Sheikh Mujib from Kalurghat radio station at Chittagong on 27th March’1971. That was the historical
background of the liberation war of Bangladesh.
According to the plan for operation Search Light two headquarters were established. Major 35
General Rao Farman Ali with 57 Brigade under Brigedier Arbab was responsible for
operation in Dhaka city and its suburbs while Major General Khadim Raja was given the
responsibility of the rest of the province. Lieutenant General Tikka Khan assumed the overall
charge of the operation. The students and the nationalist political activists put up resistance
outside the cantonment. Road blocks were raised to obstruct the march of the Pakistani column
to the city areas. The wireless set fitted jeeps and trucks loaded with troops groaned on the
streets of Dhaka City at midnight of 25 March. Several hundred people chanted the slogan Joi
Bangla which lasted for about 15 minutes. But soon guns silenced them. The army moved into
the city before scheduled time and started the genocide.
The military forces killed everybody in sight on the footpath and destroyed everything36 on
their way. The tanks roared through the streets of Dhaka blasting indiscriminately at the
people and official and residential buildings. They gunned down clusters of settlements and
set fire on them. Scores of artillery bursts were pounded, while the tanks rumbled into the city
roaring the main streets. The student halls of residence at Dhaka University were raided and
numerous students residing there were brutally killed and maimed. They also killed many
teachers of Dhaka University. The Hindu concentrated areas of old Dhaka were particularly
targeted. They started killing the people, burnt their houses, looted their valuables and raped
their women. The genocide that was perpetrated on the unarmed people was flashed in the
world press.
Surrender
Chapter Related Questions
What was the background of Language Movement?
Discuss the various phases of Language Movement.
What was the first/second/last phase of Language Movement?
What were outcomes or achievements of Language Movement?
Discuss the core achievements of Language Movement.
Discuss various discriminations against East Pakistan.
What was the historical background of Six Point Movement?
What was Six Point Programme and what were they?
Explain the outcomes/significance of Six Point Programme.
‘Six point Programme was a Charter of Freedom’-explain this statement.
What was the historical background of the liberation war of Bangladesh?
Discuss the various phases of liberation war of Bangladesh.
Discuss the role of various forces during the liberation war of Bangladesh.
Write short note on followings: a) Operation Search Light
b) Mujibnagar Government
c) Victory Day.